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National municipal review, July, 1918

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National municipal review, July, 1918
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National municipal review
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National Municipal League
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National Municipal League
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Volume 1, Issue 1

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Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1918
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
Alice M. Holden Herman G. James
W. J. Donald Howard Lee McBain
C. C. Williamson
VOLUME VII
January, 1-130
March, 131-236
May, 237-337
July, 339-448
September, 449-544
November, 545-655
PUBLISHED FOR THE
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE
BY
THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H.
1918


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. VII, No. 4 July, 1918 Total No. 30
Ordinarily the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW should be tn the hands of members and subscribers within a week of the first day of the months of publication, to wit, January, March, May, July, September, and November. The extraordinary conditions of the last six months, however, have resulted in numerous delays. If the magazine is not received by the 15th of the month of issue, the Editor will be greatly obliged if a postal to that effect sent to his office, 70S North American Building, Philadelphia.
KALAMAZOO TRIES PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION
BY AUGUSTUS R. HATTON1
“ f | ^HIS method is too intricate and tedious ever to be adopted for I popular election by the people.” In a decision rendered in 18902the supreme court of Michigan let fall this dictum concerning the Hare system of proportional representation. On February 4th of this year Kalamazoo, one of the larger Michigan cities, by an overwhelming majority, adopted a charter which established that system and on the first of April, at an election held under this charter, only three and one-half per cent of the ballots cast were uncountable, and the result of the election could be known before the earliest breakfast the following morning. From this one might be justified in drawing the conclusion that the reputation of inerrancy, which the courts so much covet, is subjected to unnecessary hazards when they attempt to set themselves up as political oracles. But this is not to be a dissertation on judicial dicta; it is only an attempt to record the experience of a community of considerable size with a new electoral device.
Kalamazoo is a remarkably clean and attractive city of approximately 50,000 inhabitants. The greater portion of its people might properly be described as of American stock, but there is a considerable Dutch element in the population, usually referred to in Kalamazoo as Holland Dutch, or Hollanders. The Dutch are thrifty and conservative, their chief civic interest being in keeping down the tax rate. The industries
1 Field director, National Short Ballot Organization and professor of political science, Western Reserve University.
1 Maynard v. The Board of Canvassers, 84 Michigan, 232-233.
339


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
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of Kalamazoo are varied and the percentage of home ownership is high in spite of the fact that the wage scale for laboring people is unusually low. A low wage scale seems to be typical of the Michigan lumber and furniture towns and of others falling within their sphere of influence. This condition helps to explain some phases of Kalamazoo’s politics later recorded.
THE OLD GOVERNMENT
On the whole Kalamazoo has been well governed and, in spite of the conservative elements in the population, it has been remarkably progressive. It has owned its waterworks from the beginning and several years ago established a municipal electric light plant for public lighting, though as yet current is not sold to private users. There has been a long struggle with the local gas company over rates ,-nd ownership. A few years ago the voters returned a verdict in favor of municipalization of the gas plant. A little later a bond issue for the purpose of establishing a municipal plant failed to receive the required three-fifths vote, although it was supported by more than a majority of those voting at the election. The gas company is now operating without a franchise. The supreme court of Michigan recently decided that so long as the city was under a legislative charter, it could not regulate rates charged by the company. Now that a home rule charter has been adopted, an attempt will probably be made to regulate gas rates. The gas question has agitated the people for a number of years and its discussion has increased the interest in public affairs.
The progressive character of Kalamazoo’s government has doubtless been due in considerable measure to the number and quality of its progressive leaders. For a place of its size, the city has had an unusual number of aggressive and forward-looking men, several of whom are men of standing in business and professional circles. Among these are Dr. William E. Upjohn, William Shakespeare, Jr., A. M. Todd, James B. Balch, the last mayor under the old plan of government, and Dr. Paul Butler. Upjohn and Todd are among the wealthiest men in Kalamazoo. Shakespeare has a substantial business as has Balch. The town has also been fortunate in having Harry H. Freeman as secretary of the new charter league, afterward secretary of the charter commission and now secretary of the chamber of commerce. During the two years that he has been in Kalamazoo, Freeman has been a real force for progress.
THE NEW CHARTER MOVEMENT
Dr. Upjohn was the father of the- new charter movement. Several years ago he became interested in a comprehensive city plan but soon convinced himself that little could be accomplished under the old legislative charter. It was he who initiated the movement for the new charter league and brought Freeman to Kalamazoo. He was elected to the charter commission and was made chairman of that body. The charter


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adopted last February establishes the manager plan and provides for a council of seven to be elected from the city at large by the Hare system of proportional representation. The campaign preliminary to the election of the charter commission, and the campaign for the adoption of the charter after it was framed, may well be studied as examples of sound political procedure. Under Mr. Freeman’s management, the education of the public was thorough. No issues were evaded. Thus when the question was asked whether the new charter would reduce the tax rate, the answer was given that it probably would not. It was made clear to the voters that expenditures in the future would necessarily be heavier than in the past and that for that reason it was desirable to have a more effective instrument of government.
The charter was adopted by a vote of more than two to one. This vote is an interesting commentary on the opinions of leading citizens and politicians of Kalamazoo as to the possible effect of including proportional representation in the charter. Before the provisions for P. R. were written in, letters were sent to a large number of leading citizens asking their opinions as to the possible effect of its inclusion upon the popular vote. With two or three exceptions, these citizens and politicians stated that while they believed in the principle of P. R., they felt sure that its inclusion would lead to the rejection of the charter.
THE ANTI-TALBOT CAMPAIGN
The charter provides for nomination by petition of at least fifty voters, no voter being permitted to sign a petition for more than one candidate. Under these provisions twenty-three candidates came into the field for the recent election. They represented a wide range of ability and opinion and it was at once apparent that from them a very able and representative council might be selected. Apparently the campaign would have passed off with extreme smoothness, not to say tameness, if a local celebrity, Truxton Talbot, had not seen fit to bring forward a ticket which included his own name. A considerable portion of the people of Kalamazoo would only admit that Talbot is a celebrity in the sense that Milton characterized Satan as occupying a “bad eminence.” He is the editor and publisher of a small socialist weekly called “The People.” In recent years this paper has frequently irritated the “better element” by attacking and making light of some of their most cherished institutions. Talbot is not always careful of his facts and as a result served a jail sentence a few years ago for making statements which he could not substantiate concerning a public official.
For some time after Talbot brought his ticket forward, no particular attention seemed to have been paid to it. The fact is that his list contained the names of three men of some consequence. These were Shakespeare and Butler, already mentioned, and a cut-rate clothing man, Alex-


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ander Velleman. In the straw ballots, taken after all the candidates were in the field, and before the concerted attack on Talbot had begun, Shakespeare was always in the lead. However, about two weeks before the election, someone seemed to have been inspired with the idea that the election of Talbot or anyone supported by him would be a burning disgrace to the city. Whereupon a so-called municipal voters’ league was formed, the main purpose of which was to defeat Talbot and his entire ticket.
It is probable that some of those active in the work of the voters' league had other motives than to save the fair name of their city. These were men opposed or none too favorable to the new charter, those opposed to proportional representation, and certain active partisans who had figured largely under the old plan of government and who found themselves shelved by the new charter. There can be no doubt that some of them welcomed the Talbot candidacy as an opportunity to discredit P. R.’and the entire new charter movement. , The voters’ league seems also to have been fully under the control of the conservatives. They attempted to agree on a ticket of seven to recommend to the voters, but could not do so. They finally advised the voters to make sixteen choices, including all the candidates except those approved by Talbot.
The voters’ league conducted its campaign largely through newspaper advertising. This was probably rather expensive as their space ran into many pages. Their grand strategy consisted in printing extracts from Talbot’s paper in which he had commented severely on such things as the church, the Y. M. C. A. and the army. The other men on Talbot’s ticket were not mentioned except to indicate that they were contaminated by association with him. The result of this type of campaign was to make Talbot appear to be more important than he really is and probably resulted in his election.
THE LOYALTY ISSUE
As might have been expected, under the circumstances, “loyalty” was made a leading issue. In this respect, also, the attack was directed against Talbot alone, the attitude of the other men on his ticket, especially of Mr. Shakespeare and Dr. Butler, being too well known to be called in question. The factory of Mr. Shakespeare was turning out war materials while Dr. Butler as a member of the draft appeal board had one son in military service and protested when the medical examiners rejected his youngest son. As to Talbot himself it must be said that, whatever the attitude of his paper may have been before we entered the war, a careful reading of its files for the first three months of 1918 reveals, it is true, some statements that might be considered unwise, but nothing that could justly be termed disloyal. On the contrary the paper frankly supported the war, declared its confidence in the president, urged the


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working people to hear such pro-war speakers as Clarence Darrow and Capt. R. Hugh Knyvett, even going so far as to advise the workers that the best thing to do “is to carry a stiff punch up your sleeve for the first pro-German you hear trying to discredit your Uncle Sam.”
It must be admitted that Talbot conducted his campaign more skillfully than his opponents. The one daily paper, refused to open its columns to paid advertising for the Talbot ticket. This fact supported by affidavit was heralded through the city by means of hand bills and posters which can be used with excellent effect in a city no larger than Kalamazoo. Talbot also retorted upon the voters’ league by charging that they represented the chamber of commerce, the politicians, the gas and railway companies and big business in general.
MUTUAL MISTAKES AS TO P. R.
The campaign literature, and the discussion, indicated that neither side fully understood what was possible under a system of proportional representation. Some of the anti-Talbot forces, fearing that a majority of the Talbot ticket might be elected, expressed a strong desire for a system under which the council would be chosen at large by a majority vote. These critics failed to see that if the Talbot forces could elect a majority of the council under proportional representation, the same forces by voting a straight ticket, would elect every member of the council under a mere majority system. On the other hand, Talbot went equally astray in his statement of possibilities. In one appeal to the working people to support his ticket he made the statement that “if you . . . vote
solidly for these seven men you will have the satisfaction of electing at least six of them—possibly the whole seven.”3 The improbability, not to say impossibility, of a ticket being elected in its entirety becomes clear when it is understood that in order to achieve this result any such ticket would have to receive more than seven-eighths of all the votes cast. For any one group to win six out of seven places is only slightly less improbable while the election of five out of seven would show a remarkable approach to unanimity on the part of the voters.
THE CANDIDATES
The following is a list of the candidates with a brief statement concerning each. The starred candidates were on the Talbot ticket.4
William W. Brown. Republican, alderman. A popular man who was against the new charter but did not fight it.
*Paul T. Butler. A reputable physician, socialist, but not anti-war.
8 “The People,” March 14, 1918.
4 In most cases this information was gained from numerous inquiries, but the writer met and talked with nine of the candidates and in those cases is able to supplement with his own observations the statements made by others.


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[July
He is a member of the draft appeal board and protested when his youngest son was excluded from the draft by the medical examiners. Dr. Butler has been active in civic affairs.
Alfred B. Connable. Popular, wealthy, Republican, an able lawyer, twice elected mayor of Kalamazoo, a supporter of the new charter.
Fred Currier. Republican, alderman, street-car conductor and member of the street-car men’s union, opposed the new charter, popular.
*Peter De Boer. President of a small lumber company, non-socialist, but a municipal ownership man.
*Felix A. Gallagher. Cigar maker.
Chester A. Graine. Colored, department manager in a laundry, a graduate of Tuskogee Institute, and said to be a very capable man.
William B. Hallelt. Democrat, a member of the legislature to which he was elected unexpectedly, not strong.
Charles L. Holt. Republican, runs a cheap hotel.
William H. Johnson. Republican, alderman, was against the new charter, old-time politician, Dutch.
Carl L. Larsen. Socialist, member of the charter commission, moulder, former president of the Trades and Labor Council.
George E. Martin. Advertising manager for Kalamazoo’s largest store, Republican, for nine years an alderman, chairman of the council finance committee, supported the new charter, an able man who had given valuable service in the old council.
Charles Schaffer. Democrat, alderman, union labor man, clean, no conspicuous ability.
Philip Scherer. Barber, inconspicuous.
*William Shakespeare, Jr. President of the Shakespeare Manufacturing Company, socialist of the Fabian type, who has endeavored to put his theories into practice in his business. Intelligent, public spirited, very popular among all classes.
*Truxton Talbot. Socialist, hitherto of the irresponsible type, editor and publisher of a small weekly paper, “The People,” disliked and too much feared by the so-called respectable element, and having a labor following probably only because better leadership has not presented itself.
Albert J. Todd. Vice-president of the A. M. Todd Company, a keen, alert, level-headed, young business man, progressive though not radical. He had been for some time a member of the city public utilities commission and was a supporter of the new charter.
William E. Upjohn. Head of the Upjohn Company, president of the chamber of commerce, considers himself a socialist of the Fabian school, father of the new charter movement, member and chairman of the charter commission and one of the wealthiest and most actively public spirited men in Kalamazoo.


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Thomas Van Urk. Physician with a large Dutch practice, aristocratic Hollander, Republican, formerly an alderman.
*Abraham Verhage. Enameler, union labor, alderman, Dutch.
*Alexander Velleman. Successful cut-rate clothing dealer, socialist, chief financial supporter of the Talbot ticket, reputed to be generous with his work-people.
Paul R. Westerville. Clerk in the Upjohn Company, socialist, clean, fair ability, described as a man with ideas above his intelligence.
Floyd N. Woodworth. Clerk, clean, honest, church worker, moderate ability.
Of these candidates, Brown, Currier, Johnson, Verhage, Martin and Schaffer were members of the old city council, Martin being the strongest man of the six. On the whole, however, old-time politicians were not numerously represented among the candidates. Larsen, Shakespeare and Upjohn were members of the charter commission.
THE ELECTION AND THE COUNT
The election was held on April 1 and the day passed uneventfully. The vote was light. While eight thousand ballots might have been expected, only 4,461 were cast. The falling-off occurred in all parts of the city and for it no satisfactory explanation can be offered. Of the 4,461 ballots, only 157 were blank or invalid, a remarkable showing for an election under any system. At the first proportional representation election in Ashtabula 362 ballots were either blank or invalid, out of a total of 3,334.
The polls did not close until eight o’clock and it was 10.45 before the last precinct delivered its ballots to the central counting board, which finished its task at 5.15 the next morning, having consumed about six and one-half hours. The work of the board was admirably done. The accurate and expeditious manner in which the ballots were counted and transferred could scarcely be over-praised.5 After the demonstration given in Kalamazoo, the objections to P. R. on the grounds of difficulty in marking and counting the ballots should entirely disappear. It is now clear that the people can mark a P. R. ballot with a very low percentage of error, even at a first election, and that it is possible to complete the count of such a ballot in a city of considerable size within a reasonable time.
There being 4,304 valid ballots cast, and seven candidates to be elected, the quota was 539.6 Both Connable and Upjohn exceeded this number,
5 Credit for the effective organization and working of the counting board belongs chiefly to Marvin J. Schaberg, City Attorney, Andrew Lenderink, City Engineer, M. E. McMartin, City Auditor and Prof. John Everett of the Kalamazoo State Normal School. Those interested in this feature of proportional representation would do well to consult any or all of these gentlemen.
8 The quota is determined by dividing the number of valid ballots cast by a number


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Connable receiving 875 votes and Upjohn 806. Thus Connable had a surplus of 336 and Upjohn a surplus of 267 votes to be distributed, or a combined surplus of 603 votes. The logic with which the voters marked their ballots was indicated by the manner in which this combined surplus distributed itself among the other candidates. Of the 603 votes only two went to Talbot, while Todd received 147, or enough to raise him from sixth to fourth place on the list. Martin received 132 votes from the surplus, raising him from seventh to sixth place. As the count proceeded, by dropping the low men and transferring their ballots, it became evident that Talbot would receive a very slight increment of votes in the transfer. The fact is, that while he stood third in the number of first-choice votes, he was the last man in the list to be elected. The men chosen to the commission in the order of their election were: Connable, Upjohn, Martin, Todd, Shakespeare, Butler, Talbot.7 Some surprise was at first expressed that none of the Dutch candidates was elected. Inquiry developed that the candidates with Dutch names were not really representative of Dutch opinion in any marked degree. This is substantiated by the fact that as Dutch candidates were dropped and their ballots distributed to others, they did not go predominantly to other Hollanders.
THE AFTEBMATH OF THE ELECTION
On election day a number of leading men declared that, should Talbot be elected, immediate steps would be taken to repeal the P. R. provision of the charter. As people began to see that, after all, a very representative council had been chosen, this spirit rapidly abated. One prominent citizen denounced P. R. as an “ un-American” system and declared that if Talbot should be elected immediate steps would be taken to amend the charter so as to eliminate proportional representation. In the course of his remarks he indicated seven men, the selection of whom would, in his opinion, give the city the most representative council that could be chosen from the twenty-three candidates. The day after the election, his animus against the system seemed to be considerably less when he discovered that six of the seven men whom he had indicated had been elected.
It cannot be denied that the election of Talbot was regarded with bitterness by a large number of people. While many of these admitted that the council chosen was a representative one, their attitude was the same as was that of some citizens of Ashtabula, where the first proportional
greater by one than the number of seats to be filled. The whole number next larger than the resulting quotient is the quota.
7 The same seven had stood highest on first choice votes, their order and the number of votes for each being as follows: Connable, 875; Upjohn, 806; Talbot, 369; Shakespeare, 288; Butler, 269; Todd, 195; Martin, 185.


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representation election resulted in the choice of Nick Corrado.8 The objection to proportional representation was not that it did not secure a representative council, but that it provided a council which was entirely too representative to suit the tastes of the more fastidious. The Kalamazoo Gazette which led the fight against Talbot undoubtedly stated the case fairly in an editorial the day following the election:
“The outcome of the election, distasteful as it is in some of its features to a great majority of the people, is, without question, the expressed will of that part of the electorate which went to the polls and voted. Those who did not vote must abide by the mandate of those who did vote. All in all, a good commission has been elected, the majority of whose members are capable, sane, worthy and progressive citizens, and the will of that majority will prevail in the administration of our civic affairs.”9
A NEW CONCEPTION OF REPRESENTATION
In fact any impartial observer, though he might wish that Talbot had not been elected, would reach the conclusion that a remarkably able and representative council was chosen. Even as to Talbot, a new understanding is dawning in the minds of many citizens who fiercely opposed him. They are beginning to realize that, as a member of the council, he must either prove himself capable of something more than unpleasant criticism or discredit himself in the eyes of his followers. The responsibility which he now bears cannot be met by mere opposition. Among a smaller, but increasing, number of citizens the new understanding goes further. These see that for the time being Talbot is the representative of an element which has been voiceless in our councils, which deserves representation, which cannot safely be left unrepresented, but which under the old system of election never felt sure that it had an official spokesman whose allegiance was undivided. A majority or plurality system almost inevitably produces that result. Any representative so chosen frequently finds himself in the position of an attorney who endeavors to plead the cause of several clients with widely divergent interests. The result is that all of his statements are qualifications and compromises, no client has his case fully stated, the weakest being most neglected if not entirely ignored. As a result of this condition a considerable portion of the electorate have come to feel that they have no real voice in the government—that decisions affecting their interests are reached without their point of view ever having been presented. From this feeling, the distance is short to that dangerous state of mind which regards political processes as futile and hopeless. In general, perhaps, this element does not desire to force its decisions on the rest of the electorate. It would be a deep satisfaction to them to know that when de-
* National Municipal Review, vol. v, pp. 60-61.
• Kalamazoo Gazette, April 2, 1918.


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cisions are made their opinions have been represented in the preliminary discussions. The belief still lingers that if they could but have their day in court, if their case could but be heard, justice would be done. And on the whole their political philosophy is sound. Men have a tendency to treat unpleasant conditions as non-existent until they are brought face to face with them. Only then are decisions made. Possibly it may turn out to be one of the great virtues of proportional representation that it will make it impossible for representative bodies to ignore the unpleasant facts of life.
THE PROGRESS OF THE EXPERIMENT
The progress of the experiment in Kalamazoo during the seven weeks since the election bears out the conclusions just presented. The commission has gone about its work in a business-like way and has made a good impression. At its first meeting, Dr. Upjohn was chosen mayor. Mr. Martin, who had given long and able service on the old council and is a conservative, was chosen vice-mayor. The city clerk, assessor and attorney who had served under the old government were continued in office. Clarence L. Miller, who had been secretary of the local utilities commission, was unanimously chosen as temporary manager.
But from the standpoint of this report, the manner in which Talbot and the two other commissioners elected from his ticket have taken up their work has been the outstanding surprise in Kalamazoo. The qualities of Dr. Butler and Mr. Shakespeare have already been described. Talbot, himself, is a man of no little ability. Responsibility now makes him a co-operator in the government instead of its opponent. One of the first acts of the commission was to raise the tax rate from 6§ to 8| mills. This action was taken unanimously. As to this and other matters, Talbot’s paper has already performed valuable service in justifying and interpreting the new government to its readers. It becomes more and more evident that each of the various elements of the community feels that it has an official spokesman in the commission. The stabilizing effect which this quiet confidence engenders is already manifest. As a result, many formerly doubtful citizens have changed their minds concerning the system of election. One prominent citizen already mentioned, a most outspoken objector, has recently declared that he thinks it a fine thing that the three men from the Talbot ticket were elected to the commission, and that if he had to vote on P. R. to-day he would support it without hesitation.
This experiment with proportional representation is on a scale sufficient to give the system a fair trial. Having survived the initial irritation growing out of the election of a man whose candidacy aroused sharp antagonism, the chances are that we may look forward to successful manager government in Kalamazoo.


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THE HOUSEWIFE AND THE MARKETING PROBLEM1
BY CAROLINE BARTLETT CRANE, LL.D. 2 Kalamazoo, Mich.
IN MARCH, 1917, a number of executive head? of women’s state-wide organizations in Michigan, anticipating a declaration of war, felt that they should get together and form a committee, inclusive of all women’s organizations, for patriotic work. This was called the Michigan Woman’s Committee for Patriotic Service. In May this Committee merged into the newly created Woman’s Committee of the Council of National Defense.
We undertook to do something towards stimulating food production in the state. We purchased about 2,000 bushels of seed potatoes which we sold at cost in small lots to people pledged to plant and cultivate them. We did a good deal to stimulate the testing of all seed corn, and the disinfection of oats to remove smut. We started a “set-a-hen, keep-a-bee, ” campaign among the farmers’ wives and children; encouraged the raising of poultry, and advised the stocking of farm ponds with fish.
Especially, we encouraged women in the city and the country to plant gardens. We went to the owners of vacant lots and solicited the right to use them. We obtained much garden seed free or at half-price for our gardeners who needed such help.
PRODUCING A SURPLUS
We encouraged this gardening proposition by promising the women that they should be taught how to can their surplus, and that what they didn’t want to can we would try to provide markets for. A great deal was done all over the state in the way of holding demonstrations of the most improved methods of canning, and immense quantities of perishable fruits and vegetables were taken care of in this way. But presently we came upon the marketing problem.
We had encouraged women to produce a surplus for the local markets. Now we found that when they came to these local markets with perfectly good tomatoes, or lettuce or ducks, the local dealers stated that they ordered their supplies of commission merchants from the city, and that for many reasons it was not usually practicable to purchase these small lots of local produce. Many of our women found on repeated trial that they could not sell their produce unless they were willing to part with it at a loss.
1 Being the stenographic report of an address at the Detroit meeting of the National Municipal League.
2 Chairman Woman’s Committee, Michigan Division, Council of National Defense.


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We had not realized that such a situation could develop. We thought these statements were pretexts; but later we came to appreciate some of the real barriers that stand between the local producer and the local merchant.
DISTRIBUTING THE SURPLUS
The state headquarters of the Woman’s Committee, Council of National Defense, in Kalamazoo, was in a large well-located store. We opened a market there. It started out in promise, but presently the proprietor of the adjoining grocery called the attention of the owner to a clause in his lease which forbade any other provision store in the same block. On reflection, we couldn’t blame him for that, and closed our store with the best grace possible. However, in several cities in the state, the Woman’s Committee conducted fairly successful small markets of this kind.
We had heard of wayside markets, in which farmers should advertise their products out in front of their homes. We tried this, but it was not satisfactory except in rare instances. Usually, the farm people were busy and no one was on hand promptly to transact business when a wayfarer stopped to buy.
Then we tried the school canning-centers to take care of the surplus and to get people to buy the canned product. It was an immense and exhausting amount of labor for a few women, and the results were no where near so far-reaching as the problem.
Here, then, was the housewife upon whom the government had laid the duty of increasing food production—with no way of disposing of her surplus even if she could spare the time to go to town and peddle it from store to store—which for the most part, she could not. This was the-housewife-and-the-marketing-problem from one side.
But there was the other side. The housewife in town who had no surplus, but a deficit; the woman who wanted to can tomatoes or peas or peaches, and found them so high in the market that she could not afford to buy. So, there were tomatoes too dear to can in town; too cheap to pick on the farm; green corn withering on the stalk in the country, while the town people longed to eat it or can it, but couldn’t afford to buy the green corn in the stores.
And we realized that these were no new problems; simply that they were now sharply called to our attention because we were, in a way, in both the gardening and marketing business. We suddenly realized that we had always been hearing of peaches and apples rotting in the orchards while thousands of people in the near-by cities never tasted such fruit. The chief value of our experiments was to teach us that the problem was not new, and that it was quite too big for solution in any or all the ways we had tried.


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SHIPPING BACK AND FORTH
We can all see that this shipping of food forth and back, sometimes clear across a continent, instead of eating the food produced near home, adds greatly to the cost which must be paid by the ultimate consumer, and interferes with necessary traffic, especially in this time of war. Factories are closing and throwing workers out of employment because of the famine in cars and railroad operatives. Congested warehouses and tie-ups innumerable are occurring because of lack of cars. This is indeed a serious menace to our success in this war because it interferes with the movement of men, munitions and food, and the ordinary commodities of life. If “food will win the war,” it is certainly not that food shipped all round Robin Hood’s barn, and perhaps back to the place of production, to the consumer.
We investigated the reason why local grocers in Kalamazoo preferred to buy Kalamazoo grown celery via Chicago. Why should west Michigan towns purchase their own peaches only after they had taken an expensive trip to Chicago and back? Why should Petoskey potato-growers ship their world famous product to Chicago and Detroit, from which cities the supply for the local market is shipped back to Petoskey? And why should a woman with a half dozen fine dressed ducks have them refused in favor of cold-storage fowls from a distant packing house?
We found, as one reason, that the offerings from local sources were irregular, sporadic, and hence not to be depended on. If the merchant wanted ducks for his Saturday market, he had ordered them through a source of regular supply some days before. He could not then safely accept ducks that drifted in on Wednesday, except on a wide price-margin which left no profit to the seller. The same of chance supplies of perishable fruits and vegetables which would be to him a risk, because he had already given his commission merchant an order to fit the probable demand and he has no cold storage to take care of a large surplus. To provide it for such chance occasions would be bad business.
But there are other reasons. For example, products brought in direct from the country are seldom sorted or graded. “Potatoes is potatoes,” even as “pigs is pigs. ” Tomatoes in various sizes and degrees of ripeness; head lettuce of all sizes and degrees of bleach and solidity; hand-picked apples with a dash of windfalls; these things are unattractive to the dealer accustomed to the carefully sorted and graded and handsomely packed goods shipped from the big commission houses. And he knows they will be unattractive to his patrons. Hence, he will only buy them in an emergency or at a price to pay well for proper sorting and re-arrangement.
THE MIDDLEMAN
How did this vicious long-distance system originate, anyway? It is easy to lay it on the “middleman,” and to say that it is he who wickedly


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buys up and ships to foreign parts the food we should be consuming close to its place of origin. But the trouble is that there exist in but few communities any organized means of getting this food into the hands of the people who live near.
The farmer produces food—and lets it go at that; except when it comes to grain or milk, where the problem is often solved by special or eo-opera-tive effort, as with the great co-operative creameries and grain elevators in the northwest. Obviously, the individual merchant cannot afford to procure the farmers’ product by individual effort, visiting this and that farm and bringing the products in just the right quantity for his own retail store. On the other hand, the individual farmers, acting without close cooperation, cannot possibly know what products are today in demand at a given place and at a paying price.—Somebody had to organize the business of food distribution.
ORGANIZING THE BUSINESS
And this the commission merchant has done. But, to stabilize supply and demand, the commission merchant, must draw from, and also sell to, a large territory, and one with excellent transportation facilities. Hence, the commission man flourishes, not in the little towns, but in the big centers.
The commission man has a reputation to establish and to maintain. He accurately grades and standardizes his products, and would seldom dare ship an inferior article on pain of losing the business of his patron. On the other hand, the unheralded and unknown countryman who successfully palms off an inferior article upon a local merchant, not expecting to return, has hurt business confidence between that merchant and every other unknown countryman who seeks to sell him something. And business confidence is indispensable to good business.
The commission merchant has to be a forehanded man; and so he often buys up a whole crop even before it is planted. He buys it for his whole territory, drawing it to, and shipping it from, his base of supplies, usually quite without reference to its point of origin. This is a necessity, because only from the larger cities do railway communications run in every direction ; and only the larger cities afford the necessary storage and refrigeration.
But it is an extremely wasteful way—wasteful of labor, of transportation, and of food itself, as anyone may observe who visits the commission houses and sees the deterioration and spoilage from long shipments.
We have largely ignored these matters in the past, but the war will not let us ignore them longer.
“living on food produced in the vicinity”
One of the present maxims of food conservation is: “Live as far as possible upon food produced in your own vicinity,” If any community


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proposes to do this thing (as sensible in peace as in war) it must go about it through community effort.
The community which is willing to make the effort may find guidance in some interesting and valuable documents published by the bureau of markets of the United States Department of Agriculture.
A “ community market ” is the answer to the problem. This means real co-operation between the consumer in the town and the producer in the country; co-operation with a back-bone of money invested by both sides.
It means organized local transportation to take the place of the sparse and sporadic deliveries of the present day. Either the farmer must have such a stake in the success of the market that he will bring his produce in proper time and amounts, or the market must make its own regular collections from the farms.
It means facilities for the proper sorting, grading, packing (and consequent pricing) of all produce at the market, and it means teaching both the producer and consumer the value of these adjuncts to business.
It means facilities for temporary storage or perishable produce; and it means facilities for immediate canning and dehydrating such over-ripe products as must have immediate salvage.
The domestic canning industry which has so taken hold on the women of the country is a necessary but, I feel sure, a temporary phase of food conservation. Home canning even when the raw product is of reasonable price, is expensive of labor and fuel, and interferes with the normal activities of the household. It is often unsuccessful and the whole batch is wasted. There is no patriotic reason why women should continue to can vegetables and fruits in quantity if we can procure them already canned to better advantage. We canned this year both to save our surplus and to release the outputs of the canning factories for our soldiers and allies. But the great success of the many new canning industries should incline us strongly to the local community market with the canning annex which will take care of foods that otherwise would inevitably be wasted.
It is said on authority that the canning factories save about ten per cent of the fruit and vegetables wasted in home paring; that one machine will sometimes do the work of hundreds of persons, releasing them for other war-winning labor. Then why not have this kind of a local canning factory next summer?
THE COMMUNITY MARKET
The community market, under a competent market master, is not limited to local patrons. When there is to be a surplus beyond local needs the market master wires the large shipping centers and takes orders from them, thus preventing a glut of the local market and stabilizing home prices for both producer and consumer.
A competent market master will collect accurate advance information


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of the probable market supply of different kinds of produce, and will bulletin and publish this information for the benefit of both the producer and the consumer. Thus the farmer will know when it is a favorable time to send his perishable produce, and the housewife will know when it is advantageous to order in quantity for canning and preserving. And, in addition to this, the management will know when to wire the larger centers soliciting orders for any given product not going to be needed in the neighborhood of its production.
To start this system takes much confidence and some money, and a real spirit of co-operation all along the line.
Producers must contract to send at least a certain percentage of their products to this market, and there must be prescribed penalties or forfeitures for not playing fair on both sides. But the great point is, that it can be made to the obvious interest of both sides to play fair.
The woman who has confidence and cash can help her country by putting them into this venture as much as if she put them into a liberty bond. In fact, all women, who are expected to Work miracles in food economy, should begin by working for economy in the appalling waste of the food produced in the neighborhood of their own cities, and the appalling prices consequent upon this waste, as well as the generally unorganized condition of the whole local market situation.
Surely the solution of this great question should be one of the good byproducts of this terrible war, and it is the patriotic duty of both men and women to help in its solution. I was very glad to note that the National Association of the Ancient Order of Gleaners has declared for some sort of community market which will bring the producer and consumer together.
This leaves the present local dealers out of consideration. I do not know what is to be said except that, if they can devise a plan which meets local and war needs as well, or nearly as well, as the community market, we should encourage them to do it. But surely we will not go on another year satisfied to pinch in the kitchen and waste by wholesale in the fields.
The community market is not half so revolutionary as our present food and fuel edicts. Its possibilities ought to be fully tested this coming season. The realization of the community market idea rests with the community. And the community may be led by some one energetic, patriotic person.
If he “who sweeps a room as by God’s law makes that and the action fine”; if “he is a benefactor to his race who makes two blades of grass grow where one grew before,” surely the men and women who undertake to solve this problem so that food won’t rot upon the ground by thousands of tons while our soldiers and the children of our Allies (and presently our neighbor’s children) are starving,—surely they also will be doing a deed of real and efficient patriotism.


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HOW ENGLAND HAS SOLVED SOME FAMILIAR COUNTY PROBLEMS1
BY WILLIAM ANDERSON University of Minnesota
THE need of better working relations between the city and its county is but one phase of a larger problem, that of the city’s external relations. We are no longer in the days of the city-state. Today the city is everywhere only part of a larger political community, the nation. It is a society within a society, and is surrounded at the same time by other small political units of practically equal rank. Nearly everywhere it is placed within a larger circumscription of the state, called here and in England the county. On the borders of the municipality lie other cities, villages, and towns, with their own problems and functions. Usually the social and economic city spreads far outward into the surrounding territory, often beyond the limits of the county itself. Thus the relationships of the urban municipality with its neighbors are often exceedingly complex and intimate, though unfortunately not always cordial. Conflicts frequently result. There is overlapping of functions and even of jurisdictions. Two or more sets of officers may be doing work which one could better do, with a resultant saving of money and energy. Nevertheless the city is by existing laws usually prevented from making salutary changes. This is the negation of real home rule, for to be truly self-governing the city must be allowed to expand territorially, to increase its functions, and to consolidate existing instrumentalities and offices for the attainment of a greater efficiency.
THE PROBLEM OF URBAN-RURAL RELATIONS
As in the United States, so abroad, the problem of urban-rural relations has many interesting phases, among the more important of which are these:
In the first place there is the question of home rule. How shall the city free itself from the tutelage of the larger administrative area, the county or the district in which it lies?
Second, there is the question of consolidating the organs of city administration with those of the county, to eliminate duplication of effort and expense. This is a matter of economy and efficiency.
Third, there presents itself the problem of facilitating annexations of territory to the city where nothing short of complete annexation will suffice for the city’s needs.
1 Being part of a paper read at the Detroit meeting of the National Municipal League, November 22,1917.
2


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Fourth, the problem of how to give the growing city a limited control of adjacent areas for purposes of planning the future city is in the highest degree important, and has been the subject of legislation both here and abroad.
Fifth, it is becoming yearly more necessary that cities and their neighbors, whether cities, villages, or towns, be provided with an easy method of federation for a limited number of common purposes, and that, where joint action is needed but voluntary co-operation cannot be obtained, means shall be provided for compulsory federation, enforced by the state. This is, of course, to a large extent, the special problem of large metropolitan areas, but it applies in other cases too, as where the towns are so small and poor as to be unable to provide certain necessary facilities.
England’s progress
As we look into the experiences and legislation of foreign countries, we find that England has made considerable progress toward the solution of these problems. Furthermore, the similarity between English and American local institutions makes the English experience highly illuminating to Americans who are trying to solve the same problems.
The English system of local administration is based, like ours, upon the principle of decentralization or local self-government. Since 1888 the most important self-governing units in England and Wales have been the “administrative counties,” and the “county boroughs.” The former have the larger areas, and are essentially units of rural and semi-urban population. Ranking with them, but beyond the range of their authority are the urban “county boroughs,” i.e., the large cities or boroughs which have county privileges. Both of these classes of units have their legal bases in the Local Government Act of 1888.2 Of less importance, and within and subordinate to the administrative counties, are the noncounty boroughs (the simple boroughs), the “urban districts,” and the “rural districts,” while the parishes and the poor law unions form everywhere a double network of boundaries. All of these units have essentially the same form of government, a one-chambered council which both legislates and supervises administration.
THE GREAT ENGLISH BOROUGHS
It was during the passage of the Local Government Act of 1888 that the great English boroughs made their fight for independence from the counties. A number of them already were counties of themselves, having their own sheriffs and local courts. Others now desired the same free status. Representatives of the counties, on the other hand, used every effort to include as many boroughs as possible within the jurisdiction of the counties. They endeavored to make 100,000 the minimum popula-
2 51 and 52 Victoria, c. 41.


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tion a borough must have in order to become a separate county borough. Parliament, however, favored the cities and set the figure at 50,000. Defeated in this, the counties were nevertheless victorious in gaining a stricter control than before over all the boroughs and districts too small to become county boroughs. Thus there has come to be in England a sharp distinction between the powers of county boroughs on the one hand, and those of the non-county boroughs and urban districts on the other. As county powers increase, county borough powers increase pari passu, but the powers of the lesser units tend to remain small. The county borough is free from taxation and from all control by the surrounding administrative county, even though it lies entirely within its boundaries. With minor exceptions, the county borough has itself the powers of a county. Thus the institution of county boroughs has solved for the big English cities two difficult problems: that of freedom from the administrative county, and that of economy through the union of both county and city powers in the hands of one council and one set of officers.
THE LESSER BOROUGHS AND URBAN DISTRICTS
The lesser boroughs and the urban districts, on the contrary, are subjected to an irksome control by the county councils. To escape from this tutelage into the free status of county-borough-hood is the ambition of every small city in England. The urban district, on the other hand, which stands below the non-county borough, desires to become a borough as soon as possible, not only because this means more power and prestige but because the step seems to be necessary before the final step to county-borough-hood can be taken. The rural district likewise desires to become an urban district. The struggle for home rule assumes, therefore, some of the aspects of a climb,—from rural to urban district, then to borough, and finally to the exalted status of county borough, with nothing above it but the central government.
Now, the first requisite in this upward movement, namely an increase of population, can usually be attained more quickly by annexations of contiguous territory than by the natural increase within the old limits. Thus there is every year a crop of proposals for the extension of the boundaries of these lesser areas. But the county boroughs, too, have in recent years (up to 1914) proposed many plans of annexation. The whole problem of urban extension had thus, just before the war began, been put prominently into the foreground.
In the case of the lesser units, it is the county councils which decide on the necessity of the desired extensions, and they are naturally conservative. In the case of boroughs, county boroughs, and counties themselves, the Local Government Board has power, following proper representations and a local inquiry, to grant provisional orders for extensions. All such orders must receive confirmation by Parliament. The latter


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body follows closely what is done, and is not in the habit of giving perfunctory confirmation to any and every annexation the Local Government Board may order. Thus in 1913-14 the board made provisional orders covering eight projects for the extension and alteration of borough boundaries. Of these four went through without opposition, but the other four were opposed and amended before passage.3 In the same year Parliament itself made several alterations in borough boundaries by local acts. It has been said, indeed, that Parliament has developed its own rules in these matters, insisting upon an affirmative answer to these two questions: First, is the district to be annexed urban in character? Second, has it any community of interest with the city?4 This policy is, of course, far too conservative for the town planners, but it is to be explained largely by the vigorous opposition which the County Councils Association has offered to almost every important project of borough extension in recent years.
CHANGES OF BOUNDARIES
The organized opposition of the county councils appears also every time there is a proposal for the creation of a new county borough, and can be best understood in that connection. The act of 1888 provided that when there was a change of boundaries, or when a new county borough was constituted, the local councils concerned in the change were to make agreements from time to time to adjust financial and property matters.6 Such agreements were made and remade regularly for over eighteen years following the enactment, and the “adjustment” had frequently included not only a division of the income from local taxation licenses and minor sources, but also a direct compensation by the county borough to the county for the latter’s loss of revenue due to the change of boundaries. The county was always the loser when a new county borough was created out of a part of its territory, as well as when an existing county borough annexed contiguous territory; for though financially weakened by the amputation of part, and that usually a wealthy part, of its territory, the county still had to continue the support of expensive functions, such as education, highways and bridges, and so on. The counties had therefore generally exacted “compensation” or guarantees of contributions from the new or enlarged county boroughs.
This was the situation when, in 1907, the House of Lords handed down a decision in which it was held, reversing an earlier line of decisions, that “adjustment” under the act of 1888 did not involve “compensation,” and that where a new county borough is formed, the act gave “no
3 Forty-third annual report of the Local Government Board, 1913-14, Part III, ccxxxv.
4 J. S. Nettlefold, Practical town planning, 1914, p. 225.
3 Local Government Act, 1888, 51 and 52 Victoria, c. 41, secs. 32, 62.


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right to compensation in respect of increased burdens for repairs of roads and bridges, maintenance of reformatories, etc., or loss of income from fines and penalties.”6 This put the county councils in a far worse predicament than before, and made them more than ever antagonistic to the creation of new county boroughs and to the extension of their boundaries. At the same time it made necessary a revision of the adjustment clauses in the act of 1888, a reform which was accomplished in the passage of the Local Government (Adjustments) Act, 1913.7 Even this act, however, did not sufficiently improve the financial position of the counties in such cases, and the county councils are still not content to let wealthy rateable territory be severed from their jurisdictions without strong opposition.
CREATION OF NEW COUNTY BOROUGHS
Indeed, under the conditions which have developed under the law of 1888, the result to-day of the creation of a new county borough is often a material and wasteful increase of expense. The county already has its higher schools and other institutions, which frequently have to be at once duplicated at the expense of the county when its most populous center, containing such institutions, is separated from it and made a county borough. These are facts which both Parliament and the Local Government Board have come to recognize, with the result that they are extremely reluctant to create new county boroughs, especially when such an act will leave the administrative county helpless to cope with heavy financial burdens. For the same reason they hesitate also to sanction projects for the material expansion of county boroughs. Under the present administration of the act, therefore, every borough which attains a population of 50,000 is not by virtue of that fact alone entitled to constitution as a separate county borough. It must prove that the benefits it will derive will outweigh the hardships on the county.
In 1912-13 the Local Government Board allowed four provisional orders for the erection of new county boroughs. Of these authorizations, only one was at first confirmed by Parliament, but later another received separate confirmation. In 1913-14 the board had but one petition of this kind, and this it rejected following a local inquiry. Nevertheless, in the years from 1901 to 1914 the number of county boroughs rose from sixty-seven to seventy-nine, or about one each year on the average. Of the seventy-nine, however, a number have to-day less than 50,000 people, whereas some other boroughs with over 50,000 population are still denied the right to be county boroughs.
* West Hartlepool Corporation v. Durham County Council, (1907), A. C., 246. The quotation is from the condensed form in Arnold, Law of Municipal Corporations, 5th ed., 1910, p. 356.
7 3 and 4 Geo. 5, c. 19.


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TOWN PLANNING
By the Housing, Town Planning,. etc., Act of 1909,8 the English government has also provided a means whereby towns may get a limited control over “any land within or in the neighborhood of their area” for purposes of town planning. The Local Government Board is the authority which must pass on town planning schemes under the act, but its approval gives the plan legal effect. Thus a borough may to-day prepare a plan for any land, whether within or without its area, “which is in the course of development or appears likely to be used for building purposes, with the general object of securing proper sanitary conditions, amenity, and convenience in connexion with the laying out and use of the land, and of any neighboring lands.” It must, however, first of all satisfy “the Board that there is a prima facie case for making such a scheme,” and the scheme does not finally take effect until again approved by the board.
The Local Government Act of 1888 also made provision for the federation of counties and county boroughs with each other or with the courts of quarter sessions, which retain a few administrative functions, in the creation of so-called “joint committees,” “for any purpose in respect of which they are jointly interested.”9 They were also specifically authorized to create such committees for the enforcement of the Rivers Pollution Prevention Act, 1876, for the appointment of coroners, for the valuation of property in the county and the county borough, and for the exercise of any powers specially devolved upon them by order of the Local Government Board.10 The Local Government Act of 189411 extended this power to create joint committees to the parishes and to the district councils. Unfortunately the large boroughs have made little use.of this power of federation for common purposes. It is mainly the poorer and less populous rural and urban districts which avail themselves of the authority, and that in order to support facilities of which they would otherwise be deprived. This movement is comparable to that for the creation of consolidated rural schools in our own country. In 1914 the English Municipal Year Book listed 206 Joint Hospital Authorities, 32 Joint Water and Gas Authorities, and 42 Joint Sewerage Authorities, composed mainly of rural districts, urban districts, and small boroughs. In the same year it was the occasion for special remark that the county borough of Stoke-on-Trent, and the county council of Staffordshire had jointly established a school of science and technology at an estimated cost of thirty thousand pounds.12 The large boroughs clearly do not
8 9 Edward 7, c. 44.
5 51 and 52 Victoria, c. 41, sec. 81.
10 Ibid., secs. 10, 14, 33, 34.
11 56 and 57 Victoria, c. 73.
u The Political Quarterly, September, 1914, no. 3, p. 196.


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find it to their advantage to federate with their smaller neighbors for common purposes for the reason that, while the latter could give only trifling financial assistance, they would undoubtedly insist on participating in the joint control as they are entitled to do.
In summary it may be pointed out that England has legislated more or less adequately with regard to all of the five problems of urban-rural relations mentioned at the beginning of this paper. It has provided means whereby the large boroughs may free themselves from the counties and at the same time take over county powers. This makes possible the elimination in the large cities of many useless county officers. Boroughs are, furthermore, authorized to federate with each other and with other units of local government for common purposes, and also to acquire a limited control of contiguous areas for city-planning purposes. Finally, outright annexations of neighboring territory are also possible. Nevertheless, while the legislation covers the whole field, Parliament has been so careful to protect the interests of all parties concerned, that in many cases the boroughs have not been able to avail themselves of the facilities provided. Parliament itself is the final arbiter in the more important cases.
SELLING GOOD CITY GOVERNMENT1
BY LEROY E. SNYDER2 Rochester, N. Y.
THE program did not go exactly as it had been scheduled, yet it went well. The presiding officer was to have been Mr. McFarland. The gavel was wielded by Professor Hatton. The paper on “Selling Good Government to the People,” being a report to the National Municipal League, from its Committee on Constructive Publicity, written by the Chairman, Mr. McFarland, was read by Mr. Gruenberg. Dr. Garland did deliver his address on “Humanizing Welfare ‘ Reports.” In that respect the meeting went according to schedule.
Mr. McFarland’s report stated that correspondence between the secretary of the league and various members of the committee on constructive publicity had brought out an agreement that, by reason of the rapidly changing methods in the use of constructive publicity for promoting local, state and national movements of importance, it was hardly worth while to hold a meeting in order to formulate the body of practice which it was expected to produce and publish for general use. And Mr. McFar-
1 This is a summary of the discussion of this question at the Detroit meeting of the National Municipal League. (See National Municipal Review, vol. vii, p. 125.)
2 Director, Rochester bureau of municipal research and secretary, Governmental Research Conference.


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land added, characteristically, that “to do so at this time would seem to be as premature as it would have been for Moses to issue a set of commentaries on the Ten Commandments on the very day he appeared before the Israelites with the tables of stone.” Yet some comment was forthcoming.
Referring to experience in his home city of Harrisburg in putting across large public enterprises by means of educational propaganda, Mr. McFarland said that one spectacularly successful campaign was conducted wholly upon the basis of education of the people in one thing at a time; and even almost in words of one syllable. “The several campaigns have succeeded,” he said, “in exact proportion to the constructive educational effort put upon them.” In one case reliance was had on an enlightened condition of public opinion (without educational propaganda), and the campaign won by the narrow margin of 40 votes.
THE DAYTON AND NEW YORK CAMPAIGNS CONTRASTED
Mr. McFarland referred to the Dayton and New York municipal campaigns. He said the outstanding feature of the Dayton campaign was “its use of pitiless publicity concerning the personalities and records of the men who desired to replace definitely good and economical government with at least experimental government, if not with positive and retrogressive semi-anarchy.”
With regard to the New York campaign, he said he was inclined to think the victory of Tammany “less a revulsion against good government than actually a triumph for publicity, though it was destructive and mendacious publicity.” And he added that the result seemed “to indicate that a united minority, able to disregard the facts with entire complacency, can sell its governmental product to the people affected in the face of a superior numerical opposition divided and held down by the necessity for telling the truth.”
Reference was made to the Red Cross, the Y. M. C. A., and the Liberty Loan campaigns, with the comment that “advertising pays.” Mr. McFarland added, however, that bad government can be sold to the people as well as good government. To sell good government we must have good government to sell, and “we must know about it ourselves and be willing to put it in terms so simple, in language so strong, by methods so clear-cut, that there can be no escape, no mistake, no slip-up.”
“Consider the average report of a philanthropic nature,” said Mr. McFarland, “the average statement of a government official, the average proposition relating to an enactment in Congress, and compare the complexity, the verbosity of these productions with the simplicity of the poster ‘Of What Use is Money if we Don’t Win This War? ’ If this one idea of boiling down the good government to be sold to a truth-sustained phrase could be borne in upon our minds, we would sell our goods much more rapidly, to many more people, than we do now.”


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Dr. Garland spoke, as usual, with force and enthusiasm. One should like to believe implicitly in this statement which perhaps represents the center of his theory as to selling good government:
“We must go house-to-house, man-to-man, woman-to-woman, and we must make our appeal upon the basis of things accomplished and upon the basis of things pledged to be accomplished in the future. When we do that, lay all our cards on the table and show exactly what our program has been, acknowledge its defects, and pledge ourselves to correct those defects, and lay out a still larger program to be worked out as finances and opportunities and open doors shall come, I believe the people of this nation will ensure that good government shall continue, and that there shall be no retrogressive step.”
Dr. Garland performed a useful service in calling attention to “a long neglected phrase in the preamble of our constitution,” that it is the business of government to “promote the general welfare.” For a long time, he said, we thought it was the business of government to do something else than promote the general welfare; that the general welfare should be promoted by private philanthropists, by church organizations and by other individual endeavors, and that welfare work, so-called, real constructive, human betterment programs, belonged not to government, was altogether foreign to the functions of government. “Now we have come to see that if this nation, or any other nation, is to survive, we must put into our programs of governmental operation constructive programs of human betterment, of community advancement, that will touch every man, woman and child in the community, and that will reach every home.” The speaker enumerated as some of the steps that must be taken toward community betterment, social insurance, industrial courts, recreation bureaus, the control of all public utilities by the people who are served by these utilities.
HUMANIZING DAYTON’S GOVERNMENT
Dr. Garland spoke first of how in Dayton they have tried to humanize the government, and then of how they have tried to humanize the reports of the government’s activities. The department of welfare has seven lines of activities:—public health, public recreation, free legal aid, the workhouse, outdoor relief, parks, and free employment. He spoke of some of these activities, telling of how the playground and garden association had pooled its interests with the division of recreation in the city government; how the National Cash Register country club had been turned over to the city for operation and how its privileges had been made available to citizens at fees ranging from $1 to $5 a year; how the visiting nurses association and the tuberculosis society had put their nurses at the direction of the public health department for a district nursing organization that covers the entire city, so that a single nurse


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serves her district as a quarantine nurse, as a tuberculosis nurse, and as a public health nurse interested in infant welfare and all other types of public health nursing.
As to how these welfare activities were brought home to the people of Dayton in humanized reports, so that good government might be sold to the people of Dayton, Dr. Garland said that he had tried to get each head of a division “to put the human touch, the live touch,” into his monthly report, and that the same “human touch” was given in the director’s monthly report to the city manager, which is always given to the press. Instead of reporting, for instance, that the legal aid attorney saw 1,279 applicants for legal aid service, dismissed by advice 672, etc., etc., the city manager and the press are told the story of a colored woman who tried unsuccessfully for weeks to obtain $1.50 owing her by a woman for whom she had worked, how she brought her story to the legal aid attorney who, in three days, obtained for her the $1.50 without any deduction for fee or service.
GOOD GOVERNMENT AND SELF-GOVERNMENT
The suggestiveness of Mr. McFarland’s paper, and the interest of actual illustrations of things done and methods followed, given in Dr. Garland’s address, were not entirely convincing. Have we learned how to sell good government to the people? If Dr. Garland’s work in Dayton sold good government to the people of that city, why was it necessary for the commission to make one of the hardest fights in the history of Ohio politics to be returned to office? Can we sell good government to the people? Have we a right to use such terms?
Mr. Farley challenged the use of the term, and told a story. One time an Irishman was asked by some one, “ How shall I get from here to another place? ” And Pat replied, “If I were you I shouldn’t start from here.”
Mr. Farley said, “The whole idea is something like this. You manufacture an idea, you offer to sell it. I can refuse it if I want to. To me it doesn’t seem that good government is a case of buying or selling at all. It is a duty to be done. The government is ours. I agree entirely with the statement of a wise statesman that good government is no substitute for self-government. We who live in democratic countries, have not yet learned or begun to learn, so far as the vast masses are concerned, what democracy means. It means that each one of us shall begin to do his share in the government. That, it seems to me, is the fundamental weakness in our position. Our programs are all right, but the people haven’t begun to understand and accept them.”
Professor Hatton seemed to feel that a discussion of “selling good government ” was more or less academic, since we have not yet learned how to do it. He said we have not been able to sell good government because the people have not been made to understand that it is of any personal value to them, because the people suspect the source from which


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the suggestions for good government come (the propaganda for improved city government has been brought to the rank and file in such a way that they do not believe in its democracy), and because in this country government has occupied a place of second or third rate importance in the public mind, for the reason that governments have not been doing enough things to touch the lives of the people directly.
As things stand, one must come away from such a discussion with a certain sense of its futility. It is true we are so thoroughly saturated with the philosophy of, salesmanship and of advertising, so accustomed to the vernacular of the salesman, that it comes as no shock to the average American to speak of “selling” good government to the people, any more than to speak of “selling” religion, or Liberty bonds, or a new theory of the universe. But to say that one is selling something is to imply that one either has present title to that of which one seeks to dispose, or is commissioned as agent for the owner. Have national municipal leagues, and economic and political science associations, and governmental research bureaus a proprietary interest in good government?
The leaders of the English Labor party to-day are not talking about selling good government to the people—they are talking about the kind of government they propose to have. Perhaps when we (you and I of the highbrow crew) achieve a more complete sense of identity with “the people,” we shall not talk of selling good government to the people so much as of acquiring good government for ourselves. It seems to be a question of good taste, but it may be simply a question of common sense. From complacency and condescension, Good Lord deliver us.
I
REMOVALS OF CIVIL SERVICE EMPLOYES
BY'WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE Richmond, Ind.
(Concluded from May issue)
IT IS said that we must provide for removals by a civil service commission in order to protect the service against the greater evil of legislation providing for removals by a trial in court. In some special places there may be danger of legislation granting such a trial. But this proposed model law was not a local or temporary concession of an evil thing in order to prevent a still greater evil (a concession which might be necessary at certain times or in certain places) it was proposed for acceptance and adoption everywhere as a thing right in itself and ought not to contain things adapted only to special conditions.
If the argument was to be received, that trials by the commission were to protect the service against something worse, then we ought to look


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at the other side of the picture and see what danger may follow if the power of removal is taken from operating officers. For years past civil service reformers have been fighting session after session against the enactment of laws fixing a definite term for places in the classified service. The argument has been, “ why provide for removals at the end of a fixed term when the superior officer has a right to remove subordinates at any time for proper cause?” The argument was unanswerable and it prevailed. But if this power of removal be taken away, the chief defense against such injurious legislation will fall to the ground.
Chicago’s experience.
The next claim is that the system of removal proposed has been justified by over twenty years’ satisfactory experience with a similar rule in Chicago.
The answer to this is that in the first place the rule is not similar and in the second place the experience has not been satisfactory.
The rule is not similar in two vital particulars. In the first place the Chicago removals are made by a commission appointed and removable by the same authority as that which administers the various departments, to wit by the mayor. He is the responsible head and can get rid of the commission when he will. The mayor is also the head of the administration and appoints and removes the heads of departments but by the proposed law the power of removal was entrusted to an independent tribunal, neither appointed nor removed by the head of the administration. By the proposed system there was to be a two-headed administration in which mutual struggles would be inevitable and discipline impossible.
But it is emphatically untrue that the Chicago rule has worked well during the last twenty years. It has worked to the satisfaction of only two classes, the commissioners who administer it and the classified employes who are protected by it. I found the commissioners unanimous in their belief that the removal rule was a good thing, just as we would find that an autocrat would believe that the divine right of kings was a good thing. They know that they have administered the law well and have dismissed and retained just the right persons. But even some of those connected with the trial boards realize that the system is a bad one. Thus Prof. John A. Fairlie, who was one of them, wrote me:
From observation and informal inquiry, I believe that the requirement for a formal investigation does cause the superior officers to feel hampered in their relations with their subordinates and encourages the subordinate in laxity and careless work in minor matters which do not
lend themselves easily to the presentation of formal charges...........
A civil service commission or investigating officer under the Illinois law could easily interfere with the control of superior officers over their subordinates.


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I found also that the classified employes protected by the Chicago removal rule were very generally in favor of it.
But as to the heads of departments whose power of discipline was taken away I found the feeling was quite different. I went first to one office and then to another and found that every head of a department that I interviewed opposed the rule. One of them told me that he greatly disapproved of the plan, because bad conduct often consisted in a succession of little things lasting for years and not provable before a commission. He also gave me for illustration, a case which had come to his knowledge in another department where the head had repeatedly tried in vain to discharge an intemperate employe.
In the police department I learned that a policeman had been dismissed on the charge of receiving money from prostitutes for “protection,” but had been restored by the commissioners while the general superintendent of police was absent and knew nothing about it.
I accordingly called upon Mr. Healey, the general superintendent of police who said “I decline to discuss the civil service provisions except in the presence of the civil service commissioners themselves.” It seemed to me that this refusal was more eloquent than any affirmative expression. If he had really approved of the act of the commission in reinstating the man there could have been no possible embarrassment in saying so, but if the superintendent thought otherwise and yet realized the absolute power which the civil service commission exercised over the whole personnel of his department, and if at the time this question was suddenly put to him he was at the moment unwilling to express his approval of the reinstatement of such a man to the force of which he was the chief, his answer would have been exactly what it was. No incident in Chicago impressed me so strongly as this with the immense power of the commission for evil as well as for good and the manner in which that power could be abused. It might be better to take back uncomplainingly even a blackmailer of prostitutes than contest this power.
I called upon the telephone, Warden Clayton Smith, of the Cook County Hospital. He said he had had a number of cases turned down by the civil service commission and that it had impaired discipline among his subordinates so that he kept some whom he thought ought not to stay and brought no charges unless he felt sure he would win his case. He added, “They don’t have their boss in fear any more. They put on an air indicating that they can get back through the trial board if they want to.” He noticed that employes on probation behaved well while they were subject to dismissal at his will, but as soon as they received their definite appointment and were subject only to the trial board their conduct changed and they became difficult to deal with.
In order not to limit my inquiries to the heads of departments recently appointed, I visited John E. Traeger, the sheriff who had formerly been


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controller of the city under Mayor Harrison, where his force was under the competitive system. He approved of the civil service law but not of the Chicago removal clause. I asked him whether, in cases where the commission refused to dismiss a man upon charges by the head of the department, such action impaired discipline and he said “Absolutely,” and he added, later, “Don’t make a czar of your commissioner. He’ll ruin the service.” He also told me that men behaved better when on probation than after they had received a regular appointment.
FEW REMOVALS
I further found that the tendency of this removal rule was to make very few removals. The trials based on a complaint made by an appointing officer become really a trial of that officer himself. Hence these officers were inclined to make very few complaints and permanent tenure of all employes, both good and bad, resulted. This permanency of tenure had become ingrained into the habits of thought of the community and was promoted by the decisions of the courts.
For in Illinois it has been held that a place in the eligible list when once posted becomes a property right which cannot be canceled for two years. How much more then is the place thus acquired to be deemed a vested interest!
It was stated by the advocates of the model law that the Chicago removal rule really brought about more dismissals than where such removals were made by appointing officers, but that such removals were made for actual derelictions and not for personal or political reasons. Was the statement correct? It was said that in 1910 there were 203 removals by department heads, and in 1911, 467 by the trial board. Was this a fair average or was it the case of a new broom sweeping clean?
I inquired of Secretary Swanson of the Chicago civil service commission and he told me that out of more than 20,000 employes during 1914, the trial board dismissed 73. Less than 16 per cent of those charged with offenses were removed; and the total percentage of removals to the whole service was thirty-six one hundredths of 1 per cent. The average of removals under other systems is about 2 per cent, but under the trial board plan it is only about one-sixth of that. So the Chicago removal rule has undoubtedly secured permanency. It comes about as near creating an actual life tenure as is humanly practicable. Does this work well in the long run? Can any one pretend or imagine that the Chicago civil service is so good that only one in 300 needs to be separated from it during a whole year? The general reputation and known facts concerning this service will not justify this happy deduction.
It is said by the advocates of. the proposed model law that the serious evils in Chicago were due to the fact that the present commission was a particularly bad one and that all went on very well during the golden age which preceded it.


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One of the most serious charges against the commission was that they allowed an excessive number of temporary appointments, some 9,163 authorizations for such appointments being granted. This was indeed highly reprehensible. But Secretary Swanson (secretary both before and after the change), in his report says, “During the first four months of last year 11,866 such appointments were authorized by the former commission. During the next four months under the present commission 9,163 such authorities were granted, a reduction of 2,703. No criticism was made of the record of the first four months but the record of the second four months was seized upon as a gross violation of the law. The inconsistency of the criticism was at once apparent.” He also said:
The number of temporary authorities outstanding in the classified service at various periods is shown here; “April 30, 1912, 497; June 30, 1913, 522; May 31, 1914, 815; Sept. 30, 1914, 780; Feb. 1, 1915, 708; April 1, 1915, 674; Aug. 15, 1915, 819; Dec. 1, 1915, 485.
Laborers being seasonal employes do not form a comparison and are accordingly omitted from the above table. December 1, 1915, shows the lowest point recorded in more than three years.
So it appears that during all these years of excellent administration of the Chicago civil service law these excessive temporary appointments were a continuous feature of that administration!
THE CHICAGO POLICE
If the greater permanency caused by the Chicago removal rule has worked well why has the Chicago police force been one of the most corrupt and inefficient bodies in municipal history? Why is crime rampant there as nowhere else in the civilized world?
At a meeting of the Chicago City Club in December, 1915, Graham Taylor, president of the Chicago School of Philanthropy and one of the editors of The Survey said:
Now talking about driving the crooks out of Chicago; I would like to know when in this administration or any -previous administration the crooks have been very much dispossessed, not only of their foothold but of their power over three police stations in this city. I would like to know who has been in command of the Desplaines Street Police Station. Never the captain to all appearances. Every better captain that has gone there has either gone to the bad and gone down to his ruin, or else he has been transferred for the good of the service.
And how about the East Chicago Avenue Station and the Twenty-second Street Police Station? I tell you, men, if we want life and property safe in this city, that kind of farming out of the police power in this city has got to stop.
The Mayor of the city said, (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 19, 1915): “In Rogers Park alone I am informed there have been twenty first class crimes in the last few days.” The State Attorney Mr. McClay Hoyne declared that the police department was a den of thieves. The former


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chief of detectives, John H. Halpin was charged with accepting bribes and was dismissed. The brutality of the police toward the poor women engaged in the garment makers strike was a subject of public scandal and almost universal reprobation.
Mr. Catherwood at the annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League in 1911 (p. 12) reported for Illinois that the chief of police, all the inspectors and most of the captains, 150 in all, had been entangled with graft, vice and special interests or were blind and incompetent. Yet this is the result of twenty years of “successful” experience under the permanent tenure promoted by the Chicago removal rule!
RESULTS IN THE LIBRARIES
In the state civil service also there has been trouble with the trial board system. The following statement in regard to the Illinois state library is copied from a periodical known as Public Libraries published in Chicago:
In order to have a trained cataloguer, it was necessary to dismiss an attendant who was there by political appointment when the present administration came in, and not because of any preparation for the work. Since the library is under the civil law of the state, the dismissed attendant called on the civil service commission to defend what she thought were her rights in the matter. The commission therefore brought State-librarian Woods to trial to make him prove his charge of incompetency against the attendant.
Those in charge of the library testified that the attendant in question could not perform the duties assigned her satisfactorily, was not acquainted with the methods of classification, cataloguing, etc., in general use, and that they considered her incompetent for the work. The civil service board, however, took the position that she was not more incompetent than she had ever been and that if she were incompetent the others there were incompetent also, from the civil service point of view, and that she should therefore be re-instated and receive her salary for the two months of her exclusion.1
I inquired of George B. Uttley, secretary of the American Library Association, who informed me that the foregoing facts were exactly true and that the acting librarian was the chief sufferer by this remarkable decision of the state commission. Mr. Uttley further informed me that Mr. Legler, the eminent librarian of the Chicago library had told him of three employes, who were incompetent, but whom he did not venture to try to displace because they were under the civil service law and he might not be able to sustain specific charges.
The Chicago removal rule has been tried elsewhere, found unworkable and abandoned; for instance in San Francisco, and at last the Illinois removal rule so far as the state service is concerned was itself repealed.
The best rule possible is that which was adopted by the National Municipal League in Section 44 of the model city charter which provides 1 (Public Libraries, v, 19, 108, March, 1914.)


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that any employe may be removed by the city manager or department head for any cause which will promote the efficiency of the service, but must first be furnished with a written statement of the reasons and allowed a reasonable time for answering, but that no trial shall be required except in the discretion of the officer making the removal. That the civil service board may also remove, after notice and hearing, upon written charges preferred by any citizen and the board must fix a minimum standard of efficiency for each grade and whenever an employe falls under that minimum for three months, he shall, unless he show good reason, be removed suspended or reduced as the board shall determine.
All efforts to establish any rule giving greater permanency of tenure, than this ought to be strenuously resisted.
THE FINANCIAL CONDITION OF OHIO
CITIES1
BY DON C. SOWERS2 Akron, Ohio
THAT Ohio cities are laboring, under serious financial conditions, all who have knowledge of the facts are agreed. Almost without exception, the expenditures of Ohio cities are in excess of their income. Cleveland has had an annual deficit ranging from $300,000 to $900,000 for the past six years with the exception of one. Akron has had a deficit four years out of the past six. The deficit in Cleveland in 1917 was $944,000 and in Akron $251,000. The situation in these two cities is typical of the general situation.
The cause of the present municipal embarrassment is quite generally ascribed to the operation of the Smith 1 per cent law which places a fifteen mill limit upon the rate of taxation for all taxing districts. The theory upon which this law is based is that with a low rate of taxation, it will be possible to secure the listing of all property at its true value for taxation purposes and that with a full assessment even a low rate will produce funds adequate for all purposes. The immediate effect of the law was to increase greatly tax valuations, but after the first year this increase has not been very large. The total tax duplicate of Ohio in 1915 was $7,537,000,000 and in 1917, $7,697,000,000. In some cities, an attempt has been made to secure relief through increasing the duplicate, but in no city is property assessed at 100 per cent.
THREE POINTS OF ATTACK
The discussions of the financial situation have centered around three points of attack. First, it has been urged that through the operation of
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. IV, pp. 254 and 453.
2 Director, Akron Bureau of Municipal Research.
3


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the Smith law, cities are not obtaining sufficient revenue for current operation. Second, it is urged, by some, that the cities are incurring indebtedness too rapidly, and in this is found the real reason for the lack of revenue for current operation. Third, it is urged that cities are wasteful in their expenditures or are expending money for new activities which might well be dispensed with.
Those who hold to the first view point out that the insufficient revenue of cities arises from two causes; first, the encroachment of the superior jurisdictions upon the total tax rate, and in the second place, the encroachment of the debt charges upon the amount available for operating expenses. Under the operation of the tax law, the state, county and school requests are given first consideration by the county budget commission when apportioning funds and the city is compelled to take what is left. The tax rate for county and school purposes has quite generally increased, whereas, the city tax rate has in most cases either remained stationary or actually decreased. The following figures presented for three cities are typical:
County Schools City
1915 1916 1917 1915 1916 1917 1915 1916 1917
Cleveland 2.53 2.53 2.53 5.34 5.34 5.64 6.51 6.51 6.05
Dayton 2.04 2.59 3.74 4.01 4.13 4.11 7.10 6.23 7.30
Akron 1.85 2.55 2.85 4.80 4.60 4.80 7.50 7.00 7.30
The operation of the law must result in unfairness to one or another of the taxing districts each year, since if one division gets an increase in any given year, another division must sustain a decrease. If the law were amended to establish maximum rates for each taxing unit separately, the same result would be obtained, that is, a maximum limit could be placed on the tax rate and unfairness in operation could be eliminated.
DEFICIENCY BONDS
To relieve the situation, the legislature at its last session passed a law permitting municipalities and school districts to issue deficiency bonds to cover the amount of the deficiency which existed during the year 1917. The debt charges on these bonds, however, were required to come within the limitations of the law so that no additional relief was afforded by the passage of this law other than already existed. Instead of borrowing money temporarily to meet deficits, cities were empowered to issue deficiency bonds.
The Smith law provides that the debt charges on all bonds authorized by the vote of the people since June 2, 1911, shall be included within the fifteen mill limitations, but outside the ten mill limit. The debt charges on such bonds will not encroach upon the amount available for current operation. Accordingly, it has become a practice in Ohio cities to submit all bond issues of any size to a vote of the people.


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Another element in the situation is a recent decision of the state supreme court to the effect that all cities must establish accurate and scientific sinking funds for each outstanding bond issue. This has placed additional burdens upon Ohio cities because of the fact that many cities had not established sinking funds. For example, in Akron, out of $1,056,000 accruing to the city from taxes in 1916, $753,000 or 72 per cent of the returns was required for debt service. The same situation prevailed in other cities. The remedy which has been suggested for this situation is that the sinking fund levies should be separated entirely from the levies for current operation and if desirable place a limit upon the amount of the levy for current operation and another limitation upon the levy for debt charges.
BONDED' INDEBTEDNESS
The reason for the financial stringency is found by some, especially the state auditor, to arise from the fact that the cities are issuing bonds too rapidly. The auditor points out that the indebtedness of all taxing districts in the state has increased from $187,000,000 in 1910 to $414,000,000 in 1917. He states that “While the eighty cities collected in taxes $26,411,-178, for city purposes alone, it required $180,657 in excess of this vast revenue for the year to meet interest payments and retire bonds falling due and that there was not one cent left for regular running expenses.”3 The auditor arrived at these figures by adding together the total interest paid during the year and the debts retired during the year, and found that this total amounted to more than the total taxes collected for municipal purposes. The first error involved in this procedure is in overlooking the fact that some cities had sinking funds which had been established for the purpose of retiring the debt falling due during the year and that a large part of this debt was actually retired from the money already accumulated in the sinking funds. The statement is also misleading because a very large part of the debt had been acquired for municipal utilities, the debt charges on which were paid out of earnings. The debt charges on a large part of this indebtedness would not come out of general taxes at all and consequently a much larger proportion of the total taxes collected was available for current operation than one would be inclined to think after reading the auditor’s statement. The total indebtedness of Ohio cities in 1917 amounted to $252,000,000; of this amount, $59,000,000 had been issued for water works and electric light purposes. Perhaps the larger part of this indebtedness will be retired out of earnings of these enterprises; $93,000,000 of this total indebtedness had been issued for street improvement, sewers and drains, and the greater part of this indebtedness will be retired from the proceeds of special assessments.
While it is true that the amount of indebtedness in Ohio cities has increased rapidly during the past seven years, a very large per cent of
3 Annual Report of State Auditor for 1917, p. 10.


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this has been incurred for the purpose of providing the minimum essentials of modern existence. Extensions of water works.plants, or electric light facilities, construction of sewers, the improvement of streets have been made necessary as a result of the growth and development of cities. In the second place, it must be pointed out that the issuance of these bonds has had little or no effect upon the tax rate. As a result of the agitation to limit indebtedness, the legislature at its last session amended the law to provide that councils of municipal corporations should not issue bonds in any one year in excess of one-half of one per cent of the total value of the assessed property. This was a reduction from 1 per cent to .5 per cent. This limitation has not worked hardships on any city.
EXTRAVAGANCE
Finally, it is urged that the present financial difficulties are due to the extravagance of public officials or to expenditures for useless purposes. To quote from the state auditor, “If the people of Ohio do not apply the brakes and retire to private life the spendthrift public officials who violate the laws, promote extravagance and declare emergencies where none exist, they will witness in the near future repudiation of public obligations in many taxing districts of Ohio.”4 While it is undoubtedly true that there is considerable waste in the operation of our cities, it is also true that greater waste exists in the operation of state and county governments. A careful examination of municipal activities in Ohio cities will fail to reveal any large expenditures for new and novel municipal activities. For the most part, the cities are supplying the minimum essentials and in hundreds of cities health departments are underpaid and undermanned, police departments are inadequately provided for and parks and playgrounds and recreational facilities are dreams of the future.
REMEDIES
The remedies which should be provided to relieve the present situation in Ohio cities are, in the opinion of the writer, the following:
1. The real and personal property in the state should be assessed at full value. This can only be done by assessors who are trained and experienced in this line of work. The tax law will need to be changed in order to secure this type of assessor. The present system of appointing assessors by the county auditor will not accomplish the desired result. The assessment of real and personal property has to-day become an exact science and the work needs to be done in accordance with established principles. New York City, Newark, N. J., Los Angeles and a number of cities have shown how these principles may be successfully applied.
4 Annual Report of State Auditor for 1917, p. 11.


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2. A maximum limit should be placed upon the tax rate of each separate taxing division, namely, state, county, schools, township, city. This is the only fair way of establishing maximum tax rates.
3. A distinction should be made between taxes levied for current operation and for debt service. Any internal limitations should keep this distinction in mind and if desirable a maximum limit might be placed upon the rate for current operation and a further maximum placed upon the rate for debt service.
The only solution of the whole problem is to allow the cities absolute freedom in the determination of the tax rate. Real home rule should mean that cities have the power to tax themselves for the adequate support of their own government. If the people are willing and able to tax themselves for schools and municipal services, why should the state object?
VIRGINIA APPROPRIATION COMEDY
BY JOHN P. LEARY Richmond, Va.
IN THE closing hours of the 1918 session of the General Assembly of Virginia an attempt was made to stage, according to the ancient custom, the usual biennial appropriation comedy but with rather unusual results. To the consternation of the authors of the show, the governor assumed the rdle of leading man and scored a distinct success by saving the state more than a million dollars.
Before he had been in office sixty days, Westmoreland Davis, who entered upon his duties as governor on February 1, 1918, with an inaugural pledge that “The keynote of my administration will be an efficient government economically administered,” compelled the General Assembly to reshape the general appropriation bill for the 1918-20 bienniel period so as to bring the appropriations within the estimated revenues of the state with a net saving of 81,017,000. The fight Governor Davis made for the adoption of a “rule of reason” in framing the appropriation bill was one of the most spectacular events that has ever occurred in the legislative history of the Old Dominion, and has clearly illustrated the need of a modern executive budget system.
“passing the buck”
The comedy began when the House of Delegates, having agreed to a reasonable general appropriation bill, transferred the political and institutional financial lobbying over to the senate. Here the battle to “care for the folks back home” engulfed the finance committee, out of which it emerged with new and greatly enlarged amounts three days


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before the date of the expiration of the session. In the rush and turmoil" of the final hours, the house and senate failed to agree, and the usual conference committee was appointed to “adjust” their differences. Clocks were turned back, and the conferees went into an all-night executive session while the General Assembly lingered that they might go through the formality of adopting the committee’s “pig in the bag.”
Haggard and weary the conferees brought in their report on Sunday morning (March 10) as the church bells were calling the morning service. For the conference committee, the chairman of the house appropriations committee and the chairman of the senate finance committee reported to their respective houses that the conferees had agreed on a bill which they urged be adopted carrying “a total appropriation for the two years of $19,100,000, and at a maximum not more than $19,300,000.” Without even a reading of the items, the conferees’ report was promptly adopted, and the General Assembly adjourned, leaving a few members to hold “constructive sessions” for the signing of bills that had been rushed through en bloc at the end.
When the enrolled bill finally reached the governor on March 14th, it was found that instead of the $19,100,000 it was supposed to carry, that in reality a total net appropriation of $20,061,841 was authorized, which, together with the special appropriations carried in other bills enacted during the session amounting to $533,717, was $1,238,286 in excess of the estimated revenues of the state, not including a $2,000,000 special appropriation for roads, schools and tuberculosis, provided for by a special 8 cent levy authorized by a separate act.
GOVERNOR TAKES A HAND
Governor Davis pointblank refused to sign the bill and notified the presiding officers of the two houses that he had important communications to make. The two houses—still in “constructive session”—reassembled on Monday morning March 18, and, contrary to all traditions and precedence in Virginia, Governor Davis returned the bill with the suggestion that “it is a safe business principle, especially applicable at this time when the resources of the state should be conserved, that the state, like the individual, should live within its income.” Along with this message went a detailed statement of reductions, item by item, that the governor recommended should be made to bring the appropriations within the estimated revenues of the state.
The house appropriations committee immediately appointed three of its members to confer with the governor. A similar committee was named by the senate committee. The governor met with these committees, and insisted that the appropriations be reduced to come within the amount of the estimated revenues of the state. An agreement was then reached satisfactory to the governor.


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STAND OF THE HOUSE
The House of Delegates then passed the following resolution:
Whereas, since the receipt of the communication from the governor, dated March 18th, 1918, making certain recommendations for amendment to No. 357 House Bill, the committee on appropriations of the house and the committee of finance of the senate have conferred with the governor and certain changes will probably meet the approval of the governor and the General Assembly.
Resolved, That the communication of the governor, dated March 18th, 1918, be temporarily passed by and that the governor be requested, if he deem it expedient to do so, to make such other recommendations as meets his approval for the consideration of the General Assembly.
In compliance with this resolution and in accordance with the agreement reached with the conference committees, the governor prepared a second message recommending changes in the bill that would eliminate the deficit. When this message was ready, the governor was informed that the senate would not stand back of its conferees in accepting without revision the compromise bill. The governor then refused to make further recommendations leaving his original message before the house, with a veto ready for the whole bill in the event his recommendations for amendments were not accepted. The governor, sure of his position, stood firm; and the assembly was forced either to accept his conditions, or to face the consequences of passing the bill over his veto with the inevitable million and a quarter deficit which it would create, or of forcing a special session to frame a new bill.
SENATE RECEDES
The House of Delegates, whose leaders and a majority of whose members were inclined to accept the governor’s recommendations, on Wednesday, March 20, adopted, with but two dissenting votes, a resolution pledging that body to stand by the conference bill acceptable to the governor. The senate refused to pledge itself to support the compromise bill. The governor sat tight, so to speak, and the solons in the senate opened a “big-gun” attack on the administration. The flareback from this discharge, however, was more destructive than the missiles hurled at the governor, and on Thursday a resolution to stand by the conference report and accept the compromise bill was adopted in committee of the whole after bitter debate, and ratified by the senate with nearly a third of its members still holding out against yielding to the governor’s demands.
Immediately upon notification of the resolution of the senate to accept the compromise bill, the governor sent his second message to the house recommending reductions in the original legislative bill amounting net to $1,017,000. Before this message was sent to the house, however, the assembly passed a special franchise and license tax on public service corporations estimated to yield the state an additional revenue of at least


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$150,000 for the biennial period; and the supreme court of appeals had handed down a decision in favor of the commonwealth in the so-called “Armour case” sustaining the right of the commonwealth to collect a license tax imposed on non-resident manufacturers conducting a mercantile business within the state, estimated to yield $100,000 during the next two years.
The house promptly adopted the revised bill, which, with its reductions totaling $1,017,000, and the $250,000 additional revenue, brought the appropriations within the estimated revenues by more than $40,000. With the irreconcilables fighting to the last for political effect “hack home,” the senate adopted the governor’s compromise bill on Friday morning, March 22, and the Assembly of 1918 immediately adjourned sine die, and the curtain was rung down on Virginia’s most interesting politico-appropriation comedy in the history of the Old Dominion.
A statistical review of the “comedy” reveals that the appropriations carried in the 1918-20 general appropriation act, even after the governor had forced the reduction of $1,017,000, exceed those of the 1916-18 act by $4,893,498; the items amounting, in the aggregate, to $19,032,841.
This saving of a million dollars is an actual saving; and not a mere paper reduction, nor a “deferred deficit,” as has been charged, for in the case of the principal state institutions, to cite an example, twenty of them received all they got for the 1916-18 period, plus their deficits, and then some. Even after the governor’s pruning of a million dollars, the state institutions have received for the 1918-20 period $942,055 more than their total appropriations and deficits combined amounted to for the 1916-18 period, while for “support” alone these institutions now have available for the next two years $765,855 more than they had for the last two years.
All of which has but served to emphasize the progressive leadership of Governor Davis, who, coming into office after a state-wide campaign for the adoption of an executive budget, was able to induce the assembly to enact one of the most comprehensive budget laws so far adopted by any of the states, and to show the same body before he had been in office two months how to save the taxpayers of Virginia more than a million dollars.


1918]
THE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE
379
THE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE1
BY A. B. GILBERT St. Paul, Minn.
THE organization of the Non-partisan League of North Dakota was the logical result of the failure of the old political parties to respond to the expressed will of the voters of the state. The chief industry of North Dakota is agriculture. It is one of the greatest wheat producing states of the union. At two state-wide elections the voters by overwhelming majorities had adopted a constitutional amendment preliminary to the enactment of certain measures relating to the marketing of grain. The legislature refused to put it into effect. A large delegation of responsible farmers from all parts of the state went to Bismarck to petition the legislature. It was treated with contempt by Republican and Democratic politicians alike. Then it was that, abandoning hope of relief through the usual party channels, the farmers set about to organize the league.
Knowing the tremendous odds against them, the work was carried on quietly and over 25,000 members had been secured before the strength of the new movement became generally known. A bitter opposition at once developed, but the momentum was too strong and by the time the regular November election of 1916 arrived, the paid membership had mounted to over 40,000 and the league candidates swept the state.
It was a political revolution. Approximately eighty per cent of the electorate voted the league ticket. The league’s candidate for governor, Lynn J. Frazier, received 87,665 votes as against a total of 22,966 cast for his two opponents. All other state officers were elected save the state treasurer. Out of 113 members of the lower house of the legislature the league elected 81. North Dakota chooses one-half of the senate at each election, and out of 25 to be selected the league won 18; also the three judges of the supreme court to be chosen in this election.
1 One of our members who has recently been traveling in the northwest and to whom for that reason we referred Mr. Gilbert’s article writes that it is a very interesting article which interprets the league very well from the point of view of a supporter. “ Of course,” our correspondent says, “the league has its bitter opponents, who would not accept such an interpretation. Possibly you may think it necessary to let one of the more thorough-going and intelligent of these critics have his “say ” also in the pages of the National Municipal Review. Certainly you could hardly expect to get a better article than the present one from one of the active supporters of the League. Though I think it barely possible that there may be something in some of the criticisms of the League made by its opponents, I am strongly inclined on the whole to be thoroughly sympathetic with the movement. In other words, my present opinion, based on an incomplete acquaintance with the movement, is that it is a genuine and honest socialist farmers’ movement, which promises to be beneficial to the country. This does not mean, however, that I approve of all that the League or its leaders have done.”


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The remarkable independence of the North Dakota voter is shown by the fact that although Mr. Frazier was running on the Republican ticket, having easily captured the primary nomination of that party in June of 1916, President Wilson carried the state.
THE METHOD OF ORGANIZATION
The unusual thing about the Non-partisan League is the method of organization. Three years ago the plan which A. C. Townley and his associates worked out, would have been considered impossible by most students of politics, especially the high dues asked of each farmer who joins. But, favored by the circumstances in North Dakota and pushed with remarkable daring and leadership, this plan proved not only entirely workable, but the only one which could have achieved the primary hope of the North Dakota farmers, the securing of immediate political power in the state. From the first the league has been built on the following principles, each one of which overcomes a difficulty that has hampered if not killed one or more important farmer movements in the past:
1. Only farmers should be admitted to membership.
2. There must be co-operation with labor organizations in politics.
3. There must be efficient, centralized control of the work of organizing.
4. The machinery is to be used only to capture the government, allowing democracy in the government itself.
5. To be successful, the farmers themselves must pay the costs of campaigns and organization.
6. They must have a means of communication among themselves and controlled by themselves, their own press.
7. The league should co-operate with and protect all other co-operative organizations of farmers and city workers.
When a state is organized, the members are brought together in township, county, and state meetings for the purpose of nominating candidates and to consider the detailed program on which these candidates are to go before the people for election. The league dues are now 88 a year, or 816 for the two state campaign years. This is the league estimate of the lowest amount on which a successful and rapid campaign can be waged; it includes an allowance for the campaign expenses of the men nominated. No man, therefore, will be kept from running for office on a league nomination on account of expense, and, more important still, no nominee will have to go to interests hostile to the program for financial support. Each member now gets a weekly thirty-two page magazine, The Non-partisan Leader, and as the election time approaches a special weekly newspaper covering his state. This press service takes about $5 of the 816. The organizers are paid 27| per cent or 84.40 per member, the very least for which men can be obtained to do the work properly. Out of this each organizer must pay his expenses, including


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the purchase and upkeep of an automobile, usually a Ford, and the day wages of a hired man to take the place of a farmer who goes along to introduce the organizer. Deducting these two sums, we have $6.60 left to cover expenses of central and state offices, a large staff of lecturers, special publicity, delegations and conventions, and the candidates for election.
THE LEAGUE PROGRAM
The league program differs somewhat in the several states because the problems to be remedied by political action differ; but with the exception of the tonnage tax on iron ore, the following program for Minnesota is typical :
1. Exemption of farm improvements from taxation.
2. Tonnage tax on ore production.
3. Rural credit banks operated at cost.
4. State-owned terminal elevators, warehouses, flour mills, stockyards, packing houses, and cold-storage plants.
5. State hail insurance.
6. A more equitable system of state inspection and grading of grain.
7. Equal taxation of the property of railroads, mines, telegraph, and telephone companies, electric light and power companies, and all other public utility corporations, as compared with that of other property owners.
The most noteworthy feature of the above program is, of course, its demand for a large measure of state ownership. It is the antithesis of Jefferson’s “that government is best which governs least”; yet the league claims at least to express the aspirations of the common people for more fundamental democracy. That it can reconcile the motives of Jefferson, the fundamental democrat, however, with integration of state functions is due to the fact that in recent years the people’s concept of government has been undergoing a pronounced change. In the early days the only government the people had known was that of the policeman which laid heavy burdens on men’s shoulders and exacted a servile obedience. Blackstone, for instance, defined law as being made by superiors for the government of inferiors. The less the inferiors had of this kind of law making and government, the better they liked it, but with long experience in government by the ballot the people are turning to the conception of government as an aid in the struggle for livelihood, a great cooperative machine run by all the people which can be put to other tasks than simply that of policing the population.
STATE OWNERSHIP
Sueh is the theory back of the league program of state ownership. Until within the last ten years a program of this kind could have been brought to naught by simply calling it socialism. The readiness with


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which it is being hailed by the farmers in the northwest, on the other hand, is convincing proof of the point that our people have rapidly changed their conception of the state. Now the dubbing of this program as “socialistic” has practically no influence or weight with the farmer. He has stood for regulation and in his opinion that has failed; he is anxious now to try state ownership. This does not mean that he is converted to communism or sweeping adoption of state socialism, but that he is anxious to have the state take over any common service when such action clearly promises lower costs to the users.
NON-PAETISANISM
The league is non-partisan in the sense that it does not form a part of either the Democratic, Republican, or Socialist party; at the same time it does not set up a separate party of its own as those who attempt to get away from two-party rule in our cities commonly do. The tactics are to get all farmers to vote one way, that this united vote may be used to capture the nominations on one of the established party tickets at the primaries and later to win the election. In North Dakota, for instance, nearly all the nominations were made on the Republican ticket because that state is normally Republican; and because of the 1916 victory, league men now constitute the Republican party there. The united vote can, of course, be used to run a separate ticket whenever it seems practical to do so. The indications are now that the league will run an independent ticket in South Dakota in the fall. Again, the united farmer vote can be used simply to endorse candidates chosen otherwise than by league nomination.
The most frequent criticism of this political method has been that it sets class against class, and the conclusion of the critics naturally follows that class organization is undesirable. The league’s answer to this is that men cannot become aware of their own interests without becoming what is called “class conscious,” and that the league purpose is not the arraying of the farmers as a class against every other class but the forming of alliances with several other classes into an harmonious whole that constitutes at least nine-tenths of the American people,—especially with city workers and what is known for the want of a better term “as small business.” In a democracy where the majority is supposed to rule, a movement cannot be undesirable which promotes the interests of more than nine-tenths of the citizens. Those serious reformers who shy at class consciousness will probably recall many bitterly disappointing instances in which they have had to attribute the defeat of reform to the fact that those who would be benefitted did not know their own interests. Class organization only grows out of the soil of long thought, education, and experience as to what these interests are.


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THE LEAGUE AND THE CITY
Being entirely a farmers’ movement, the league movement has nothing directly to do with cities. It does not demand exemption of city improvements from taxation, for instance, when it demands the exemption of farm improvements, because that is a city matter. The league plan is to make alliances with any interests in the cities making demands that are corrolary to its own. Nevertheless the league offers much promise to the city progressives beyond what this making of alliances might indicate. In nearly every state in the Union a large part, perhaps the most important part, of the city government is at the state capital. By lack of home rule our cities are fettered to the state constitution and the state government so tightly that they cannot secure half the reforms they are prepared for. Heretofore a city, after overcoming the local obstacles to reform, has had to fight a second battle in the state legislature where it met not only the representatives of special privilege, but the rural representative ignorant of city conditions and therefore hostile to city reform. In states where the Non-partisan League succeeds, the city reformer will miss this uniformed, out-of-date rural representative in the legislature, and—probably just as important—the crooked rural legislator, false to the interests of the farmers as well as to those of the city people. The league movement is a great rural education movement. New currents of thought are given expression and scope, and conditions are reviewed by the average voter as never before. The state government will be watched as never before by those whom this new education reaches. No man, with means as small as those of the average farmer, who has paid $16 to get the right men in office, will fail to watch them closely.
EVERY FARMER A POLITICIAN
One of the elements of strength in the movement and at the same time one of its great contributions to the development of truly democratic government, is the fact that it makes every man who joins a politician, or in other words a citizen actively interested in the affairs of the state. The old parties are organized from the top down with a local leader in each small district to take care of its support there. The average voter is not called upon to do anything but vote. The league, however, calls on the individual voter for an important sacrifice; consequently when he has once jumped in, he becomes an actjve worker to make his own sacrifice successful. The members, for instance, probably do nearly as much organizing as the paid organizers and lecturers. The fact that there are 40,000 in Minnesota means that the league has 40,000 party workers there. The old parties in so far as they stand for interests opposed to or uninfluenced by this farmers’ movement, have nothing to match it. The one has a militant, spirited army; the other has lieutenants, captains and generals with only a small, disinterested following.


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[July
THE KANSAS GENERAL MANAGER SYSTEM1
BY HAROLD T. CHASE Editor, Topeka Capital
WHAT Kansas styles the “general manager system ” of organization and conduct of her state institutions, adopted by the legislature in the session of 1917, is fairly well described by that name. The institutional work of the state is under the control of one board of three members who employ for general supervision a general manager with an office at the state capitol.
Heretofore the fourteen large institutions of the state were under three independent state boards—penal and reformatory, educational, and charitable or eleemosynary. By the general manager act the boards were abolished and a single board of directors of three men created, to be appointed by the governor.
It had been the hope of the authors of this system to induce the legislature to allow the consolidated board full discretion in the compensation paid to the general manager. This was found to be impossible, the legislature not greatly favoring the plan in general, and being strongly opposed to grant such discretion to a board, the legislature fixing the salary at $3,500.
As matters turned out, this error in policy has not as yet hindered the operation of the new plan, since the board was able to obtain the services as general manager of a man of very large business experience, James A. Kimball of Salina, a wholesale grocer. Mr. Kimball accepted the place out of a sense of public spirit, assumed office July 1, 1917 and is still holding down the job.
THE GENERAL MANAGER’S JURISDICTION
Under his general managership are fourteen large institutions, including the university and agricultural college, each normally with an enrollment exceeding 2,500 students, all the large insane, deaf mute, blind, epileptic and feeble-minded hospitals, the penitentiary and reformatories and a large number of miscellaneous institutions and state undertakings, such for example as a fish hatchery.
While this system has been in operation but nine months it is possible to say of the management that it will result on July 1 in maintaining
1 Our readers are cautioned against drawing too close an analogy, between the city manager and the state manager who has an official or limited functions. In Mr. Chase’s article the scope of this new office is made clear. The office is suggestive of further tendencies toward administrative centralization under a strong executive head analogous to a city manager.


1918] THE KANSAS GENERAL MANAGER SYSTEM 385
all the institutions of the state without interruption, together with all the miscellaneous undertakings referred to, within the legislative appropriation.
While this seems a modest statement it is in fact somewhat extraordinary for several reasons. It is, in the first place, unusual, deficits being the normal record. When Mr. Kimball assumed office the deficits then on the books aggregated $60,000. It should not be understood that he paid or assumed them. On the contrary, his first act was the repudiation of these deficits, so far as demands upon his own appropriation were concerned. At the end of the year they will remain charges for the legislature to pay off by special appropriations. The general manager stood on the position that his appropriations were expressly made for a stated period of the future, that he had no authority to pay deficiencies of past managements, though this had been the unbroken practice, and he refused to use a dollar of his appropriations for any expenditures other than those made under his administration, except that he paid for those expenditures that had been contracted for but not actually made prior to his assumption of office.
Coming through the year without a deficit is extraordinary, further, because the appropriations had been made in 1917 with reference to then prevalent prices for all materials, construction and wages, whereas prices and wages rapidly advanced during the year. Several states nearby are known to have closed down during the year one or more of their institutions during a longer or shorter period. No institution of Kansas quit or curtailed its work for any period.2
INCREASED EFFICIENCY
“We eliminated a great number of jobs,” Mr. Kimball says, “consolidated jobs, raised salaries, but increased the output of our institutional farm plots, dairy herds, etc., and so paid the higher salaries.”
It is a fact, the general manager reports, that but one official of importance in all this institutional work resigned, while none was discharged. The state lost one man by voluntary resignation, who saw that he could not keep up to the new pace.
Co-operation of all forces, the instilling of morale into the state work, Mr. Kimball thinks the prime achievement of the new plan. He has gone into every institution, planned with the local forces, organized institutional cabinets among the officers and where practicable among the working employes, as in the coal mine of the penitentiary. Close and constant personal touch with the forces working under him has brought about a spirit of pride and of ambition and co-operation which the general manager thinks the best result of the system inaugurated.
In institutions, charitable, reformatory and penal including inmates 1 This article was written in March, 1918.


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of upwards of 10,000 souls, self maintenance is possible to a considerable extent, and this is the universal practice of all states. Mr. Kimball quickly put into operation a policy of educating his force in such institutions in the care and breeding of such livestock as are used, cows, hogs, hens, etc. These persons were given the ten-days’ dairy course at the agricultural college, for example. University and agricultural college experts and instructors were taken to the institutions to give the employes instruction in such parts of their duties. Co-operation, in fact, may be said to be the keyword of the policy of the new general manager.
FOBESEEING DIFFICULTIES
Maintenance of the institutions uninterruptedly would not have been possible under the appropriations, or even without regard to the appropriations, but for the personal business intuition and experience of the general manager this year. Having long been in the wholesale grocery business he anticipated the sugar shortage, bought five carloads of sugar for his institutions before the market was affected, and foreseeing what occurred instructed the heads of his institutions to curtail their consumption.
What happened in respect to sugar was that instead of the heedless issue of supplies in 48 different institutions or buildings, the sugar issues were closely guarded in all these places and on March 1 a sugar inventory asked for by Mr. Kimball in all the institutions showed that the consumption of the preceding three months had been a trifle over half the normal consumption shown by the former records of the state for these institutions, and that on that date there remained over 74,000 pounds of sugar. This quantity was practically all clear saving. It was fortunate that the general manager anticipated the situation, for shortly after his purchase of five carloads there was literally not a bag of sugar to be bought on the Mississippi river from Sioux City to St. Louis.
A similar story could be told with regard to coal. Not an institution shut down a day for lack of coal and every institution now has a supply good until July.
In a word, business management has superseded badly organized management and a single authority many authorities, often conflicting and sometimes incompetent.
Yet the general manager system does not imply that business management, strictly speaking, has been introduced, since that is impossible. All it implies is that as much business management has been introduced perhaps as can be introduced in the political organization.
To a question on this point Mr. Kimball answered:
“Yes; I could still save money and increase the efficiency of the organization materially. I don’t know how much. The system is not business. For one thing, my appropriations are made from one to two years in ad-


1918] PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS 387
vance—every one of them. That of course is not business, yet can not be avoided. I can not buy and sell when and where I please, fix the salaries I please, hire and fire altogether as I please, consolidate offices as I please altogether, or as the board please. It is as the legislature pleases.
“ And the trouble, so far as the legislature is concerned, is simply this: The whole political organization is made with regard to the perpetual danger that a crook or a glaring incompetent may get an important and responsible office and can not immediately be got out. Hence the whole political organization has as its subconscious motive, and the legislature always is affected by this motive, to hedge and cover, to check and balance one official by another, to limit authority, and unlike business, there is not a single-minded motive of productiveness, efficiency and economy. I don’t say that it should be otherwise or that the government should be no more nor less than a business. I merely say that there is a distinction between the two things.”
When the legislature next meets there will be a bill for its consideration, an account, of perhaps $60,000, deficits in management prior to the new system. Mr. Kimball thinks it possible that it will be the last of the deficits.
PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS
BY DR. CARL E. MCCOMBS1 New York
ON April 9, Mayor Hylan and the civil service commission announced their intention of “reorganizing” the Department of Health in the interest of economy and efficiency. Although they failed to reach their objective of general reorganization, the conflict which they precipitated was not altogether barren of result. Now that the smoke of the battle has cleared away, it is possible to determine more clearly the issues at stake in contest between the mayor and public opinion. Students of administration will find much profit in careful study of these issues. There has been a remarkably clear demonstration of the fact that intelligently directed public opinion can be counted upon to safeguard public interest when the issue is indeed a vital one; that public health education has proved to be a most essential factor in municipal health progress; and that the people are at last beginning to realize the need for trained experts in government.
The accomplishments of the New York health department as a leader in progressive health work are recognized throughout this country and abroad and are matters of pride to New Yorkers. The organization of the health department into bureaus, each having a special function to
1 Bureau of Municipal Research.


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perform, and under the leadership of acknowledged experts, has served as a model for scores of cities. The names of Dr. S. Josephine Baker, in child hygiene, Dr. William H. Park, in bacteriological research, Dr. Louis I. Harris, in industrial hygiene, Dr. Robert J. Wilson, in contagious disease hospital service, Dr. Charles F. Bolduan, in public health education, and Lucius Polk Brown, in food inspection, are household words among public health authorities and students. So, when Mayor Hylan sought by secret investigations and privy council proceedings to “reorganize” the department, and apparently to eliminate many of these bureaus and their efficient executives a protest from the public and the press arose immediately, and an insistent demand to know why smote the ears of the mayor and his investigators.
Investigation
Basing his call for a reorganization of the health department upon the provisions of the New York charter which states that there shall be two bureaus of the health department, namely, a sanitary bureau and a bureau of records, the mayor first took the ground that other bureaus which had been established to meet the demands for greater specialization and functionalization of services had been illegally created. Not satisfied with this explanation, health and civic agencies throughout the city met in conference at the invitation of the New York bureau of municipal research and demanded not only the opinion of the corporation counsel on the legality of the bureaus, but also that future hearings in the matter of reorganization of the health department be thrown open to the public. Although Mr. Hylan refused to treat with “ The Committee of 21” appointed by this conference of civic and social associations to confer with him, the overwhelming protest of medical societies, health organizations, the Woman Suffrage Party, and other influential bodies, together with the wholehearted support of the press, was followed by an order from the mayor directing that further hearings of his investigators be held in open session.
The investigations of civic agencies developed also the fact that, with respect to the establishment of bureaus other than those mentioned in the city charter, the corporation counsels of two previous administrations had rendered opinions approving the action of the board of health in thus extending its organization. This, of course, put a new face on the matter, and as soon as the legal justification of the mayor’s attempt at reorganization was shown to be without foundation, other factors not previously defined were introduced by the president of the civil service commission then engaged in the investigation of the health department. Charges of graft were made against certain employes of the bureau of food and drugs and in his statement to the press the president of the civil service commission intimated that there was a “chain of graft”


1918] PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS 389
running throughout the department and involving some officials of high rank. As was proper, such charges of graft were referred to the district attorney for investigation and action. The investigations of the district attorney did not however reveal a “chain of graft” and resulted only in the indictment of three employes of the department for extortion and the returning of additional indictment against two of the three for bribery in connection with the sale of oysters.
The attack of the mayor’s investigators now shifted again under the drive of public opinion, and a preliminary report was prepared by the civil service commission, the commissioner of health, Dr. J. Lewis Ams-ter, and the secretary of the board of health, Dr. Frank Monogham. This preliminary report alleged that there exists in the department of health “a smooth running, systematic graft agency,” a statement which however the investigations of the district attorney did not verify. The report recommended, as regards the organization of the health department, that the bureau of public health education be abolished as “useless” and the mere “press agent” of the health department, declaring that “the publication of a weekly health bulletin, records of vital statistics, and such other matters as should be published at the expense of the city can very properly be handled by a 12,000 a year clerk.”
Public Health Education
This offhand condemnation of a health educational service which had been a model for federal, state and municipal health agencies since its very beginning, did not, of course, find approval among any persons informed on health matters. Protests against the abolition of this bureau came from all over the United States and Canada, from federal health authorities, state boards of health and municipal health officers. Labor leaders voiced their dissent from the judgment of the investigators in unmistakable terms, and at the public hearings on the proposal, leading health experts including Dr. S. S. Goldwater, former commissioner of health and Dr. Abraham Jacobi, dean of the medical profession of the city urged non-interference with this bureau. Even the commissioner of health, Dr. Lewis J. Amster, who had signed the preliminary report of the civil service commission, admitted when questioned, the necessity of extending rather than curtailing the educational work of the department and scouted the idea that this work could be carried on by a $2,000 a year clerk.
This admission on the part of the commissioner of health marked the first split in the mayor’s forces and in four days after his disagreement with the mayor’s investigators was made public, the commissioner of health, who was the mayor’s own appointee, resigned, charging the mayor with bad faith, violation of promises of non-interference, and “petty direction and arbitrary inaction.” The retiring health commissioner


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declared also that the immediate cause of his resignation was the demand of the mayor that Dr. S. S. Goldwater and Dr. Abraham Jacobi be dropped from the medical advisory board of the health department— Dr. Goldwater because he was a “highbrow” and a “leftover” from the previous administration, and Dr. Jacobi because he was related to an editor of the New York Times which opposed Mayor Hylan before and since election. In a letter accompanying his resignation, Dr. Amster stated that he had signed the preliminary report urging the abolition of the bureau of public health education on the understanding that the recommendation regarding this bureau was tentative only and to be approved finally after proper public hearings on the matter.
DR. AMSTER’S RESIGNATION
Dr. Amster’s resignation was promptly accepted by the mayor who was quoted as saying relative to protests against the abolition of the bureau of public health education—“I don’t give a darn for those federal government letters or for those from other people interested in public health education. As long as I am mayor the health department will be run as I see fit.” This statement has a familiar ring to citizens of New York, recalling Tweed and his “What are you going to do about it?” and Commodore Vanderbilt’s “The public be damned.”
Commissioner Amster was hardly out of the door before Mayor Hylan appointed as health commissioner Dr. Royal S. Copeland of the New York Homeopathic College and Flower Hospital. In taking office Dr. Copeland declared that the mayor had promised him a free hand in conducting health matters and stated that he would resign immediately if this promise was not kept. He promised further to guarantee a square deal to all employes of the department and to seek and foster the co-operation of all citizens in the public health program.
ATTACKS ON DIRECTOR OF FOODS AND DRUGS
On the day after the appointment of the new commissioner of health the president of the civil service commission renewed his attack upon the health department. This time the attack centered chiefly upon Lucius P. Brown, director of the bureau of food and drugs. In a letter to Commissioner Copeland the president of the civil service commission charged Mr. Brown with advocating the passage of a bill in the state legislature which would lower the milk standards of the city, with “ unwillingness to interfere with the operations of the Borden Milk Company,” and with favoring a large drug company of the city, the head of which acted as an examiner in the civil service examination which resulted in the appointment of Mr. Brown as director of the bureau of food and drugs. The bureau of public health education also came again under bombardment and its director, Dr. Charles F. Bolduan, was charged with using the


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bureau of public health education to promote the “Staten Island garbage grab” which was one of the “issues” of the campaign which resulted in Mayor Hylan’s election. Dr. Bolduan was also taken to task for using the bureau of public health education to conduct a “prohibition campaign” a matter which the president of the civil service commission considered to be outside the field of public health education.
Not content to sit idly by while his reputation was thus attacked, the director of the bureau of foods and drugs promptly replied to the broadside of the president of the civil service commission, denying categorically the charges made and demanded the production of evidence of misconduct or incompetency. The commissioner of health accepting the charges of the president of the civil service commission at face value, suspended the director of the bureau of food and drugs immediately and stated that “particulars and specifications” of the charges against him would be forthcoming. In his statements to the press, Commissioner Copeland reiterated his assurances of a fair deal for the suspended director, and declared that the suspended director would have full opportunity to answer charges against him in open public hearing. He further promised that the accused would have an opportunity to be represented by counsel and to call witness for his defense as well as to cross examine his accusers. The suspension of the official in question occurred on the second of May, but it was not until May 28th, almost four weeks later, that the health commissioner made public the charges against the suspended director, although proper procedure requires that charges be made prior to the suspension of an officer.
In the meantime, Dr. Charles F. Bolduan, director of the bureau of public health education which had been under constant fire since the beginning of the investigation, resigned on May 8, to accept service elsewhere, after fourteen years of efficient service in the health department.
A TAMMANY INVESTIGATION
When at length the health commissioner on May 28 published his charges against Mr. Brown, everyone was surprised to find that only one of the accusations made by the president of the civil service commission, on the basis of which the director of the bureau of food and drugs was suspended, was mentioned, namely, that the director had favored the so-called “Wicks bill” in the state legislature. This bill permitted the standardization of milk, that is, the abstracting of cream from milk rich in cream, and the addition of this cream to milk poorer in quality. The purpose of this measure was to make more milk available under the law of the state which fixes a definite standard of butter fat content, and thereby to lower the price of milk to consumers. The bill was supported with some modification, not only by the director of the bureau of food and drugs of the health department, but also by other acknowledged experts throughout the state.


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The other counts of the formal charges of the health commissioner related to the suspended director’s administrative competence only. He was charged with failure to recommend food standards and adopt a food code; lack of personal supervision of employes; neglecting his duties by failing to attend certain conferences; absenting himself from the department to give lectures in other cities; transacting personal business during office hours and other matters of similar nature.
With this submission of charges the- health commissioner announced, notwithstanding his earlier promise of a “fair” deal and a “fair” trial of the suspended director, that no witness might be called by the accused nor would the opportunity be given him to be represented by counsel; in other words, that the suspended officer will only have an opportunity to “explain,” after which the decision of the board of health will be made. In spite of the fact that the health officer of the Port of New York, one of the members of the board of health, has come out in favor of giving Mr. Brown a trial surrounded by the safeguards of judicial process, it is evident that his views of the matter are not shared by health commissioner Copeland and police commissioner Richard E. Enright, the other two members of the board. The public awaits with interest the “trial” of Mr. Brown. If he is not found guilty, and dismissed, the civil service commission will be in a rather embarrassing position. If he is dismissed after a trial at which he can have no counsel or witnesses what will become of the fair name of the civil service commission?
Behind the attack of the mayor on the health department there is perhaps more than meets the eye. Graft charges and investigations, civil service wrangles, and political and personal controversies are of merely passing interest. The kaleidoscopic shifting of scenes during the past few weeks has tended to obscure even more important issues than have yet appeared. In Mayor Hylan’s original charge that certain bureaus of the health department had been illegally established we may discern however the real inwardness of the attack upon the organization of the health department.
Autonomy in Health Mattebs.
When the greater city was established and the charter of 1898 became effective, the various parties to consolidation, that is, the present boroughs of the greater city, endeavored to preserve as far as possible autonomy in health matters The organization of the health department was therefore laid out upon a geographical basis and each borough was given a certain autonomy in health affairs though under nominal central control. Borough offices were established and in each office was placed an assistant sanitary superintendent and an assistant registrar of records, representing repectively the two bureaus of the health department authorized in the charter, namely, the sanitary bureau and the bureau of records. As time


1918] PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS 393
went on it was discovered that this method of conducting the health business of the greater city had certain very serious defects. There was lack of proper centralization of responsibility, inadequate co-ordination of related functions, overlapping of service, and little uniformity of procedure.
Accordingly, a tendency toward greater centralization of authority became evident and the development of a functional in place of a geographical organization was begun in 1907. A central division of communicable diseases, and a central division of child hygiene were early established to take complete charge of all activities along these lines in all boroughs. From this time on the authority of the assistant sanitary superintendents in the various boroughs grew less and less until in 1913, Dr. Ernest J. Lederle then commissioner of health, recognizing the necessity for complete central control and the need for specialization of services under competent experts, reorganized the department and designated eight central bureaus, each charged with a specific health function, namely administration, child hygiene, infectious diseases, food and drugs, hospitals, laboratories, sanitation, and records. In this reorganization nothing was “created” but many uncoordinated services formerly designated as divisions were brought into harmony in these bureaus which were placed under complete central control and under the immediate direction of expert specialists in their particular functions. One more bureau was established in the same way by Dr.' S. S. Goldwater, commissioner of health in 1914, and the director of this bureau was made responsible for all the educational publicity work of the department which had hitherto been divided among several bureaus.
CENTRALIZATION IN HEALTH MATTERS
The present highly centralized type of organization has its limitation chiefly in the fact that it gives relatively little consideration to local or community interests. New York city is made up of a large number of small communities, each with its own special problems, to the solution of which the present organization does not readily adapt itself. Because of this remoteness of the central authorities from actual community contact there is even now a tendency to decentralize somewhat the health control of the city. Instead, however, of reverting to the older type of borough or geographical distribution of health service units, the plan of district health supervision is now being tried as an experiment in the borough of Queens. This experiment was begun by Commissioner Gold-water in 1914, when an experimental health district was established on the lower east side of Manhattan under the immediate direction of Dr. A. E. Shipley. The experiment sought to determine how far it might be desirable to meet local or community health needs by the establishment of district health offices or centers while still retaining a strong central con-


394 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
trol, and this wholly apart from any idea of providing for borough autonomy in health matters.
But even this concession to local interests does not satisfy the borough autonomists who still cling to their ‘ ‘ reserved rights ’’which they wrote into the charter of 1898. In 1917 and again in 1918 a bill was introduced into the state legislature to create a separate department of health for the boroughs of Brooklyn and Queens. The bill of 1917 was passed by the legislature but was vetoed by the then mayor—John Purroy Mitchel— and a similar bill in 1918, though passing the senate during the closing hours of the recent session, did not go to the assembly.
This controversy between advocates of complete centralization and borough autonomy in health service will probably not be settled until a satisfactory plan for conserving community health interests is devised. The district health plan appears to have much to commend it, but it is at the present time limited in its application largely because district health officers cannot be found who have the requisite experience and other qualifications necessary to take the responsibility for conducting the health district work and because there is not complete and co-operative sympathy with the plan among the present bureau heads of the health department, some of whom see in the extension of the health district plan the curtailment of their own present broad powers.
Recognizing the need for a thorough study of this whole matter of highly centralized control versus community or district control, the bureau of municipal research urged at the very outset of the present controversy a careful scientific study of New York city’s health service. In a letter to Mayor Hylan on April 17, Dr. Charles A. Beard, director of the bureau of municipal research, urged that a commission of health experts, representing the New York Academy of Medicine, the state health department, the United States Public Health Service, the New York and Kings County Medical Societies, and other recognized health agencies be appointed to study the health situation and to make recommendations relative to the health organization of the city. The mayor however refused to accept this suggestion.
It is well, however, for the citizens of New York and citizens of other large cities as well to recognize the fact that municipal health service must be developed along somewhat broader lines in the future. Almost every large American city has gone beyond the imagination of the early framers of its health policy, and health organization will need to be adjusted from time to time to meet in a more direct and less impersonal manner, community ideals and interests. Controversies such as this are likely to recur with each succeeding administration, and as in the present case the real issues will likely be obscured by the dust of personal and political squabbles.


DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS
I. BOOK REVIEWS
The State Tax Commission: A Study of the Development and Results of State Control over the Assessment of Property for Taxation. By Harley Leist Lutz, Ph.D. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Pp. 673. More than half of the states now have tax departments headed by two or more commissioners. Every year new commissions are created at the behest of some political overlord, some powerful interest inconvenienced by efficient tax administration, or even in response to some sporadic awakening of the forces of good government, or an urgent need for increased revenues. Accumulated experience shows beyond a doubt that certain types of laws are doomed in advance to failure. Yet every legislative season sees these ineffective pieces of tax machinery set up, only to be torn down and replaced in a short time by something equally ineffective.
One cannot help wishing that for the next decade every legislator and public official responsible for the machinery of tax administration could be required to read this book and learn from it the lesson of the experience of state tax commissions past and present. Professor Lutz’s scholarly survey and critical analysis would certainly convince any open-minded and intelligent legislator that to obtain satisfactory results a tax commission must not be hampered by ex officio members; that members with proper qualifications of training and experience, giving all their time to the work, must be protected by a fairly long term of office with stability of tenure; and that it is necessary to provide salaries large enough to attract able men and to protect them from the evils of partisan politics both in their appointment and in carrying on their work.
In his early chapters Professor Lutz traces the historical evolution of the ad-
ministrative side of American taxation. Beginning with the organization of state boards of equalization which effected some temporary improvement in respect to undervaluation and evasion, he shows that these in time proved to be inadequate and were forced to give way to state tax departments headed by commissions and capable of exercising supervision over local assessments, providing expert assessment for corporations, and a general administration of the entire tax system. Throughout the volume appears a clearly discernible tendency toward greater state control of local administrative processes and even state assumption of those processes.
The general conclusion reached is that state control of local administration has been beneficial and should be extended in some directions even further than at present, in order to permit the correction of certain defects still existing. Neither separation of the sources of state and local revenues nor any degree of perfection of methods of equalization can wholly free the state from its responsibility for supervision of local assessments.
Separate chapters are devoted to the commissions of Indiana, New York, Massachusetts, Wisconsin, Michigan, West Virginia, Washington, Minnesota, Kansas, Oregon and Ohio. The more recently established commissions and those which have lately been given more extensive powers are described in three chapters, following a geographical grouping.
The outstanding achievements of the newer tax departments or commissions are to be found in the improvements introduced in the assessment and equalization of real estate, the development of an improved technique in tax administration, and a remarkable advance in the assessment of corporate property brought about largely by the employment of persons more or less expert, giving their


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whole time to the work ancl following better methods.
An excellent bibliography of fourteen pages completes a volume which students and administrators will for a long time find indispensable to any thorough acquaintance with the history and problems of state tax administration.
C. C. Williamson.
*
Street Railway Fares: Their Relation to Length op Haul and Cost of Service. By Dugald C. Jackson and David J. McGrath. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc. Pp. 169.
This joint work is an intelligent and unprejudiced study of the basic problems involved in fixing a just cost of urban street railway service. It is unfortunate, in a way, that the investigation on which the authors based conclusions ended early in 1916, before the effect of the war on the street railway industry was more than superficially felt. From this fact the conclusions reached as to rates of fare are unavoidably somewhat inadequate. It is unfortunate, too, that they could not have had the benefit of the results of recent investigations by public service commissions and individual experts into the field of operating economies and discussed this phase of the subject. The authors ignore wholly as a fare rate factor the vast possibilities for reducing operating cost through new methods of operation, prominent among them the skip-stop, the one man car, devices to reduce peak-load traffic and other methods, which suggest practical economies of operation not before dreamed of by street railway operators, and in some cases a way to preserve the prevailing rate of fare.
The authors have done a notably valuable work in presenting the salient facts of the period covered in their investigation—1914-1915—and in drawing their conclusions they appear to have been eminently fair and judicial. Their study covers the United States generally and includes both elaborate statistical studies
and intensive investigation of transportation conditions in specific fields. A special chapter is given to a review of Cleveland's experience with cheap fares, and their findings appear to be fair to all interests. Other studies cover the zone system of fixing fares, the relation of length of haul and density of traffic to cost of service, a comparison of American and British fare systems, and rate of return on capital investment. The authors reach the following condensed general conclusions:
That the flat-rate system as used on practically all the street railways of this country is an inheritance from the horse-car days, and is not now the proper or the best system for fixing fares, being too inflexible to meet changing conditions entering into the cost of furnishing service and discriminating between long and short rides.
That the only just and satisfactory way to meet present and future conditions in the street railway industry is for the companies to arrange their fare systems on a basis more nearly approximating distance, or zone, rates. A reasonable limitation of the length of haul for a 5c. fare in urban service, with a small excess charge for long hauls, and a lower unit rate than 5c. for a short haul in some cases, is the concrete suggestion offered.
While the authors made their study before the experiment of a 6c. fare in any city of importance had been made, they declare that their data show clearly that increased unit fares almost invariably result in a reduction in total passenger traffic, being especially discouraging to short riders. This view reinforces the present day opinion held by some that the popular recourse to a higher rate of fare to meet the added burdens of furnishing street railway transportation may not bring the results expected.
Before recommending a rate of fare each individual case must be treated as a special problem and studied separately, they hold. The rate as fixed should possess sufficient flexibility to lessen the risks of loss of dividends or interest as a means to secure capital at minimum rates.


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And due consideration should be given to the sociological and psychological sides of the question as well as its financial and economic aspects.
Stiles P. Jones.
♦
The Housing Problem in War and
Peace. By Charles Harris Whitaker,
Frederick L. Ackerman, Richard S.
Childs, Edith Elmer Woods and others.
Washington, D. C.: The Journal of the
American Institute of Architects. Pp.
116, illustrated. $2.25.
One of those who secured a copy of this thin, paper-covered volume and noted that it consists chiefly of articles reprinted from the Journal of the American Institute of Architects, first exclaimed over its price and then explained that lack of interest in the subject probably compelled a small edition. But however near to or far from the truth this explanation may be there is great significance in the fact that the Journal should be sponsor for such a book. Naturally architects have written much about houses, but here they have concerned themselves with other than architectural questions, have invaded the fields of economics and sociology and then have supplemented their own outgivings by including articles written by men and a woman quite outside the profession.
The Journal rendered a distinct service when it sent Mr. Ackerman to England last year to study the house-building undertaken by the British government in war time. It is increasing this service by putting his report and the other articles into a form which makes them available for others than architects, who alone may be presumed to keep files of the Journal on their shelves.
To be sure the architect’s point of view is dominant in the book and it results in a somewhat unbalanced presentation of the subject, noticeable in references to such matters as “restrictive” housing legislation as opposed to “constructive” housing legislation. Perhaps this is not altogether unfortunate as the balance in
American discussions has inclined to be the other way. Mrs. Wood in her article obviously seeks to keep the balance true though her subject, “Constructive Housing Legislation and Its Lesson For the United States,” forces her to become a special pleader. But one wishes that Mr. Kohn had added to his brief but caustic comments on the New York tenement house law what “some of us think we know is needed to relieve a situation which is the result of our inelastic law joined to the profiteers’ cupidity.” Others of us would like to know what Mr. Kohn thinks he knows.
There are other explanations than the one in the first paragraph why this book will not be a best seller. It is a pioneer. Much of its content lies beyond the interest of many architects. It is not sparing of adjectives for another group in the community, the real estate operator. It contains an article by Richard S. Childs that shows a way by which the land owner may be put out of business and so counters an ancient tradition; another by Thomas Adams on the control of land, not for the benefit of individuals, but for that of the community; and another by Walter H. Kilham on Massachusetts as a landlord.
Dreams of a Utopia too far away to even seem possible may run into large editions, suggestions whose sponsors believe they can and should be acted on now don’t take well until they have been accepted. They involve thinking and the overcoming of difficulties. The Housing Problem in War and Peace is one of a new crop of books on housing the number and popularity of which will increase.
John Ihlder.
Philadelphia.
*
The Play Movement and Its Significance. By Henry S. Curtis, Ph.D.
New York: The Macmillan Company.
Pp. 346. $1.50.
In these days of war, when at first to think of play seemed unpatriotic, until next it appeared that without recreation,


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
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which is merely another name for play, soldier efficiency was decreased enormously, and the firing line diverted by nearly 20 per cent of its fighting units, a broad discussion of the play movement is distinctly in order.
Dr. Curtis, who was formerly secretary of the Playground Association of America, and is now supervisor of Playgrounds of the District of Columbia, has written three other books on play. The present volume is an up-to-date survey of a movement by no means yet fully comprehended or understood in the United States, but which is of the utmost present relationship to that community efficiency and production on which, in the last analysis, the security of democratic institutions mainly depends.
The book discusses the play movement in the United States, in its relation to schools and towns. There is an important chapter on public recreation, and a frank and rather upsetting chapter in which the streets as playgrounds are considered for that purpose. Play in the country is discussed extensively, as is play for institutions. The two national organizations which can be so helpful, the Boy Scouts and the Camp-Fire Girls, are related to recreation, and there is adequate setting forth of the means for obtaining the equipment and supplies. A broad recreation survey is proposed and outlined, and the whole subject is brought down to “brass tacks” in the chapter entitled “What is the Cost?” Dr. Curtis urges the economy of playground provision, while putting to well deserved scorn the conventional attitude in American communities which are usually “working for a low tax rate, with the feeling that a city with a low rate must be an economical city to live in,” while it is apparent that not infrequently “a low tax rate may well mean that the city will be an expensive city to live in.” Stating that we are now spending about ten cents per capita on public recreation in America, Dr. Curtis insists that “an adequate system, which is really necessary for the people of the country, would cost us one hundred million dollars a year, or one dollar per capita.”
It may properly be said that Dr. Curtis’ book is the best available present day treatise on the one subject most likely to be overlooked, neglected and minified by the well-meaning but shortsighted patriots, who, if they had their way, would soon unknowingly destroy the working efficiency of the United States, as well as its ability to pay taxes and buy bonds. Proper,attention to the play movement from the sane public standpoint is surely, at this moment, one of the very best ways in which to “keep the home fires burning.”
J. Horace McFarland.
*
American City Progress and the
Law. Hewitt Lectures by Howard
Lee McBain. New York: Columbia
University Press. Pp. 289.
This little volume provides a sound and discriminating discussion of the decisions of our courts on the method of securing municipal home rule, the doctrine of a strict construction of the grant of municipal powers and the limitations upon the powers of our cities when they enter upon such modern municipal activities as regulation of the smoke nuisance and billboards, city planning, including the limitation of the height of buildings, zoning and excess condemnation, municipal ownership of public utilities, regulation of prices, public recreation and the promotion of commerce and industry. The author not only collects most of the recent cases on the subjects under discussion but carefully examines the reasons advanced by the courts. No one who has read much in the cases can fail to agree with him in his strictures upon the frequent indefiniteness and meaninglessness of the phrases of some of the opinions and the unsoundness or inadequacy of the reasons often given. The treatment throughout is fair, moderate, progressive and sane. Where the author has a theory to suggest out of line with the law as settled he does not leave the real state of the law in doubt. The book again demonstrates the elasticity and expansiveness of the common law.


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BOOK REVIEWS
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It may be slow moving but it does, to a considerable extent, adapt itself to the advancing needs and views of society. The volume is decidedly helpful to the teacher and student of municipal corporations as well as to the instructor and pupil in municipal government.
Feed W. Catlett.
Seattle, Wash.
♦
Important Federal Laws. Compiled
by John A. Lapp, LL.D. Indianapolis:
B. F. Bowen & Co. 1917. Pp. 1100.
The functions of the federal government, especially of supervision and control, are being extended so rapidly that a volume like this is of necessity of interest and importance to students of municipal affairs. It deals with such questions as vocational education, immigration and naturalization, regulation of business, foods and drugs, labor, elections, moral reform, public health, and penology, with all of which the municipal student is directly concerned. Dr. Lapp has brought together in this volume all the recent legislation dealing with these and kindred subjects, pointing out in his introduction that “the growth of federal power has been marked during the last two years, concrete evidence of which is found in many acts of Congress which regulate business. Twenty years ago it was hardly necessary for the lawyer or business man to refer to federal acts in the conduct of everyday affairs. The state laws governed the business relations of men almost entirely. This condition has completely changed.” The list of acts compiled in this volume indicates the extent to which the federal government has gone in controlling the affairs of men and in providing for the common welfare.
It is significant to note that of the important acts in the volume more than two-thirds have been enacted since 1910, and more than half passed, revised or amended since June, 1916. The war is working many changes, but in none so extensively or effectively as in connection with the various subjects treated in this volume. A supplement gives the im-
portant acts of the special session of Congress which adjourned October 6, 1917.
*
State Sanitation. By George Chandler Whipple. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Vol. II. $2.50.
In the second volume of his admirable review of the work of the Massachusetts state board of health, Professor Whipple summarizes the reports of that body. In this way the whole wealth of material accumulated during a long period of useful service has been made available. In making the selections especial prominence has been given to water supply and sewage disposal, in the investigation of which the board has been a leader and in the solution of the metropolitan phases of which Boston and adjacent cities have been so deeply concerned. Among the other subjects treated are public health in its broader aspects (the earliest contribution being a circular letter of 1870), preventive medicine, the Charles River basin, bacteriology, inspection of dairies and infantile paralysis.
*
Modern Civic Art. By Charles Mul-' ford Robinson. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. $3.50. (Fourth Edition.)
That four editions of this admirable work should be called for is a striking tribute to its value and permanency. Written fifteen years ago, the author in his preface to his fourth edition said that a rereading of it impressed two things upon his mind: one was the endorsement which the lapse of time had given to its principles, and the other was the progress of municipal art within that period. The prefatory note contains a significant word as to the ‘‘seeming incongruity of a volume on such a subject at a period when modem civiliza--tion was fighting for its life, and when cities that long have been the pride of civic art are crumbling between shot and shell.” But he adds, “Was there ever a time when civic art needed more urgently than now that its friends should rally for it, ever a more needed occasion for clearly enunciating its eternal principles than when the


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builders of cities are facing the despair of a shattered past and the opportunity of an untrammelled future? Surely it is not without significance that during the world war civic art has been the one phase of art which has proved a subject of international discussion. A half-dozen committees are concerning themselves while the war lasts to make sure that cities and towns shall be reconstructed in accordance with artistic principles. ”
This volume increases one’s sense of loss in the passing away of its author.
*
A Bibliography of Municipal Utility Regulation and Municipal Ownership. By Don Lorenzo Stevens, N. B. A. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. $4.
This is a comprehensive bibliography designed primarily for the use of business men, but of use to all students of this prob-
II. BOOKS
A Chronicle of One Hundred and Fifty Years. The Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, 1768-1918. By Joseph BucklinBishop. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Pp. 310.
City Manager Plan of Government-By Edward Charles Mabie. New York: The H. S. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series. Pp. 245. $1.25.
A Community Center: What It Is and How to Organize It. By Henry E. Jackson. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 159. $1.
The Financing of Public Service Corporations. By Milton B. Ignatius, LL.M. New York: The Ronald Press Company. Pp. 508.
History of Labour in the United States. By John R. Commons, et al. Vols. I and II. New York: The Macmillan Company. $6.50.
Mediaeval Town Planning. A Lecture delivered at the John Rylands Library, December 13, 1916. By T. F. Tout, M.A., F.B.A. Manchester: The University Press. New York: Longmans, Green & Co.
lem. Prepared as part of the editor’s work on a volume oh the regulation of municipal utilities, it represents more than the average bibliography in that the descriptive notes are fuller and so far as a brief examination discloses, accurate and helpful. The references are arranged under the following headings: general works, history of utilities and of regulation, franchises, public service commissions, fluctuation, rates, taxation, holding companies, municipal ownership. Perhaps it was to be expected there would be no reference to the effect of the war on transportation and the management and conduct of public utilities generally. It is only a question of time, and that a very short time, when most of the material on this subject will have only historical interest unless written from the new viewpoint of a larger social and community point of view. The volume is one of the Harvard business studies.
RECEIVED
Municipal Ownership. Compiled by Julia E. Johnsen. New York: The H. W. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series. Pp. 334. $1.50.
The New Voter: Things He and She Ought to Know About Politics and Citizenship. By Charles Willis Thompson. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. Pp. 349. $1.50.
Party Organization and Machinery in Michigan since 1890. By Arthur Chester Millspaugh, Ph.D. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. Pp. 189. $1. The Real Business of Living. By James H. Tufts. New York: Henry Holt & Company. Pp. 476.
Theories of Social Progress. By Arthur James Todd, Ph.D. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 579. $2.25.
Use Your Government. What Your Government Does for You. By Al-issa Franc. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co. Pp. 374. $2.
The Woman Voter’s Manual. By S. E. Forman and Marjorie Shuler. New York: The Century Co. Pp. 180. $1.


1918]
REVIEWS OF REPORTS
401
III. REVIEWS OF REPORTS
Untaxed Wealth of Cleveland and Why.1
—By untaxed wealth Mr. Zangerle means property liable to taxation but not actually taxed. From time to time persons, unfamiliar with Ohio conditions, cite Ohio as a wonderful example of an efficient administration of the. general property tax. To all such persons Mr. Zangerle’s pamphlet is commended.
Probably none of the admirers of the Ohio system from a distance know that practically all the property of public utility corporations is listed as personal property in Ohio and as real property in many other states, including New York. In Cleveland, public utility property constitutes 32 per cent of the total personal property listed. Other corporations, including banks, supply 55 per cent of the total personal property listed, leaving only 13 per cent for the contribution of natural persons. In the state of New York and in several other states, bank shares and trust company assets are not under the general property tax.
Mr. Zangerle enumerates some of the most troublesome features of the general property tax with those ordinary remedies that have been applied in states more fortunate than Ohio. He shows that he cannot collect taxes on automobiles satisfactorily and recommends that they pay a registration tax in lieu of all other taxes. He says that banks have a just grievance and implies that the New York and Pennsylvania systems are better than the Ohio. The attempt to tax bank deposits is a failure. He says, “Under the circumstances, no thumb screw or rack or fear of perjury could pry loose this property from thousands of owners.”
He has nothing good to say for the taxation of mortgages and credits and recommends an amendment to the Constitution permitting the exemption of mortgages after payment of a recording fee. As to the taxation of the stock of foreign corporations he says there are not enough judges to try the cases that would arise if proceedings were brought against
1 By John A. Zangerle, County Auditor.
all persons suspected of having foreign stocks. The conviction of owners that the taxation of shares is double taxation renders the task of the administrator hard. He concludes that the personal property tax “takes three-fourths of all the time and expense of Ohio assessors, produces 4 to 5 per cent of the revenue, if corporation, bank, and estate listings are segregated.”
There is much that is admirable in the statement of the method of assessment of land and buildings and in the suggestion of various improvements in the system.
Lawson Purdy.
*
Taxation in Saskatchewan Municipalities.1—Dr. Robert Murray Haig in a report to the government of Saskatchewan has made an admirable summary of an abnormal and difficult condition caused by the war.
The cities of Saskatchewan have depended chiefly for their revenue upon a tax on land values. In the aggregate, 86 per cent of the revenue of the seven cities in the province was derived from land alone; eleven per cent came from a tax on improvements; and 3 per cent from various other sources. The selling value and, in consequence, the assessed value of vacant land in these cities rose before the war to extravagant heights. Since the beginning of the war assessments have been much reduced, though probably not to the extent of the fall in selling value. In Regina the assessed value was seventy-three millions in 1914 and forty-three millions in 1917. In the next largest city, Saskatoon, the assessment was reduced from fifty-seven millions in 1914 to thirty-six millions in 1917. The owners of vacant land have complained quite bitterly that so much of the burden is imposed upon them. Taxes are in arrears to a rather alarming extent. On the average, for all cities, the arrears amount to very nearly one year’s tax levy. The administrators
1 Taxation in the Urban Municipalities of Saskatchewan. A report to the government of the Province of Saskatchewan, by Robert Murray Haig. 1917. 48 p.


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who are responsible for obtaining public revenues fear to proceed to enforce the law and sell land for taxes lest it will result in the title falling to the city or in seriously disturbing assessable values.
Professor Haig says that “any plan for readjustment should be predicated on the assumption that the special taxation of land, to the extent that the same has come to be generally accepted as normal and proper, will be retained as the basis of the system. This source of revenue has demonstrated, however, its lack of dependability under conditions such as now prevail." Among other things, Professor Haig recommends that the tax rate be limited to twenty mills. It seems that this is much too low a rate. The present tax rates in the cities are not high when one considers that the tax is imposed almost exclusively on land value. In some of the villages the tax rates are quite high, being 14 per cent in one instance; but the highest tax in any city.is in Moose Jaw— 2.72 per cent; in Regina the rate is 2.4.
The problem seems to be chiefly one of efficient and accurate assessment. Assessments have not been reduced as rapidly as values have fallen. As the tax rate increases, values naturally fall more rapidly than they would otherwise. High tax rates sound much higher than they really are. Interest rates are high in western Canada so that while the capitalization rate in New York might be 5 per cent it probably is nearly 10 per cent in Saskatchewan.
Let us suppose that the capitalization rate is 6 per cent in Saskatchewan. In small cities a suitable building is usually worth twice as much as the ground and often considerably more. For convenience of calculation, let us assume the following facts; land rent, $1,800; building rent, $3,600; total rent, $5,400; tax, $1,200; net rent, $4,200. The tax is 281 per cent of the net rent of $4,200 and yet the tax rate is 12 per cent, which, on the basis of a 6 per cent capitalization rate, is two-thirds of the rent before the tax is deducted. In this case it is assumed that there is no tax on the building at all.
The city of New York buildings are
taxed at full value. We will assume that 5 per cent is the capitalization rate. A little computation will show that a 2 per cent tax rate will take 40 per cent of the net rent. If the rent before the tax were taken out were $5,400 the tax would be $1,542 and the net rent would be $3,858. For improved property, therefore, it appears, that a 12 per cent tax rate on land alone, where the building is worth twice as much as the land, is considerably less than a tax rate of 2 per cent when land and building both are taxed.
If the present policy shall be pursued and assessments reduced as values decrease, the highly desirable result may follow that land not yet ripe' for building may have the barrier of speculative value thrown down. If the land is worth anything at all for use it must be for an agricultural use. So used and fairly assessed, the tax would be very small even though the rate were high.
Lawson Pubdy.
*
State Movement for Efficiency and Economy.—Because of low operating efficiency and impaired services in face of rapidly increasing expenses and added tax burdens, state government at last has be-begun to attract popular attention. State government, like the government of our counties, has not until very recently shared the consideration which municipal and the national government have received. During the past decade, however, the need for efficiency and economy in state government has been recognized, and in a number of states special agencies have been created to study the problem.
State government originally was planned to care for a relatively small amount of business. As our commonwealths developed and increased in population, and as our national, economic and social life became more and more complex, new agencies have been created to care for the additional functions which state government has had to assume from time to time. These additions have been tacked on the antiquated constitutional structure in a haphazard, illogical manner, and without regard to functional relation to exist-


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ing agencies, so that to-day we find structural weaknesses, duplication of functions, inefficiency and much unnecessary expense.
In 1911 Wisconsin initiated a nationwide movement for economy and efficiency in state government by the creation of a board to investigate the organization and administration of the state agencies and to formulate plans for the “improvement of the state administration in general.” During the next few years similar agencies were created in a number of states. Some of these commissions have called in specialists and critically examined the structural organization of their respective state governments, measured administrative services, and scrutinized methods. Reports have been made, a valuable summary and analysis of which are contained in a volume of 163 pages by Raymond Moley of the Western Reserve University, published as No. 90 of Municipal Research by the New York bureau of municipal research.
After reviewing the appointment, organization, duties, plan of work, and accomplishments of the commissions of Wisconsin, New Jersey, Massachusetts, New York, Iowa, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Minnesota, Connecticut, Alabama, Colorado, Kansas, Virginia, Oregon and of West Virginia in chapter one, Mr. Moley passes to a discussion of the recommendations of the commissions regarding the selection of public officers, and finds that “In no case was a recommendation made to increase the number of elective officers, while in four states, Iowa, Illinois, Pennsylvania and Colorado, a short ballot was suggested,” and that all agree that too many state officers are now elected. Vesting the governor with wider and more unrestricted power of appointment, he says, is urged in all of the more comprehensive studies, although recommendations as to methods of removal are omitted. The merit system is treated in only five or six of the reports.
With but two exceptions every com-
mission under consideration makes recommendations for budgetary reform, and Mr. Moley calls attention to the fact that “In all cases except one, that of Wisconsin, the thought of the commission seems to have turned to an executive rather than a legislative budget.” Nearly all of the reports suggest simplification in governmental machinery and the consolidation of a multitude of offices. Mr. Moley discusses these suggestions in great detail in his chapters five and six under the heading “administration of public service functions.”
Mr. Moley reaches the conclusion that the work of the economy and efficiency commissions has shown conclusively that a thorough reorganization in state government is impossible without constitutional amendment; although he frankly admits that the “need of economy is so pressing that the infrequent meetings of a constitutional convention cannot be relied upon for relief.”
In discussing what has been accomplished by these commissions he concludes that “the commissions which placed the gathering of data and the formulation of advice in the hands of competent specialists seem to have accomplished the most,” and that “the most fruitful results come from bodies made up entirely of members of the legislature. The temporary commission which sets out to offer concrete recommendations limited by and adjusted to actual conditions, and which has a first hand knowledge of the legisla-' ture has thus far been the most serviceable to the cause.”
Mr. Moley, in preparing this volume, has made a very useful and valuable contribution to the literature on the state movement for efficiency and economy, and deserves the thanks of all students of comparative government and those who have to deal with the every day problems of state administration under the present system.
LeRoy Hodges.1
1 Secretary to the Governor of Virginia.
5


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General Statistics of Cities: 1916.1—
Twenty years ago it would have been considered worse than foolish either to ask or expect of the Bureau of Census information concerning the recreational facilities of cities in the United States. It is peculiarly significant that this present survey should appear late in 1917, at a time when the fighting value of recreation in the Armies of Democracy has been made apparent, and when the federal government itself, without any facilities for promoting the necessary recreation in its armies, has turned to the Young Men’s Christian Association, as an available agency for keeping the soldiers fit, happy and ready to fight.
The cities considered are placed in five groups, in the familiar census separation. Two hundred and thirteen cities are reported upon. There are comparative diagrams, applying particularly to cities which have a park policy, like Kansas City. Park districts, metropolitan park systems, county park systems, national parks and national forests are all taken into account, so that it may properly be said that there is gathered here information of the utmost importance to those dealing with recreation in any form, and accessible elsewhere only through the consultation of ponderous volumes. The preliminary inquiry was made of men known to be informed and interested in matters of public recreat'on, and the questions asked, the answers to which are here set forth in tabular form, are consequently intelligent and important. For instance, the distance of parks from the population center of the city is discussed, as also the cost and the methods of park lighting, and policing, and a summary of revenue receipts and governmental cost payments on account of recreation. It is encouraging to note that one hundred and eleven cities now have swimming pools and bathing beaches, and that one hundred and eighteen cities conducted at public ex-
* Including statistics of parks, play-grounds, museums and art galleries, zoological collections, music and entertainments, swimming pools and bathing beaches, and other features of the recreational service. Published by the Bureau of Census, Department of Commerce, Washington, D. C.
pense 5,944 public concerts. Dance halls, free moving picture entertainments, celebrations, museums and art galleries, zoological parks are mentioned and briefly discussed.
The writer does not find himself quite clear in his understanding of the figuring of the cost, and it may be that there has not been exactly the discrimination in obtaining these items that is desirable. Yet it is certain that there is here an important attempt at a fair and impartial comparative statement which is of the utmost value to the student of the sociological relation of recreation.
To the uninformed, the thoughtless and the well-intentioned rattle-brains, such as those, for instance, who have recently been pushing the effort to divert Central Park, New York, from its recreational uses, it may be a matter of information and a suggestion of importance to say that the federal value of all recreational properties in 1916, not related to the national parks, of course, was 81,263,279,877. It is not quite clear exactly how much was expended on the maintenance of this property and in making it serviceable to the large population dependent upon it, but the expenditures reported seem to total about thirty-five millions of dollars, which is important but scarcely serious, being not greatly in excess of the expenditure during the same year for the purchase of chewing gum. One dollar per year for each inhabitant of the United States would not seem to be an excessive expenditure for providing that ability to work, that sane outlook on things which goes to make up productive citizenship through publicly owned and managed recreational facilities.
J. Horace McFarland.
*
Town Planning in Australia.—The
town planning seed which Mr. Charles C. Reade has been sowing in Australia during the past three years is apparently yielding good fruit. The first Inter-State Conference on Town Planning, held in Adelaide in October last, was witness to the rapid growth of the movement as well as to the energy of its promoters. One of


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the striking facts shown in connection with the reports1 of the conference is the extent to which members of government bodies join in its serious deliberations and social functions.
There was revealed in the discussions reported the need for township planning as well as city planning—a point requiring emphasis in America. As the Governor General of Australia said, the town planning problem varies with the hemisphere, and in new countries is almost more a country than a city problem.
In Mr. Reade’s paper on Municipal Town Planning he makes the statement that “the cardinal error in all Australian cities arose with the introduction of local government when the powers possessed by the state were not handed on to the municipality.” In order to retain local government and yet enable the powers of the state to be effectively exercised in local matters he proposed the creation of a state town planning authority to work in conjunction with the local councils and in some respects to supersede them.
The draft legislation proposed is described in a pamphlet compiled by Mr. Reade, who is government town planner in South Australia. The legislation covers both housing and town planning and although not appropriate in form for American conditions is worthy of perusal by all interested in town planning law and procedure.
The close connection between the Garden City and town planning movements in the British Empire is indicated by the fact that war housing and planning in England is under the control of Mr. Raymond Unwin and other architects who were identified with the planning of the Letchworth scheme, that Mr. Reade who was assistant secretary of the Garden City Association is now government town planner in Australia, and that Canada has also a former Garden City secretary as its town planning adviser. It is because of this connection that housing reform and
1 South Australian Town Planning and Housing Report and Synopsis, The Metropolitan Organization of Municipal Town Planning; Reports of Conferences, etc.
town planning are advocated together and dealt with by the same administrative machinery. The coming of government housing in the United States will establish the same link between the two movements in this country, and it is the most hopeful sign of the times that housing reformers and town planners are getting together in working out their schemes.
Thomas Adams.
*
Arterial Roads for Birmingham, England.1—Here is a publication to astonish certain of our American citizens, some of them in high places, who believe that in order to win the Great War all public enterprise must be stopped and all civic advance forgotten. England is certainly in this war for Democracy, and Birmingham, the manufacturing heart of England, is in it about as deep as any community can be that is not directly under the guns of the Huns. Yet after more than three years of increasingly sanguinary fighting and man depletion, the city of Birmingham calmly prints a proposition for widening and improving the arterial roads which lead out from its civic center.
The first of the plans is a key plan, in which there is shown an “Inner Ring Road” from which radiate, or are to radiate, eight arterial highways, most of them 120 feet wide, save for certain distancf restricted to 110 feet wide. These • have not been laid out by the fa American T-square method which quires no consideration of the cont> the land, the convenience of the people, their prosperity. The detailed maps which follow show just what properties will be cut off in a thickly populated and extremely busy city in order to get highways wide enough to avoid further and more difficult congestion in business. Cross sections are given for these arterial roads, showing that they are also worked out with intelligent thought of the present and the future instead of under the simple and usual American scheme of paving all of the highways which cannot be turned into
i Plans, etc., for arterial roads, accompanying the report of the Public Works Committee to the City Council of Birmingham, England, October 16, 1917.


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sidewalks. It may surprise American city engineers to learn that where property is to be acquired for widening roads in a large community by the difficult process of tearing down buildings, there is nevertheless thoughtful provision for trees—not less than two rows to any road and usually four—as well as for the trolley tracks. In fact, the standard cross section of the 120 foot arterial road divides so as to show a footpath on either side of 19 feet 6 inches, including tree space; two roadways of 24 feet each on either side of a trolley track, and tree space of 33 feet. The 110 foot section reduces the footpaths to 17 feet 6 inches, eliminates the two central rows of trees, and cuts down the trolley track space to 27 feet.
Still more astonishingly, this widening proposition, which involves interfering with the fronts of many buildings, goes so far as to indicate how effective business displays may be made by depicting graphically a "type of modern shop front” suggested, as well as putting into the same graphic form a rendering of the completed 120 foot roadway.
That this is no fanciful scheme is indicated by the inclusion in the volume of maps of other cities which have gone along in the same direction ahead of Birmingham. Liverpool, for example, is depicted with several miles of “intended new and widened roads” as compared with many more miles of “recently completed new and widened roads.” Edinburgh is called to witness similarly.
The writer’s anti-billboard susceptibilities are stimulated by the photographic reproductions accompanying these plans, which show the signboards that will be forever disturbed by the proposed widening, as well as the sort of property that will be rendered more useful for business purposes. The inadequacy of what the English call a footpath and we call a sidewalk is graphically depicted in a number of views, as is the congestion of traffic at a “tramway stopping place.” The proposed work is to remedy all these difficulties, and the planning for it seems to have gone on undisturbed by the Prussian menace. It is to be wished that Mr.
Frank A. Vanderlip and some other of the public men of America who have recently given utterance to statements respecting the doing of anything but either fighting or sitting on the fence to watch the fighters, might realize how the courageous fighting English are going on with an approach to civic efficiency as the only means to keep their “tight little isle” worth fighting for.
J. Horace McFarland.
*
Housing Conditions and Tuberculosis in Los Angeles.1—'This little pamphlet presents an unusually clear picture of the conditions under which the inhabitants of a certain district in Los Angeles are living and presents with unusual force the effects of those conditions. The author says, “It was forcibly brought to my attention that the clinic treatments were relatively useless if the children lived under conditions that produced disease.” She therefore made the study of which this report is a result.
Among the 1,650 inhabitants of the 331 habitations visited, 855 were Mexicans and 495 Italians. The rest were Spanish, Austrian, German, French, English, Irish and American—a conglomerate worthy of an eastern manufacturing city. Of the first group 42 per cent were born in the United States -or had lived here at least ten years; of the second group 44 per cent. Of the third group 48 per cent were born in this country and 36 per Cent more have lived here at least ten years. The study, consequently, does not deal with helpless new arrivals, but with people a large proportion of whom may be assumed to have achieved as good conditions as they are likely to know unless some new element is introduced into the situation.
The first conclusion drawn is that these people are living on a wage too small to secure the necessities of life. The next i3 that the “habitations” are inadequate both in sanitation and in size. Many
1A Study of the Housing and Social Conditions in the Ann Street District of Los Angeles, California. By Gladys Patric, M. D.f under the direction of the Department of Sociology of the University of Southern California. Published by the Los Angeles Society for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis.
28 p.


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families of Mexicans and Italians are living in dwellings made over from factories and stores. The characteristic dwelling of the Mexicans, however, is the house-court so common in the cities of the southwest. The Italians—and this bears repeating in spite of its re-discovery in city after city where choice is possible—“seemed to have a preference for the cottage.” Along with lack of proper sanitation goes lack of sufficient space. In two room houses the family frequently numbers six or eight. “It was not uncommon to find two or three children under the bed on a poor mattress. Some of the most desperate cases of tuberculosis were found in these two-room houses. Under such crowded and unsanitary conditions, and without even the crudest conveniences, it is not surprising that personal cleanliness, as well as necessary care for the home, is neglected.”
The following factors are found to be pre-disposing causes which lower bodily resistence and make ready the soil for the ever present germ:
1. The low wage.
2. Poor and insufficient food.
3. Overcrowding and lack of ventilation.
4. Lack of facilities for cleanliness.
5. Ignorance in regard to personal hygiene.
6. Prevalence of flies.
Dr. Patric’s recommendations for the correction of existing conditions include the enforcement of the new state housing law, the registration of open cases of tuberculosis and an increase of sanitoria and open air schools.
John Ihlder.
*
The Water-Works System of Chicago1.
—Chicago is in the unenviable position of being in the top rank of American cities as regards water consumption and waste. During a period when her finances are in a most deplorable condition, when municipal and private thrift is a solemn duty, and when the country is suffering from a coal famine and freight movement
1 Report prepared by the Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency. Pp. 207; illustrated.
stagnation, Chicago continues on her usual course of pumping immense volumes of water at great expense only to be wasted to no one’s good. Add to this a muddled system of water-works financing, including a diversion of water revenues to help meet general municipal expenses, and some idea may be gained of the reforms that are needed in the management of the Chicago water-works. All this has been urged on the mayor and counsel and taxpayers for years by the engineers responsible for the water-works operation, but to no avail. In the hope of influencing the public to realize the seriousness of the case this report has been prepared and published. It reviews the history and status of the Chicago water-works, by means of text, tables, diagrams, and halftone views—all so plainly as to be within the easy comprehension of any intelligent citizen, and so forcibly, one would suppose, as to drive home to citizens and couneilmen the need for drastic reforms. The remedy for water waste, which is one of the main burdens of the report, is the adoption of meters. This should be done not only to cut down waste and save coal and money, but also because the sale of water by meter measurement is the only equitable way of distributing the burden of waterworks service among the consumers. The report deserves wide circulation and study and its plain teachings should be heeded, both in Chicago and many other cities where water is being shamefully wasted and water-works operated with no regard for sound principles of administration.
M. N. B.
*
Street Railways in Washington, D. C.—■
The recent report of John A. Beeler on transportation conditions in Washington, D. C., is a notable contribution to the literature of constructive criticism which is doing so much to better operating conditions in the urban transportation field. Mr. Beeler’s report is addressed to the public utilities commission of the District of Columbia and issued as Senate document No. 197.
Following a comprehensive study of


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street railway operating conditions in the district, Mr. Beeler offers a series of definite suggestions for making the system adequate to meet the extraordinary conditions in Washington resulting from the enormous influx of government workers during the past year.
Mr. Beeler recommends ten measures for immediate relief from the intolerable conditions of street-car crowding and street congestion. Prominent among these are the skip-stop, loading platforms at various strategetic locations, double berthing, limitation of auto parking in the streets, one-way traffic on certain thoroughfares, rerouting, new extensions, and, finally, the “staggering” of the hours of business for private and government officers as a means of minimizing the peakload problem. Most of the recommendations were put into effect promptly, and with obviously beneficial results. The application of the skip-stop, it is estimated, has increased the speed of the cars approximately 15 per cent. Application of Mr. Beeler’s recommendations also affords opportunities for notable reductions in operating expenses.
Stiles P. Jones.
♦
Civil Service Progress in St. Louis.—
The efficiency board of St. Louis, Mo., has recently published two documents of interest. One contains the “rules of the efficiency board governing the classified service,” and the other gives a “description of the duties and classification of positions in the classified service of the city of St. Louis.” The latter is of especial interest because it presents a departure from the usual procedure in standardizing public employments. After the efficiency board had worked out a classification of the service and had defined the duties of all the different positions it published the results in questionnaire form and sent them to employers of all classes for the purpose of ascertaining the prevailing rates of compensation and other conditions of employment of persons performing duties similar to those in the city service. The information thus obtained
is to be used as a basis for fixing the standard salary and wage rates and will apply to positions under the city government.
It is interesting, also, to note that the efficiency board of St. Louis followed the New York plan of classification rather than the Chicago, or Jacobs plan.
William C. Beyer.
*
Standardization of Salaries in Massachusetts.—On January 2, 1918, the executive council of the state of Massachusetts transmitted to the legislature its report on the standardization of salaries in the state service. This report was prepared by a special committee of the council which had been engaged on the work for the sixteen months preceding. The detailed work in connection with the state departmental and institutional service as distinguished from the judicial and county service was done by the supervisor of administration.
Unlike other reports on standardization of employments, this one does not embody the actual specifications of individual positions and groups of positions, but simply gives a sample specification to illustrate the method used. This sample specification and the classification of the service indicate that the New York plan of standardization has been followed as a model. It is noteworthy also that the agency by which the standardization program in Massachusetts has been undertaken is an administrative body other than the civil service commission, for the last two years have witnessed a decided tendency to make the department having to do with employment the standardization agency.
A word should be said by way of commendation for the exceedingly lucid and non-technical manner in which the matter of this report is presented. W. C. B.
*
“Know Your Own Town, State, Country.”—Under this title, with the subheading “Prepare for Good Citizenship,” the Rhode Island Equal Suffrage Association has provided a set of eleven questionnaires, covering town, city and state governments, as well as the United States


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409
government, and including such topics as health and recreation, industries, taxes, public utilities, police and fire protection, charitable and educational institutions.
“The purpose of this study course,” as stated in the preliminary circular, “is to prepare for good citizenship.” Obviously anyone who can answer 50 per cent of the questions is at least in possession of the knowledge which might make him a good citizen. It is perhaps too much to expect, however, that we patriotic, enthusiastic, lazy Americans should inform ourselves in detail upon matters so unessential as those relating to the protection we get from government, to the taxes we pay for maintaining that government, and to everything which surrounds us, including air, smoke, artificial light and the other appurtenances of civilization.
Very admirable are these questions. Anyone actually interested can obtain the sheets at five cents each, or fifty cents per dozen, upon addressing the headquarters of the Rhode Island Equal Suffrage Asso-
ciation, 448 Butler Exchange, Providence, Rhode Island.
*
A Statistical Study of American Cities.
—A comparison of various municipal conditions in thirty-six cities, made by the students of Reed College, Portland, Ore., under the direction of William Fielding Ogbum, professor of sociology, fills the some forty pages of “Reed College Record,” No. 27, December, 1917. Wage rates, cost of living, death rates, child labor, church membership, parks, pavements, school attendance, and illiteracy are some of the eighteen subjects for which numerical and graphical ratings are given. The statistics were taken from published sources and range in date from 1905 to 1918. A grand summary gives the rank of the thirty-eight cities. Professor Foster states in his prefatory note that “all western cities are in the first quarter, nearly all southern cities are in the last quarter, and most cities of other sections are in the middle quarters.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY1
Accounting
Kester (R. B.). Accounting—theory and practice. A first year text. 1918. 607 pp. diagrs.
New York State. Bureau op Municipal Accounts. Handbook of town administration and accounting for town officers. Prepared pursuant to Article 3 of the General Municipal Law, by Eugene M. Travis, Comptroller of the State of New York. 1918. 105 pp.
Baths and Swimming Pools
See also Public Health.
Anon. Application of • ozone to the purification of swimming pools. (Boston Med. and Surg. Jour., Mar. 21, 1918: 415.)
Franklin (W. S.). Bethlehem plan swimming pool. (Concrete Age, Apr., 1918: 15-18.)
Hinman (J. J.), Jr. The swimming pool and its operation. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: 305-311. illus.)
Gives statistics showing size, capacity, use and methods of maintenance of 84 swimming pools throughout the country.
Wirebaugh (F. E.). Municipal bath houses. (Amer. Municipalities, Apr., 1918: 20-21.)
1 Edited by Miss Alice M. Holden, Wellesley College.
Charters
Detroit Bureau of Governmental Research, Inc. The new charter. 1918. 4 pp. (Public Business, Apr. 6, 1918.)
" In substance the charter remains the same with useless material and glaring defects eliminated."
Detroit. Charter Commission. Proposed charter of the city of Detroit as adopted by the charter commission. [1918.] 163 pp.
Submitted at the polls on June 25.
—— --------. The new charter for
Detroit. A summary of its important provisions. [1918.] 15 pp.
------. Citizens’ Charter Committee. Twenty reasons for the adoption of the proposed charter. A catechism of questions and answers regarding points in the charter, or points left out, and why. May 10, 1918. [7 pp.], folder.
Healey (W. C. S.). Boston charters: development of responsibility in the Mayor. (Boston City Rec. Apr. 13, 1918: 287-288.)
New York City. Charter. Greater New York Charter, as enacted in 1897 and revised in 1901, as further amended by subsequent acts, down to and including the year 1917. With notes and references to judicial decisions relating thereto; to-


410 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
gether with appendices ... By Mark Ash. 4 ed. 1918. 1773 pp.
This is the first revision of this important work which has appeared since 1906, the date of the third edition. A valuable feature ia the collection of appendices.
City Manager Plan
Fredericksburg, Va. Office of . . . City Manager. Annual report on the fiscal affairs of the City of Fredericksburg for the year ending December 31,1917. 1918. 50 pp.
Contains among others an "Achievement Report, City Manager Form of Government.”
Roger (R. Stuart). The city manager form of government. 1918. 4 pp.
An address delivered before the Board of Trade of Hopewell, Va., by the City Manager of Fredericksburg, Va.
Rosa (C. D.). The city manager plan. (Municipality, Jan., 1918: 13-18.)
City Planning
See also Housing.
Allen (V. D.). Regulation of height of buildings [with discussion], (Cleveland Engrg. Soc. Jour., Mar., 1918 : 293-307.)
City Planning Conference. Proceedings of the Ninth National Conference on City Planning, Kansas City, Mo., May 7-9, 1917. 1917. 314 pp. illus.
Has papers on interurban passenger terminals, industrial terminals, street widening, traffic ways, treatment of water courses, park and boulevard systems, planning small cities, districting and zoning, building heights, elastic streets, city planning under war conditions, location of public buildings, etc.
Frary (I. T.). Suburban landscape planning in Cleveland. (Arch. Rec., Apr., 1918: 371-384. illus.)
Hoover (A. P.). Industrial city planning—a vital need for present and future commercial development. Mar., 1918. 21-24 pp.
Reprinted from Architecture and Building, March, 1918.
Hubbard (H. I.), and Kimball (Theodora). An introduction to the study of landscape design. 1917. xxii, 406 pp., 36 pi., photographs, drawings.
Manning (Warren H.). Planning the cantonments. The work of the American Society of Landscape Architects in their design. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: 331-336. illus., plans.)
Omaha. City Planning Commission. A city plan for Omaha. Nov., 1917. 88 pp. maps, photographs.
Unwin (Raymond). Nothing gained by overcrowding. How the garden city type of development may benefit both owner and occupier. 1918. 23 pp. illus., diagrs.
Correction
Charity Organization Society of the City of New York. Committee on Criminal Courts. The forgotten army. Six years’ work of the Committee on Criminal Courts. . . , 1911-1917, [by
George Everson, Executive Secretary]. [1918], 55 pp.
" A story of its work for the clean, intelligent and kindly administration of our inferior criminal courts."
Davis (Katherine Bement). Shall the parole commission be abolished? 1918. 6 pp., folder. (Woman’s Municipal League of the City of New York. Women and the City’s Work, Jan. 8, 1918.)
Levine (Manuel). Conciliation Court of Cleveland. (Jour, of the Amer. Judicature Soc., Je., 1918: 10-16.)
The Journal of the American Judicature Society is published bi-monthly from 31 West Lake St., Chicago.
Massachusetts. Board of Education and Bureau of Prisons. Report on investigation regarding establishing schools in county jails and houses of correction, Jan., 1918. 1918. 45 pp. (House doc. no. 1255.)
------. Commission on Probation. Report on the methods of parole from county jails and houses of correction. [Mar., 1918.] 14 pp.
Osborne (Thomas M.) Common sense in prison management. (Jour. Amer. Inst, of Criminal Law and Criminology, Mar., 1918 : 806-822.)
Peacock (Robert). Juvenile delinquency. (The Child, Mar., 1918: 265-282.)
Vance (W. R.). Minneapolis Conciliation Court. (Jour, of the Amer. Judicature Soc., Je., 1918: 16-23.)
Education
See also Fire Prevention, Schools.
Bureau of Municipal Research, New York. Instruction in civics in New York City high schools. A statistical survey, [By Anna M. Michener.] Sept., 1917. 39 pp. (Mun. Research no. 89.)
Burk (Frederic). Individual instruction vs. the lockstep system. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: 327-330.)
Commission on the Reorganization of Secondary Education. Physical education in secondary schools. A report of the Commission . . . 1918. 24 pp. (U. S. Bur. of Educ., Bui., 1917, no. 50.)
Levine (A. J.). The Ettinger Plan of education of New York. (Jour, of Educ., May 9, 1918 : 507-509.)
Reed (A. Y.). Newsboy service. A study in educational and vocational guidance. 1917. 175 pp. tables. (School efficiency monographs.)
This is a study of conditions in one city, Seattle, but it contributes to the better understanding of a nation-wide problem.
Elections
Boots (R. S.). The direct primary in New Jersey. 1917. 349 pp., tables.
An important contribution to the subject of the primary system through its thorough analysis of actual operation and results in New Jersey.


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Forman (S. E.) and Shuler (Marjorie). The woman voter’s manual. 1918. 180
pp.
“This book is seat forth to meet the evident desire of the American woman to know more about her government. Its purpose is not to satisfy that desire but to stimulate it.”—Preface.
Freeman (H. H.). First proportional representation election in Kalamazoo. (Amer. City, May, 1918: 455, 457.)
In February, 1918, the city of Kalamazoo adopted a new charter of the commission-manager type, including the Hare system of proportional representation for the election of the city commission of seven members.
. Milwaukee Voter’s League. Eighth biennial reports on common council, county board, and candidates before primary election, 1918. 35 pp.
Fire Prevention and Protection
Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York. Report on Fire Department equipment [of the City of New York; by the Committee on Insurance]. Apr. 4, 1918. [4 pp.]
Evening Post (New York). Fire prevention and control supplement. Apr. 26, 1918. 32 pp. illus.
Miner (H. L.). Fire prevention and fire protection during construction. With notes on construction of fire cut-offs and installation of fire extinguishing equipment. (Quart., Nat. Fire Prot. Assoc., Apr., 1918: 375-392.)
Topping (W. S.). Fire dangers of explosives and acids. (Fire Prot. Apr., 1918: 6-8.)
United States. Bureau of Education. Safeguarding the home against fire. A fire prevention manual for the school children of America. Prepared by the National Board of Fire Underwriters. [1918.] 91 pp. illus.
Health Insurance
American Association for Labor Legislation. Health insurance. A positive statement in answer to opponents. (Amer. Labor Leg. Rev., Dec., 1917. 627-695 pp.)
A select, annotated bibliography, pp. 689-695, covers the literature which has appeared since June,
1916.
------. Problems and methods of legislative investigating commissions [with special reference to health insurance]. Round table conference. [Dec. 27-28,
1917. ] (Amer. Labor Leg. Rev., Mar., 1918 : 85-107.)
Massachusetts. Special Commission on Social Insurance. Report, Jan. 15,
1918. 178 pp. (Sen. doc. no. 244.)
This report, which is concerned solely with health insurance, does not recommend the establishment of a system of compulsory health insurance. It contains much interesting material.
New York State Federation of Labor. Health insurance: advantages to
industry. Third report of the Committee on Health. 1918. 15 pp.
----. Health insurance: discussion of
bill endorsed by New York State Federation of Labor. Second report of the Committee on Health, Feb. 6, 1918. 20 pp.
-------. Health insurance: official endorsement [of bill pending in the Legislature] with first report of its Committee on Health. 1918. 16 pp.
Housing
See also City Planning.
Adams (Thomas). Community development in wartime. (Landscape Arch., Apr., 1918: 109-124.)
The housing problem part of the community problem; Industrial communities artificial in character; The American opportunity: why not create new towns; The garden city as an example of sound community development; The finance of a garden city; An opportunity for government enterprise.
----. Government housing during war.
(Conservation of Life, Apr., 1918 : 25-33. illus.)
Gives some account and views of the new towns of Gretna and Eastriggs, Scotland, developed by the British Government under the supervision of Raymond Unwin.
Anon. Housing [in England] after the war; some current notes on salient aspects. (Town Planning Rev., Apr., 1918: 219-242.)
----. Local authorities and housing.
Form and extent of state financial assistance [in England]. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Mar. 22, 1918: 272-273.)
----. State aid for housing. The
government scheme at last. (Mun. Jour. [Londonl, March 22, 1918: 317, 319.)
Buffalo. Health Commissioner. Buffalo’s housing conditions. [Report by F. B. Smering, Chief Sanitary Inspector.] [1918.] 6 sheets, typewritten.
Des Moines. Housing Commission. Report. Nov., 1917. 64 pp. illus.
Eclipse Home Makers, Inc. Eclipse Park [Beloit, Wis.]. Preliminary information and general description of houses, with terms of sale. [1918.] 20 pp., plate, plan, illus.
Evans (Edwin). The government housing proposals. (Mun. Jour. [London], Apr. 12, 1918: 395-396.)
Forster (H. W.). Industrial housing [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Engrs. Soc. of Western Pennsylvania, Dec., 1917 : 610-642.)
Goodrich (E. P.). War housing by rejuvenating blighted districts. (Landscape Arch., Apr., 1918: 125-132.)
Groben (W. E.). Modem industrial housing. 1918. 24 pp., plates.
Published by Ballinger and Perrot, architects and engineers. Refers especially to the industrial village built by them for the Viscose Company at Marcus Hook, Pa.


412 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
Magnusson (Leifur). A modem industrial suburb. (Monthly Rev., U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Apr., 1918: 1-25, plates, plans.)
Describes Morgan Park, a new suburb of Duluth, which is owned and operated by a subsidiary of the U. S. Steel Corporation.
Molitor (John). Housing in relation to health and morals. 1917. 8 pp. (National Housing Assoc. Pub. no. 41.)
Copies may be purchased for 10 cents from the Association, 105 E. 22d St., New York City.
Philadelphia Housing Association. Housing in Philadelphia, 1917. Seventh annual report. [1918.] 26 pp.
St. Paul Association. Housing conditions in the City of Saint Paul. Report presented to the Housing Commission of the St. Paul Association by Carol Arono-vici. [1918.] 120 pp. illus.
Proposes a housing ordinance and analyzes housing laws and ordinances in various cities and states.
Smith (H. A.). Facts and figures about some successful housing schemes. (Arch. Mar., 1918: 72-74. Plans, illus.)
Has 'reference to the work of the Open Stair companies operating in New York City.
Standardized Housing Corporation. The manufacture of standardized houses: a new industry. 1917. 31 pp. illus.
Veiller (Lawrence) . Industrial housing. Pt. 2, The government’s standards for war housing. Pt. 3, A development of group houses, Sawyer Park, Williamsport, Pa. (Arch. Record, Apr. and Mav, 1918: 344-349; 447-449. illus., map, plans.)
----. A privately financed housing
development. (Arch. Record, May, 1918.)
Lighting
Harrison (Ward). Fundamentals of illumination design. Pt. 1, Fundamental concepts. (Gen. Elec. Rev., May, 1918: 353-362. illus. diagrs.)
Illuminating Engineering Society. Code of lighting school buildings. (Transactions, Apr. 30,1918: 187-200.)
Livingston (R. E.). History of manufacture of gas in New York. First introduced in city in 1823—today there are nearly fifteen hundred miles of mains. (Record and Guide, Mar. 23, 1918: Sec. 3, 40-41. illus.)
Millan (P. S.). Lighting curtailment [with discussion], Trans., Illuminating Engrg. Soc., Mar. 20, 1918: 111-169.)
Argues that curtailment of lighting can accomplish little as a coal-saving measure, and suggests other methods likely to be more effective.
Miltoun (Francis). The working of the new gas regime in Paris. Rates based on the principle of taking care of the little fellow—how the system works out. (Amer. Gas Engrg. Jour., May 4, 1918: 420-421.)
Powell (A. L.). The lighting of New York City’s new $3,000,000 garbage dis-
posal plant. (Amer. City, April, 1918: 301-304. illus.)
Price (G. M.) and Tuck (D.H.). Light and illumination in garment shops. 1918. 16 pp. illus. (Joint Board of Sanitary Control in the Cloak, Suit and Skirt and Dress and Waist Industries. Bui. no. 2, 1918.)
May be secured from the Board at 31 Union Square, New York City, Rooms 907-915.
Markets
California. State Market Commission. State Fish Exchange. First annual report. 1918. 52 pp.
Mr. Edgar A. Forbes is secretary of the State Fish Exchange, which is a department of the State Market Commission.
City Club of Berkeley. Municipal markets. (Berkeley Civic Bui., May 9, 1918: 133-144.)
Clark (A. L.). Direct from producer to consumer via municipal markets. (N. J. Municipalities, Apr., 1918: 113-116.)
The author is chief of the New Jersey Bureau of Markets.
Commonwealth Club of California. Marketing. 71 pp. (Transactions, Apr., 1918.)
A consideration of marketing methods in relation to the high cost of living, including three papers, re* spectively, as to municipal markets, retail delivery systems and rural auctions. The three subjects were extensively discussed in open meeting.
Cumberland (W. W.). Co-operative marketing. Its advantages as exemplified in the California fruit growers exchange. 1917. 226 pp.
Talbot (Marion). Retail distribution and marketing (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Mar. 1918: 208-211.)
A committee report which points out some of the principal causes of food w'aste and recommends measures of prevention.
United States. Department of Agriculture. Suggestions for parcel post marketing, by L. B. Flohr and C. T. More. Apr., 1918. 20 pp. illus. (Farmer’s Bui. 703.)
Motion Pictures
Averill (L. A.). The motion picture and child development. (Educ. Rev., pt. 1, May, 1918: 398-409.)
Pennsylvania. State Board of Censors (of Motion Pictures). Report . .
. for the year ending November 30, 1917. 30 pp.
-----. -----. Rules and standards.
Act passed May 15, 1915. 1918. 20 pp. Municipal Engineering
Anon. Municipal engineering in 1917, (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Jan. 25, 1918: 57-81.)
Reviews principally the year’s engineering progress in England, but some reference is made also to American developments. The following topics are discussed: bridges; electricity supply; highways; housing; municipal buildings; refuse disposal; sewerage and sewage disposal; street lighting; town planning; tramways; water supply.


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
413
Institution of Municipal and County Engineers and Society of Engineers (England). The status of municipal engineers. Joint committee’s important proposals regarding future appointments. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Apr. 12, 1918: 319-321.)
Municipal Government and Administration
See also Charters, City Manager, Elections, Municipal Engineering, Public Service.
Adams (J. W.). The borough government in New York Citv. (Modem City, Mar., 1918: 24, 38, 41, 43.)
Bennett (J. L.). Constructive publicity as an ally to the city in securing good municipal administration, with particular reference to methods . . . (N. J.
Municipalities,Mar., 1918: 71-72,91-92.)
Address delivered before the 3d annual convention of the N. J. State League of Municipalities, Jan. 3, 1918.
Bureau of Municipal Research, Akron. Annual report to the Board of Trustees and contributing members.
. . . January 1, 1918. 18 pp., mimeo-
graphed.
Milwaukee Citizens’ Bureau of Municipal Efficiency. The work of the Citizens’ Bureau and its plans for future work. 1918. [12 pp.] (Co-operative Citizenship, Bui. no. 9.)
New York City. Municipal Reference Library. [War chests.] (Mun. Ref. Notes, May 22, 1918: 272-274.)
Contains a short bibliography on the subject and a list of “war-chest” cities.
Pan-American Union. Municipal improvements in Latin-Ameriea. (Amer. City, Jan., Feb., Mar., Apr., May,—, 1918.)
A series of articles on Central and South American municipalities published through the courtesy of the Pan-American Union.
Union of Manitoba Municipalities. Fourteenth annual convention, held at Winnipeg, November 27-29, 1917. Proceedings. [1918.] 69 pp.
The secretary of the Union is Mr. Robert Forke of Pipestone, Mont.
Municipal Ownership
City Club of Berkeley. [Papers on municipal ownership. 1918.) (Berkeley Civic Bui., Mar. 19, 1918: 111-132.)
Contents: Public ownership in Australia, by Elwood Mead; Municipal ownership in San Francisco, by M. M. O’Shaughnessy; Municipal ownership of the electric lighting system of Alameda, by C. E. Hewes; Public Ownership League of the East Bay cities, by L. B. Magoon; Report of the Public Utility District Committee.
Pavements
See also Roads.
Anon. Statistics on street and alley paving in American municipalities. Reports from 185 cities show that 38 per cent, of their highways are paved. (Engrg. and Contracting, May 1, 1918: 426.)
Churchill (F. A.). Some designs and constructional futures of modern brick
pavements. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 184-186. illus.)
Fixmer (H. J.). Considerations affecting the design of pavement foundations. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 133-134. illus.)
Morgan Campbell and Nolte. The importance of inspection of paving materials. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: 298-300.)
Reilly (P. C.). Destruction of wood block pavement due to use of tar in the creosote oil. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 183-184. illus.)
Tillson (G. W.). The design and construction of a granite block pavement. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 177-180. illus.)
Warren (George C.). Municipal finance—its relation to pavement construction and renewals. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918 : 297-298.)
Pensions
See also Health Insurance.
Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. Current pension developments. (Twelfth An. Rep., 1917: 87-100.)
Massachusetts Teachers’ Retirement Board. Legislation relative to the retirement system for public school teachers enacted by the General Court of 1917. 1917. 7 pp.
New York City. Commission on Pensions. Report on the pension funds of the City of New York. Pt. Ill, A proposed retirement plan. . . . Re-
port and Appendix I. 1918. 42 pp.
Ports and Terminals
MacElwee (R. S.). Ports and terminal facilities [with discussion]. (Jour., Engrs. Club of Philadelphia, Apr., 1918: 165-175, 208. illus.)
Merchants’ Association of New York. The function and utility of free ports. April, 1918. 29 pp.
Urges the creation of a free port somewhere on New York harbor.
Nicholson (G. F.). The trend of modern port construction [with discussion). (Proceedings, Pacific Coast Assoc, of Port Authorities, 1917: 98-106.)
Phelps (W. E.). New York Central builds -$4,000,000 high-level freight terminal at Cleveland . . . Has separate
inbound and outbound houses 1262 feet long—how widths of buildings were determined. (Eng. News-Record, Mar. 14, 1918: 495-502. map, plans, illus ) Power Plants
Ashmead (D. C.). Future location of central heating stations. (Power, May 7, 1918: 661-664.)
Azbe (V. J.). Economy of refrigerating power plants. (Power, March 19, 1918: 414-416. charts.)
Abstract of paper read before the St. Louis As-sociated Engineering Societies.


414 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
Brossmann (Charles). Practical measures for securing greatest economy in utility power plant operation. II. Coal and the boiler. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 140-142.)
The second in a series of six articles; the first appeared in January.
Croft (Terrell). Central stations. 1917. 332 pp. diagrs.
Contents: Distribution-system nomenclature; Distribution loss and distribution loss factors; Maximum demand and demand factors; Diversity and diversity factors; Load factor, plant factor, and connected-load factor; Load graphs and their significance; General principles of circuit design; Calculation and design of direct current circuits and of alternating current circuits; Transmission and distribution; Lightning protection apparatus; Automatic voltage regulators; Switchboards and switchgear; Characteristics of stations; Adaptability of steam, internal combustion engine, and hydraulic prime movers; Steam electrical-energy-generating stations; Internal combustion engine stations; Hydro-electriestafcions.
Evans (I. N.). Cooperation of public-service and isolated plants. (Power, Apr. 23,1918: 583-585.)
Parker (C. H.). Economy in the use of fuel in power stations [with discussion]. (Jour., Boston Soc. of Civil Engrs., Apr., 1918: 163-189. plans, illus.)
Walker (J, H.). Central-station heating in Detroit. (Power, May 7, 1918: 646 -652. illus., plans.)
Prices
Charity Organization Society, (New York City). Committee on Home Economics. “My money won’treach. . . .” The experience of 377 self-supporting families in New York City in endeavoring to make their incomes provide the essentials for healthful living. Apr., 1918. 22 pp.
Copies may be secured from the society, 105 E. 22d St., New York City.
Merchants’ Association of New York. Report of the Food Problem Committee, 2 ed. April, 1918. 36 pp.
United States. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Retail prices, 1907, to December, 1916. November, 1917. 427 pp. (Bui. whole no. 228, Retail Prices and Cost of Living series no. 18.)
----. ------. Wholesale prices, 1890, to
1916. December, 1917. 285 pp. (Bui. whole no. 228, Wholesale Prices series no. 6.)
Public Health
See also Baths.
American Association for Promoting Hygiene and Public Baths. Journal, Vol. i. 1918. 96 pp.
The corresponding secretary of the association is Mr. J. Wells Wentworth, 21 Claremont St., New York City.
Anon. The pre-school age in its relation to public health. (Monthly Bui. N. Y. City Dept, of Health, Mar., 1918: 55-62.)
——. Typhoid in the large cities of the U. S. in 1917. Sixth annual report.
(Jour. Amer. Med. Assoc., Mar. 16, 1918: 777-779. tables.)
Greenberg (David) and Joel (I. D.) Health survey of Middletown, Connecticut. [1918.] 73 pp.
National Committee for the Prevention of Blindness. Saving sight a civic duty. A demonstration by the Public Health Department of Buffalo of how a typical city conserves the vision of its future citizens, by Winifred Hathaway. December, 1917. 61 pp. (Pub. no. 13.)
The Committee’s headquarters are at 130 E. 22d St., New York City.
Newsholme (Arthur). Nursing as an instrument of public health. (Med. Officer, Mar. 9, 1918 : 77-78.)
State Charities Aid Association (New York). A county at work on its health problems. A statement of accomplishment by the Dutchess County Health Association . . . Aug., 1916,
to Dec., 1917, inc., by Joseph J. Weber. [1918.] 27 pp. illus.
This county association has worked largely along the lines of public health education and publio health nursing.
United States. Public Health Service. The control of communicable diseases. Report of the American Public Health Association Committee on Standard Regulations appointed in Oct., 1916. 1918. 30 pp. (Reprint no. 436.)
Wentworth (Jeanie Wells). The hygiene of food. [1918.] 8 pp.
Reprinted from the Journal of the American Association for Promoting Hygiene and Public Baths.
Public Service
Anon. Salaries of city officials and employes of first 19 cities. Compiled by Department of Legislative Reference, . . . Baltimore, Md., December, 1917. (Baltimore Mun. Jour., Jan. 25, 1918: 3.)
Bureau of Municipal Research, Akron. Report on standardization of salaries and grades for the City of Akron, with recommendations. Nov., 1917. 43 pp., tables, typewritten.
Clark (Evans) . Data on salary grades and living costs of New York City employees. Mar., 1918. 6 pp., typewritten. (Socialist Aldermanic Delegation, Bur. of Investigation and Research.)
Massachusetts. Civil Service Commission. Civil Service law and rules. Nov., 1917. 96 pp.
Ohio. State Civil Service Commission. Standard specifications for positions in the classified service of the State of Ohio. 1917. 254 pp.
St. Louis. Efficiency Board. Classification and standardization and description of duties of positions in the classified service of the City of St. Louis. 1918. 238 pp.
See note of earlier edition in Review for May, 1918, p. 310. This report contains the rates or


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
415
ranges of salaries adopted by the Board, Apr. 16, 1918.
Public Welfare
American Academy of Political and Social Science. Social work with families. 1918. (Annals, May, 1918.)
Byers (John). The problem of maternal and child welfare. (The Child, Jan., 1918: 169-177.)
Colorado. Industrial Commission. First report, August 1, 1915, to December 1, 1917. 1917. 90 pp.
Mr. Walter E. Schwed is Secretary for the Commission (Denver).
Illinois. Department of Public Welfare. General information and laws effective July 1, 1917. Compiled by Edward J. Brundage, Attorney General. 1918. 272 pp.
McLean (Francis H.). Social problems in Rochester. 1918. 44 pp. tables.
The abstract of a report on the Department of Charities. Copies may be had from the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research.
New York State. State Industrial Commission. Proceedings of the Second Industrial Safety Congress of New York State, [held at] Syracuse, December 3-6,
1917. [1918.] 292 pp.
Purchasing
Fawcett Waldon). Purchasing by allocation. (Purchasing Agent, Mav, 1918: 136-139. illus.)
-----. The cost-plus plan of purchasing.
(Purchasing Agent, Apr., 1918; 109-112.)
Twyford (H. B.). The purchasing library. (Purchasing Agent, May, 1918: 147-150.)
Recreation
Indiana University. Extension Division. Vocational recreation in Indiana,
1918. Vocational recreation facilities and activities of 149 business establishments. 1917. 126 pp.
Playground and Recreation Association of America. Year book [1917]. (Playground, Apr., 1918: 3-47.)
Detailed information is presented as to supervised play and recreation in 628 cities.
Worcester. Board of Parks and Recreation Commissioners. First annual report, 1917. 54 pp. illus.
Refuse and Garbage Disposal
See also Lighting.
Richards (H. F.). Methods and cost of snow removal. (Canadian Engr., Apr. 18.1918:333-334.)
Abstract of paper read before the Western Society of Engineers.
United States. Food Administration. Garbage utilization, with particular reference to utilization by feeding. Feb., 1918. 21 pp.
Roads
See also Pavements, Traffic.
Anon. County highway work pre-
pared during 1917. Data furnished expressly for these tables by county highway officers in all sections of the country— amount, nature and cost of each land of road construction of each county. (Mun. Jour., Apr. 20, 1918: 317-324.)
----. Road work during 1918. (Mun.
Jour., Apr. 20, 1918: 315-31Y 324.)
Burley (George A.). Construction plant and methods employed in building reinforced concrete roads at Camp Custer, Battle Creek, Mich. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 180-182.)
Moorefield (C. H.). The design of public roads. 1918. 19 pp. diagrs.
Separate from Yearbook of the U. S. Dept, of Agriculture, 1917, no. 727.
Rutherford (W. O.) Using motor highways to meet the war emergency. (Amer. City, May, 1918 : 417-420. illus.) Schools
See also Education, Lighting.
Bureau of Municipal Research, New York. Report on a survey of the organization and administration of the public schools of Harrisburg, Pa. Feb.— May, 1917, [1918?] 216 pp.
Prepared for the Harrisburg Chamber of Commerce.
Detroit Bureau of Governmental Research. A report on the engineering and janitorial service of the Board of Education of Detroit, in thirteen schools. March, 1918. 28 pp., typewritten, plans, tables.
Los Angeles. Board of Education. School Health Department. Health supervisors in Los Angeles city schools. June, 1917. 46 pp. (Pub. no. 1.)
New York School Lunch Committee. School lunches; a question and an opportunity for the city—and you. [1918?] 8-page folder, illus.
This committee is maintained by the New York Association, for Improving the Condition of the Poor. A statement, in tabloid form, concerns the need for school lunches, their competition with pushcarts, what the children eat, what has been accomplished, and what it costs.
United States. Bureau of Education. Summer sessions of city schools, by W. S. Deffenbaugh. 1918. 45 pp. (Bui., 1917, no. 45.)
Sewerage and Sewage Disposal
Anon. Typical rules for operation of small sewage-works; should be placed in a tool house on premises where the inevitable "new” man may easily locate them. (Engrg. News-Record, May 2,1918: 875.)
Barrows (H. K.). Present tendencies in sewer construction and design. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 144-146.)
Fuller (G. W.). The operation of small sewage disposal plants. (Canadian Engr., Mar. 14, 1918: 223-225.)
Abstract from paper read at a meeting of the New Jersey Sewage Works Assoc., at Trenton, N. J., Feb. 15,1918.


416
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
(----.] Considerations leading to rec-
ommendations for fine screens, sprinkling filters, humus tanks and sludge recovery as sewage disposal method for Indianapolis. (Engrg. and Contracting, Apr. 10, 1918: 368-372.)
From a paper presented March 28th before the Indiana Sanitary and Water Supply Association.
Gregory (John H.). Some points worth considering in the design of sewage treatment works. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 203-205.)
Hatton (T. C.). The activated-sludge process. Milwaukee investigations. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Mar. 8, 15, 1918: 232-233; 254-255.)
Mebus (Charles F.). Specific suggestions on the design of Inhoff sewage settling tanks. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 149-151. diagrs.)
Michigan. State Board of Health. Sewage disposal, [by] E. D. Rich and F. G. Legg. Nov . 1917. 24 pp. illus. (Engrg. Bui. no. 11.)
A non-technical discussion of the various methods of removing and treating sewage.
Moore (S. D.). Estimating contractors’ overhead costs in sanitary sewer construction. (Engrg. and Contracting, Apr. 10,1918: 364-365.)
Address delivered at the 30th annual meeting of the Iowa Engineering Society, Feb. 1, 1918.
Nasmith (G. G.) and McKay (G. P.). The fertilizing value of activated sludge. (Jour, of Indust, and Engrg. Chemistry, May, 1918: 339-344. illus.)
Pearse (Langdon). Activated sludge and the treatment of packinghouse wastes. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Jan., 1918: 47-57.)
Taylor (H. W.). Distinctive characteristics of institutional sewerage. Design too often based on municipal practice. Data on quantity of sewage, variation in flow [etc.]. (Engrg. News-Record, Apr. 25, 1918: 824-827. tables.)
State Government and Administration
See also Elections, Taxation.
American Academy of Political and Social Science. Procedure in state legislatures. 1918. (Annals, Supplement no. 1 to May, 1918.)
Bureau of Municipal Research, New York. The state movement for efficiency and economy [by Raymond Moley], Oct., 1917. 163 pp. (Mun. Research no. 90.)
Contents: State efficiency and economy commissions; Suggestions of commissions regarding selection of public officers; Proposals concerning general administration; The budget; The administration of public service functions; Results and conclusions; Bibliography of efficiency and scientific management in government.
Citizens’ Association of Chicago, Convention campaign opens. April, 1918. [8 pp.] (Bui. no. 40.)
Indiana. Board of State Charities.
Poor asylums and their administration [in Indiana]. (Indiana Bui. of Charities and Correction, Mar., 1918: 2-34.)
New Hampshire. Manual of the Constitutional Convention of 1918, convened at the State House at Concord, June 5, 1918. Prepared and published under authority of the Governor and Council by Edwin C. Bean, Secretary of State [and] Hobart Pillsbur-y, Deputy Secretary.
1918. 299 pp.
New York State. Committee for State Police. Powers and territory of the New York State Troopers. [Feb. 28, j 1918. 40 pp. illus.
An unofficial account of the achievements of the New York State Police during their first five months of service.
--------. University. Scientific activities of the State of New York. (Jour, of the meeting of the Bd. of Regents, Jan. 31, 1918: 11-13.)
A list showing the many lines of scientific research and control coming within the regular work of the various state departments, boards-and commissions.
Schurtz (S. B.). The state public service commission idea. [1918.] 19 pp.
Address before the League of Michigan Municipalities, July, 1917. An attack upon the present system of state regulation of public utilities, and a demand for regulation by municipalities. Copies may be secured from the author, 312 Murray Boulevnrd, Grand Rapids, Mich.
Street Railways
District of Columbia. Public Utilities Commission. Street railways in the District of Columbia. 1918, 277 pp., maps. (65th Cong., 2d sess. Sen.doc.no. 197.)
Massachusetts. Report of the Street Railway Investigation Commission on the problems relating to the street railways of the Commonwealth. Feb., 1918. 423 pp., maps. (Sen. doc. no. 300.)
----. Statutes. An Act to provide
for the public operation of the Boston Elevated Railway Company. 1918. 14
pp. (House no. 1442.)
Richey (Albert S.). Traffic and operation, Springfield Street Railway Company, Springfield, Mass. Apr., 1917. 117 pp.,
maps, charts.
A report made to the Company by Mr. Richey, Electric Railway Engineer, Worcester, Mass.
Shonts (T. P.) The new traction problem. 1918, 28 pp.
The problem growing out of congestion due to rapid growth of urban populations. Groundwork for an argument for increased fares. Has particular reference to New York City. Reprinted from the New York Sun of Mar. 10, 1918.
Smith (C. E.). The United Railways. (Jour., Engrs.’ Club of St. Louis. Mar.— Apr., 1918: 88-132.)
An analysis of the street railway situation in St. Louis, by one who had charge of the recent valuation of the United Railways property.
Wilcox (Delos F.). Killing the goose. An expert’s view of the rate raise plan.


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
417
(N. J. Municipalities, Apr., 1918: 103-106, 117-123.)
Reprinted from the Newark News. Has reference to the application of the Public Service Railway Co. for an increase in trolley fares.
Taxation and Finance
See also Pavements.
Bureau of Municipal Research, New York. The New York City budget. Aug., 1917. 154 pp. (Mun. Research,
no. 88.)
Contents: Description of the New York City budget; New York City budget procedure; Form of the budget; History of development of the form of the New York City Budget; Comments and criticisms, by department heads, by Board of Aldermen, by the public.
California. State Board of Equalization. Provisions of political code governing taxes for state purposes, in effect May 11, 1917. 1917. 41 pp.
----. Revenue laws, in force on the first
day of Jan., 1918; and citations from decisions of the Supreme and Appellate Courts affecting revenue laws. 1917. 534
pp.
Citizens’ Research League of Winnipeg. Local taxation—the problem in Winnipeg. The argument for a provincial income tax. By Arch. B. Clark. 1918. 11 pp. (Bui. no. 11.)
An address delivered at the annual meeting of the League on Feb. 28, 1918.
Cuyahoga County (New York). Auditor. Rules and principles with land and building values controlling the 1917 “community assessment” of Cuyahoga County. [1918.] 35 pp., plates, illus.
National Tax Association. Addresses and proceedings of the eleventh annual conference, held at Atlanta, Nov. 13-16,
1917. 1918. 431 pp.
New York Tax Reform Association. Double taxation and listing system for personal property proposed by city administration. Mar., 1918. [4 pp.] (Bui.
no. 577.)
New Jersey. An Act concerning municipal and county finances. Approved March 28, 1917 [and] March 4,
1918. 1918. 27 pp. (Chap. 192, P. L, 1917 as amended by Chap. 242, P. L. 1918.)
Known as the Pierson Budget Act.
----. State Board of Taxes and
Assessment. Laws affecting taxation of the session of 1918. 1918. 108 pp.
Pittsburgh. Mayor. Mayor’s exhibit accompanying departmental estimate for budget of 1918. 1918. 13 pp.
Consists mainly of tables showing the receipts and expenditures of the city government during the years 1912-1918, grouped according to organization units, objects purchased, functions of government, etc.
Rhode Island. Legislature Reference Bureau. Dates of assessment of taxes in the several states. (Bui. no. 3, Apr. 1,1918: 17-23.)
Saskatchewan. Minister of Municipal Affairs. Taxation in the urban municipalities of Saskatchewan. A re-ort to the Government of the Province of askatchewan, by Robert M. Haig. 1917. 48 pp.
Travis (Eugene). The financial obligations of New York [State], (State Finances, Apr. 1918: 1-6.)
United States. Library of Congress. List of references op taxation of intangible property, with special reference to a capital tax. Apr. 24, 1918. 16 pp., typewritten.
Wisconsin. Tax Commission. First annual report on the statistics of municipal finances; for county fiscal years ending on or before Dec. 31, 1916; for city fiscal years ending on or before April 30, 1917; for town and village fiscal years ending March 31, 1917. 1917. 118 pp.
——. --------. The Wisconsin income
tax law, with explanatory notes. 3d ed. Dec. 1917. 65 pp.
Woman’s City Club of Chicago. The city’s present financial situation and some available remedies. (Woman’s City Club Bui. Jan., 1918: 1-8.)
Torrens System
Real Estate Board of New York. Essentials of New York land title registration (Torrens Law). A study of the legal processes that must be followed and the conditions that must be considered to secure and preserve a constitutional law. Mar., 1918. 11 pp.
Traffic
Brown (C. C.). Traffic laws and highway maintenance and construction. (Mun. Jour., Apr. 20 and 27, 1918: 325-326; 344-345.)
District of Columbia. Public Utilities Commission. Report on the Washington traffic situation, by John H. Beeler. Section 1, Jan., 1918. 59 pp. blue prints.
[Pittsburgh. Transit Commissioner.] Traffic study in Pittsburgh. City’s sharp changes in grade and the natural barriers around its business district make transportation problems difficult—traffic and industrial surveys help to suggest remedies—elevated and subway line proposed. (Elec. Ry. Jour., May 4, 1918: 842-846. maps, diagr.)
Abstract of an official report.
Syracuse. Grade Crossing Commission. Report on grade crossing elimination in the City of Syracuse, and report of B. J. Arnold, consulting engineer. 1917. 101 pp., 10 maps, illus.
Vital Statistics
Bulkley (L. D.). Cancer death rate in New York City during 1917. (Med. Rec., Mar. 2,1918: (362-363.)


418
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
Dublin (L. I.). The mortality of childhood. 1918. 25 pp.
Reprinted from the Quarterly Publications of the American Statistical Association, March, 1918.
Mallet (Bernard). Vital statistics as affected by the war. (Jour., Royal Statistical Soc., Jan., 1918: 1-36.)
Water Works
Anon. Water works operation statistics. Information contributed by superintendents in about 400 cities arranged in tabular form—no chemical appliances used in trench work—freezing ana thawing of hydrants, mains and services. (Mun. Jour., May 4,1918: 365-374,377.)
-------. Water works operation—distribution system. (Mun. Jour., May 11 and 18,1918 : 388-392, 411^14. tables.)
Brewer (Bertram). Rate revision in municipal works. (Jour., N. E. Water Works Assoc., Mar. 1918: 1-9.)
Burns (C. S.). Economic considerations in municipal engineering designs. (Engrg., and Contracting, Apr. 10, 1918: 366-368.)
Has particular reference to the planning of water distribution systems.
Cady (F. L.). Some methods and results of filtration at Providence water works. (Jour., N. E. Water Works Assoc., Mar., 1918: 21-38. illus.)
Jersey City. Department op Streets and Public Improvements. Fourth annual report, Dec. 1,1915, to Nov. 30,1916. [1918.] 91 pp., diagrs.
All but about 20 pages of this report are devoted to water works service, with numerous tables showing delivery, consumption, revenues, bacteriological and chemical analyses, etc.
Matte (H. P. T.). Methods and results of water waste elimination in Oak Park, Illinois. (Amer. City, May, 1918: 392-396. illus.)
Simpson (John). Extension of water mains. Powers and obligations of munic-
ipalities and private water companies to extend water mains—determined by reasonable needs of community. (Mun. Jour., May 4, 1918 : 363-365.)
Wilcox (W. F.). Watering and unwatering an industrial plant and its relation to the public water supply. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 206-209.)
Women, Employment of
Conyngton (Mary). Effect of the war upon the employment of women in England. (Monthly Rev., U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat., Apr., 1918: 204-217.)
Goldmark (Josephine). Some considerations affecting the replacement of men by women workers. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, April, 1918: 270-276.)
Kelley (Florence). The war and women workers. (Survey, Mar. 9, 1918: 628-631.)
With list of bills pending in the New York State Legislature which affect the labor of women and children.
Knoeppe (C. E.). The problem of women in war industry. Will women be needed in industry? When will they be needed? (Industrial Management, May, 1918: 385-387.)
Monkhouse (O. E.). The employment of women in munition factories. (Scientific Amer. Supplement, May 4, 1918: 282-283.)
Paper read before the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, England.
Saposs (D. J.). Substitution of women for men in industry in New York State [with discussion], (New York State Industrial Commission, Proceedings of the Second Industrial Safety Congress, Dec., 1917: 193-204.)
Swartz (Nelle). “Help wanted.” The employment of women by transportation companies in New York City. (Survey, Mar. 23, 1918: 677-678.)


NOTES AND EVENTS
I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
Home Rule in Maryland.—The legislature of Maryland at its 1914 session proposed an amendment to the state constitution providing for a limited grant of home rule to the counties and to the city of Baltimore, the primary purpose being to relieve the legislature of the burdens and complications of local legislation. The amendment was adopted by the peop'e at the November election, 1915. With reference to Baltimore, it provides that on demand of the mayor and city council or on petition of not less than 20 per cent of the registered voters of the city, arrangements shall be made for the election of a charter board of eleven members. Nominations for members of the board may be made by the mayor and city council or by petition of not less than 5 per cent of the registered voters of the city. In case no more than eleven candidates are nominated, their names shall not be printed on the ballot, but they shall constitute the board. At the same election provision shall be made on the ballot for a vote for or against the creation of a charter board. If the popular vote is favorable, the board is given six months in which to prepare a charter, which, if adopted by the voters at the next general election, shall become the law of the city, “subject only to the constitution and public general laws” of the state, and shall automatically repeal all inconsistent local laws. Amendments to any home rule charter may be proposed by resolution of the mayor and city council or by a petition of not less than 20 per cent of the registered voters and shall be submitted to popular vote at the next general election when they may be adopted by a majority vote.
Having once adopted a charter in accordance with the amendment, the city will ipso facto come into possession of the constitutional grant of home rule powers; and thereafter the legislature is forbidden
to enact any local law on any subject covered by the express powers which have been granted to the city; but the legislature alone is authorized to enlarge and extend these powers.
Prior to the adoption of the home rule amendment in 1915, the legislature was as free in its control over the city as it was “with respect to all corporations existing for like purposes in the state.” 1 The home rule amendment provides that the power to make changes in sections 1 to 6, inclusive, of article xi, of the constitution, “when expressly granted as hereinbefore provided,” shall be transferred to the voters of the city to be exercised in accordance with the other provisions of the amendment. Since the power to make such changes has not yet been expressly granted by the legislature, the city is unable to alter those features of its government which are prescribed in the constitution, e.g., the bicameral council, election of members of the council by wards and councilmanic districts, and the qualifications, term, salary, and method of electing the mayor.
Prior to the election of 1917, the requisite number of signatures were secured to a petition for the authorization of a charter board and to petitions for the nomination of eleven able and representative men for membership on the board. The petitions were circulated by a committee of the citywide congress and awakened at the time little interest. Nevertheless, at the November election, 1917, the proposition for the creation of a charter board was carried by a vote of 29 970 to 16 547; and, since no opposing candidates were in the field, the eleven nominees for the board automatically constituted the authorized charter board. The chairman is Henry'D. Harlan, twenty-five years chief judge of
i Niles, Maryland Constitutional Law, 320; Baltimore City v. Gorier, 93 Maryland 6.
6


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the supreme bench of Baltimore; and the other members are: Alfred S. Niles, an ex-judge, a lecturer in the law school of-the University of Maryland, and author of “Maryland Constitutional Law”; Edgar Allan Poe, a former attorney-general of the State; J. Kemp Bartlett, a prominent lawyer; Dr. John H. Latane, professor of history in the Johns Hopkins University; William H. Maltbie, a public-spirited lawyer; Charles E. Falconer, one of the city’s leading business men; Dr. Charles O’Donovan, a physician; A. H. Hecht, secretary of the city-wide congress; David Bach-rach, a radical reformer and single-taxer; and William J. Ogden, an ex-state senator.
The first concern of the board has properly been to secure home rule powers for the city by submitting a charter that would probably be adopted at the polls; it has in consequence been averse to introducing radical innovations which might endanger the success of the charter and of home rule. As indicated above, the board is without power to change the governmental framework of the city and it will not undertake any administrative reorganization. In resubmitting the present charter practically without change, it will, however, incorporate in it an adequate provision for the merit system. From the beginning of the sessions of the board the advisability of adopting the merit system has been agitated by the newspapers, a number of prominent local supporters and opponents of the system were given hearings, and the plan agreed upon by a majority of the board, although it has not yet received its final formulation, seems certain to be endorsed by the electorate.
The board closes its labors in May and the charter will be submitted to the voters in November.
*
Boston Charter Amendments.—There have been several important amendments to the Boston charter act of 1909 (chapter 486). The first amendment was in 1910, when the bonds for rapid transit were exempted from the provisions of the law requiring all loans of money to be financed on the serial loan basis. The next amendment was in 1911, which provided for the
use of the premiums obtained from the sale of bonds for the reduction of the total amount of bonds issued. Another amendment, passed in 1912, provided that when the appointment of a head of a city department had been certified to the civil service commission and was awaiting approval by that state board, if any charge was imputed to the nominee involving a crime, a misdemeanor, or act of dishonesty, the commission was required immediately to inform the nominee in writing of the charge and of the fact that he had a right to a hearing, and that at this hearing he could be represented by counsel and was to be given full opportunity to explain or refute the charge. The source of the information was not to be divulged, unless the civil service commission so voted.
In 1914, the date of the municipal election for mayor as well as for the city council and school committee was changed from the first Tuesday after the second Monday in January to the sixth Tuesday after the state election. Under the 1909 law the election generally took place in the second week of January and under the changed law it takes place the second week in December. By the same act the number of signatures of registered voters putting in nomination a candidate for Mayor was reduced from 5,000 to 3,000, and the number for candidates for the city council and school committee was reduced from 5,000 to 2,000. The same act also restricted the issue of nomination papers to 300 for any one candidate for mayor and 200 for candidates for the city council and the school committee, and were only to be issued to candidates upon their request in writing.
In the present year the term of office of the mayor of Boston was fixed for 4 years and the holder of the office made ineligible for reelection for a succeeding term. The provision in the 1909 law, ch. 486, sec. 46, providing for the recall after two years of the mayor was repealed.1
John A. Dowling.
1 The Short Ballot Bulletin, New York City, in commenting on the latest amendment to the Boston charter said: “The philosophy underlying this change is interesting, but why if the mayor is a good


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The New Jersey Commission for the Revision and Codification of Laws Relating to Municipalities, created by the 1916 legislature, which rendered a report to the 1917 legislature, as a result of which a so-called home rule bill was passed, was continued by the 1917 legislature. The purpose of continuing the commission was threefold:
1. That they might continue the work of revising and codifying the statutes of the state relating to counties, as well as other statutes relating to governmental functions of all municipalities.
2. To study the operation of the bills theretofore reported by the commission.
3. To report a bill providing that salaries paid by counties should be fixed and regulated by local agencies, rather than by application to the legislature.
The very valuable report rendered by the commission to the 1917 legislature was even more valuable because of the revision and codification of the statutes relating to municipalities than for the merits of the bill which resulted from the report. The work of the commission which, in the words of Mr. Edward F. Merrey, one of the members of the commission, was chiefly for the purpose of revising and codifying the vast number of statutes relating to municipalities, was most thoroughly performed and resulted in paving the way for a proper approach to more complete home rule whenever that may be found possible.
The report of the commission to the 1918 Legislature has likewise been successful, and valuable, in clearing up the confusing and conflicting statutes relating to counties. The legislation resulting from both reports has worked out as planned and has resulted as expected in a great reduction in the number of bills introduced in the legislature.
However, the commission found that the statutes relating to counties, although not as numerous as those relating to mu-
one, should he not be retained—good officials are none too plentiful. If he is a ‘bad one’ don’t reelect him. It is another attempt at government by repression instead of government of responsible power.”
nieipalities, did not lend themselves, as easily to codification. The following statement from the report of the commission shows something of their problem as the commission saw it:
Good county government requires that there should be a governing body with full control over the various departments of the county. This cannot be accomplished in New Jersey without an amendment to the constitution. Our present constitution provides for a number of county officials with power to expend the county funds independent of any direct control and without responsibility to anyone. The-board of chosen freeholders, the present governing body, which is responsible to-the people of the county for the raising of funds and the expenditures of the county’s money, has not proper control over such expenditures.
In many respects the county is not an independent corporation, but merely a division of the state government. The commission felt that it was not within the scope of its work to revise the laws relating to this phase of county activity. Such laws cover matters which should be under state rather than county control.
The commission directed its attention principally to the revision and codification of statutes conferring powers on boards of chosen freeholders.
The bills prepared by the commission were Senate Bills Nos. 17 to 34, inclusive. These were all passed with the exceptions of Nos. 20 and 23, both of which were relatively unimportant, so that, in general, it may be said that the entire work recommended by the commission was passed.
Eleven of the bills passed are repealers and greatly clarify the statutes relating to counties. In addition to this much desired end, among the advantageous features of the laws as passed are:
1. Provision for a system of county planning, by which it is made possible to have all the municipalities within a county, and adjoining it, co-operate in the laying out of roads and boulevards, and in the betterment and systematic development of the county.
2. One of the bills made several amendments to Chapter 152, Laws 1917, the result of the report of the commission to the 1917 legislature. Among the more important of these amendments is one which provides for a change in the procedure relating to the passing of ordinances. It abolishes the different methods of proce-


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dure under all other statutes and fixes one method of procedure for all municipalities. Another provides a referendum in the question of fixing salaries of officers of municipalities. A referendum is also provided on the question of fixing the hours of service of police departments. There is also provision permitting municipalities to join with counties in doing certain work. Another amendment provides a method of procedure in appeals from assessments and awards of damages for local improvements.
While both the 1917 and 1918 reports of this commission have resulted in much immediate good in clearing the New Jersey code of the confusion and complexity previously existing in the statutes relating to municipalities, the chief good will come later. The way has been opened for laws that the municipalities sorely need and which the work of this commission has made more nearly possible of attainment.
C. H. Anderson.
*
New Jersey Legislation Affecting Municipalities.—At last New Jersey has local •option on the liquor question. This is a measure that, after years of importuning of the legislature from many quarters, the 1918 session has seen fit to pass. While perhaps not the most important of the laws affecting municipalities enacted by the legislature just adjourned, it is the first one of importance to appear in the new volume of the statutes. It is Ch. 2. The act authorizes municipalities, by popular vote, at general or special elections, to prohibit the sale of liquor within their boundaries. (Pertinent to the liquor question it may be well to note that the 1918 Legislature of New Jersey took no action toward ratifying the federal prohibition amendment.) Already several municipalities are planning to hold elections soon and a few have already voted on the question. The result of the vote in at least half of those that have voted has been to make their municipalities dry.
An important health and sanitation measure is Ch. 23, Laws 1918, which requires those in charge of water purification and sewage treatment plants to be examined and licensed by the state department of health.
Municipalities are authorized to buy and sell food and fuel during the present war and for six months thereafter. Ch. 53, Laws 1918. This act supersedes Ch. 8, Laws 1917.
Police powers have been conferred upon members of fire departments by Ch. 129.
The motor vehicle law relative to signals for slowing, stopping, turning or backing of vehicles has been amended by Ch. 141. Additional requirements to those just enumerated are bells on horses drawing sleighs and regulations for lamps and signals on bicycles.
An act of very considerable importance from the standpoint of city planning, has been passed by the 1918 New Jersey legislature. It authorizes governing bodies of first and second class cities to create building zones. New Jersey has two cities of the first class and thirty-four of the second class. Ch. 146, Laws 1918.
As a war measure the tenure of office of municipal employees entering the military or naval service of the United States, has been extended. Ch. 151, Laws 1918.
Another health measure is found in Ch. 155 of the 1918 session laws which authorizes municipalities to expend money for dental clinics for children of school age.
After a year’s experience with a department of municipal accounts, which department was created as a result of the work, and the legislation resulting therefrom, of the commission for the survey of municipal finances, it was found that, in the interests of efficiency, the powers of the commissioner of municipal accounts should be enlarged. This has been done under Ch. 266, Laws 1918. This act is an amendment to Ch. 154, Laws 1917. The amendment gives the commissioner of municipal accounts supervision over the financial affairs of municipalities and counties, including the annual budget. This enlarged scope of authority is recommended by the commission that investigated the affairs of Jersey City, and from the conditions found in the department’s examination of sinking funds and the careless methods employed by so many municipalities it would seem that a duly consti-


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tuted state official with proper authority-will prove a valuable safeguard of the taxpayer’s interest.
In addition to finding it desirable to give the commissioner of municipal accounts more powers, it has also been deemed wise to place more responsibility upon the municipal officials in charge of accounts. Accordingly Ch. 267, Laws 1918, requires all auditors of public accounts to be registered with the commissioner of municipal accounts. Such registration will serve as a means of state control over the auditors of municipal accounts, by requiring their reports of audit to be filed with the commissioner of municipal accounts. In an amendment to Ch. 164, P. L. 1917, the commissioner is instructed to examine such report, and can proceed to investigate any irregularities.
A companion act to the one just mentioned, is Ch. 268, Laws 1918, which requires an annual audit by a registered accountant of finances of counties and municipalities with ratables in excess of $3,000,000 and the publication of same.
C. H. Anderson.
*
City Manager Notes.—Grand Rapids, Mich. Manager Gaylord C. Cummin has resigned as a result of interference upon the part of his commission in certain of the administrative departments. He is succeeded by Fred H. Locke, formerly the director of the public welfare department. Judging from the comments in the Grand Rapids papers, trouble had been brewing for some little time. Mr. Cummin issued an ultimatum to the effect that he would resign if the commission changed the method of operation of his departments, on the grounds that he did not .care to assume responsibility for the results produced by an organization which was altered without his consent. The commission, disregarding the challenge, made certain changes at the time of passing the budget and the manager’s resignation resulted.
Mr. Cummin has been recognized as one of the leading men in the city manager profession. At the Detroit convention last
November he was elected president of the City Managers' Association. He has had a rapid rise. His first experience under the commission-manager regime was as city engineer under Manager Henry M. Waite at Dayton, Ohio. He was appointed manager of Jackson, Mich., in 1915 at a salary of $5,000, this was increased the next year to $6,000, then to $7,500 and the Grand Rapids position has paid $10,000.
Mr. Locke, the new manager, receives a salary of $4,000.
Roanoke, Va., has adopted a commission-manager charter by vote of 1,102 to 368. The first election under the new charter was held June 11.
Manistee, Mich. Phillip H. Beauvais was appointed manager of Manistee, Mich., May 1 to succeed Charles E. Ruger who had served since the commission-manager plan was adopted in 1913. Mr. Beauvais has behind him a long record of achievements as an engineer and had just resigned the position of superintendent of construction of Manistee’s half-million-dollar break-water. He is a personal friend of Col. Waite, Dayton’s first city manager.
Alpena, Mich. Harrison G. Roby, formerly manager of Alpena, Mich., is now stationed at Quantico Marine Barracks, Va., in charge of the construction of a water supply, with the rank of senior lieutenant. Charles T. Park has been appointed city manager to fill the vacancy at Alpena.
Winchester, Va. Arthur M. Field, city manager, has been given a leave of absence for the period of the war and will be connected with the engineering department, bureau of industrial housing in Washington. Thomas J. Trier, assistant city manager, will assuipe the duties of city manager.
El Dorado, Kans., has had the unique experience of changing from a quiet country town of 3,500 population to a hustling city of 18,000, almost over night, as a result of the development of the oil fields. The commission-manager plan has allowed rapid adjustment of municipal machinery to cope with this unusual development. Bert C. Wells, the city manager,


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has been in charge of the departmental reorganization and construction of improvements made imperative by this rapid growth. El Dorado furnishes a splendid example of the efficiency permitted by the new plan.
St. Augustine, Fla. Winton L. Miller, who resigned as city manager in March, is now connected with the American International Shipbuilding Corporation at Hog Island. He has been succeeded at St. Augustine by Eugene Masters, who served temporarily as city manager when the plan was first adopted at St. Augustine, prior to Mr. Miller’s appointment. He was at one time mayor and has had long experience in city affairs.
Towanda, Pa., a borough, has created the position of borough manager by ordinance. William T. Howie has been appointed borough master.
Crystal Falls, Mich., adopted a complete commission-manager charter March 11 and the commission has appointed J. H. Sanders as city manager, at a salary of $2,400. Mr. Sanders was superintendent of the electric light and water departments.
Grosse Pointe Shores, Mich., a village, a residential suburb of Detroit, has appointed as village superintendent H. N. Kennedy. Mr. Kennedy succeeded Gerard Alan Abbott who has been promoted to Birmingham, Mich., as manager of that city. A. L. Sloman has resigned as city manager of Albion, Mich., to enter the national army.
Other appointments. A. P. Marsh to succeed H. L. McDuffie as manager at Madill, Okla.; H. A. McKee at Otsego, Mich.; T. F. Older, Royal Oak, Mich.; O. O. Johnson, Three Rivers, Mich.
J. Hinman has resigned as manager at Hanford, Calif. Hanford “tried out” the manager plan by virtue of an ordinance, for a period of six months and Mr. Hinman’s report furnishes interesting reading.
J. R. Kneebone, manager at Beaufort, S. C., has resigned to answer the “ call to the colors.” No appointment has been reported as yet.
Harrison Gray Otis.
Constitutional Revi .ion in Illinois.—An
advisory referendum on the subject of calling a constitutional convention in Illinois will be voted upon at the general election in November, the recent session of the legislature having taken steps to that end in view of the inadequacy of the present constitution and the present and prospective needs of the people. In his inaugural message Governor Lowden said:
The time has come for a new state constitution. The constitutions framed since the Civil War, including our own, have not been limited to those things which properly constitute the fundamental law of the state; but have contained many matters which are properly the subject of legislation. Legislation always depends upon existing conditions, and conditions change. A constitution which seeks to legislate will inevitably be outgrown. This is our situation today. Therefore I strongly urge prompt adoption by the general assembly of a resolution calling a constitutional convention.
Among the changes that have been most generally urged are: a shorter ballot; unification of Chicago’s 21 local governments; greater control of local affairs for cities; revision of the state’s taxation system; reorganization of the machinery and procedure of the courts, to provide for more effective co-ordination in their work and for lessening the law’s delays; greater elasticity in the process of amending the state constitution.
Other proposed changes relating to more widely controversial subjects than these have been widely discussed in recent years. In the view of the Citizens’ association of Chicago, “It will be the duty of the convention carefully to consider which controversial matters are worthy of being submitted to popular vote. We believe that the non-controversial part of the new constitution should be submitted as one entity and that the controversial propositions should be submitted to the people in the form of separate proposals so that each may be voted upon separately.”
In a striking bulletin dated April 15, 1918, the Chicago citizens’ association sets forth the steps that have thus far been taken and the reasons for them. To revise the constitution the people must act three times; first, to call the constitutional con-


1918]
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vention; second, to choose the delegates; third, to ratify or defeat the constitution. A non-partisan state campaign organization has been formed under the chairmanship of Hon. Orrin N. Carter, chief justice of the Supreme Court of Illinois.
*
Federal Supervision of Philadelphia Police.—The war has created a new situation in our cities which has resulted in the federal government exercising a control over the police department of our cities that bids fair to have far-reaching influence. The failure of a number of administrations to enforce the laws with regard to disorderly houses and the illicit sale of liquor has resulted in direct “interference” as it is called by some, and “control” as it is called by others, of the police force. In Philadelphia, Captain William B. Mills, the efficient head of the traffic squad, has been given control of the police under the supervision of Lieutenant-Colonel Charles B. Hatch of the marine corps of the navy department. In a statement Colonel Hatch refused to say that the government has “commandeered” the police force in the full meaning of that word. He said, however, that the government had determined to clean up the city if the police could not do so. He said that in addition to the police judges in Philadelphia, sixteen enlisted men would continue to operate with the secret service men in checking up vice conditions. He said: “Captain Mills has had military training and I believe he will clean up the city. Mayor Smith gave me his word of honor that Captain Mills will not be interfered with and that he can promote and demote men as he sees fit. I told Captain Mills that he is acting for the government and that I will back him in everything he does as long as he is not interfered with. ... I am acting for Secretary Daniels and he is not desirous of taking control of the police here out of the hands of the municipal authorities. We intend to see, however, that young men in the service are protected and that evil resorts are wiped out. I believe that conditions at present are good, and all we want to see is that they remain good. Our investigators will keep in constant
touch with the situation, and our reports will go to Washington.”
♦
Municipal Ownership Defeated in Tacoma.—On April 2 and April 16, the people of Tacoma voted on proposed bond issues for the purchase by the city of the property of the Street Railway system of the city and for the acquisition of an additional power site whereon to erect another plant with the view to increasing the amount of electricity available to the city for light and power purposes.
More specifically, the first proposal voted on at the primaries April 2 was the purchase of the street railway system for five million, two hundred thousand dollars or so much thereof as might be necessary. This was defeated by a vote of 11,255 to 3,479.
One occasion for voting on this question at the present time was the fact that certain franchises would expire during the next twelve months and the car service is now totally inadequate, due to several causes, among which are the great increase in population, itself a result of industrial growth, and the fact that so many men are leaving the service of the street car company to go into ship-building and other better-paying, war-time industries.
The street car company had petitioned the public service commission for the privilege of raising its rate to 6 cents fare, which is contrary to the present franchise agreements. The case went to the Supreme Court on the question of whether or not the public service commission had the power and the Supreme Court decided it had not.
There is in Tacoma already one municipally-owned car line serving the tide flats, including the largest lumber mills and numerous ship-yards.
The other proposal was a bond issue of four million dollars for an additional power site and this was defeated by a vote of 11,611 to 2,909. We already own a municipal light and power plant at La Grande, Wash., about 35 miles southeast of here, and I believe the people were convinced that an auxiliary steam plant at most was needed. John B. Kaiser.


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The Dayton Health Program.—Under Dr. A. 0. Peters, successor to Dr. A. L. Light, the health program of Dayton is being carried forward along most progressive lines. Two notable achievements have been made during the past five months.
Under Dr. Peters’ leadership, a Pasteurization ordinance has been passed, by the city commission, which will become effective in six months from the date of passage. Under this ordinance, all milk sold in the city of Dayton must either be pasteurized, or must be secured from tuberculin tested cattle, and must reach a fixed bacteriological standard.
The splendid program in child conservation began in April and will continue all through the summer months. Through the co-operation of the division of health, in the welfare department, and the visiting nurses association, of the city, and a large corps of prominent women of the city, 1,230 babies, ranging in age from three months to two years, were examined, by a corps of physicians and nurses, and scored, during the last week in May.
The highest number of babies ever scored before in Dayton, at one time, was 322.
The 1,230 mothers have received the score sheet, giving the entire medical examination of each baby. Prizes in war saving certificates were given to about thirty of the best babies of the city.
A series of stereopticon lectures was given in various parts of the city, as well as in the welfare department. The newspapers gave large publicity to this program. Dayton has never had before anything so comprehensive in child conservation as was secured during this campaign.
♦
St. Paul’s New Financial Program.—
For many years St. Paul has been issuing tax levy certificates of indebtedness to raise the necessary money over and above the known receipts to run the city, these certificates being paid out of the taxes of the succeeding year. This system always leaves the city one year behind the time, and necessitates paying a large sum of interest. A simple way to have put the city
on a cash basis would have been to double the taxes for one year, but this was considered impolitic and therefore impractical. The following plan was, therefore, proposed and voted upon affirmatively by the voters on May 7. In making up the budget each year an additional amount is to be added which shall not be less than four per cent of the next preceding tax levy and the council is to include this in the budget for each year. This amount when collected from taxes shall be kept separate and distinct from all other moneys and invested in tax levy certificates of indebtedness. In lieu of this the council may at any time by a four-sevenths vote issue and sell serial bonds drawing a rate of interest not exceeding 5 per cent, one series becoming due and payable each year and the last series not later than twenty years from the date of issue, to an amount which, added to the tax levy certificates already purchased from money set aside, will equal the city’s indebtedness for current expenses. These two methods were provided in the charter amendments for the reason it did not seem desirable at present to float bonds to the amount of $4,000,000, but that in order to make a start in getting on a cash basis at once the sinking fund plan would be adopted for the duration of the war, and then as soon as conditions permitted the bond plan would be adopted.
*
Cleveland’s Higher Street Railway Fares.—Cleveland no longer holds its proud position at the head of low street railway fare cities. Its demotion comes about as the result of three successive revisions during the past six months. The latest increase in fare went into effect April 9. The present rate is the highest allowed under the Tayler franchise, four cents cash, seven tickets for 25 cents, with one cent charge for transfer. It is predicted by the operating authorities that not even this rate will be adequate to meet the growing cost of operation, pay the interest return upon capital, properly maintain the system and assure good service. In such event the company’s only remaining recourse will be to ask the city


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council to amend the franchise to allow subsequent revisions of fare whenever necessary to meet the increased cost of operation.
There have been four changes in fare since the Tayler ordinance went into effect, March 1, 1910, the first a reduction, the next four increases.
The latest raise in the rate of fare in Cleveland puts Columbus at the top of the list, of low fare cities, with a rate of eight tickets for 25 cents, 3$ cents per ride, with free transfers, as against 3f-cents in Cleveland, with a one cent charge for transfer.
Stiles P. Jones.
*
The St. Paul Public Library is governed by the commissioner of education assisted by an advisory board consisting of representative of each ward in the city (appointed by him), together with the superintendent of schools, principals of the high schools ex-officio, and a teacher selected by the whole body of teachers in the public schools. Neither the commission nor the librarian is satisfied, however, with this form of board and some change is likely to be made whenever the charter is revised. Recently there was formed a library council consisting of the heads of library departments, which has to do, however, only with the internal library economy. A board of representatives of scientific and other societies to advise with the librarian with regard to the services of the library and to assist him with the preparation of the book budget has been organized.
*
Welfare Officers of New York Police.—
A new sphere of police activity in New York City has recently been assigned to Captain John McGrath. He has been assigned to a welfare bureau, consisting of crime prevention officers. These members of the force are required to prevent juvenile delinquency by reporting such youngsters to their parents and taking necessary action to improve their home surroundings, to check truancy by taking boys on the streets during school hours to the nearest public school; to exercise close supervision
over such licensed places as poolrooms, moving picture theatres, junk dealers and second hand dealers where criminals congregate and to assist convicts released on parole in obtaining and retaining honest employment. These crime prevention officers attached to the welfare bureau are not expected to make arrests. Their work is preventive and educational and not repressive and correctional. The statistics of the welfare bureau show that its activities have been remarkably successful and this success has been due largely to the ability for work of this kind displayed by the officer assigned to organize this Bureau.
Leonhard Felix Fold.
♦
Municipal Finance and the War.—One
of the most urgent problems before American cities to-day is the re-arrangement of their finances on a war basis. The year 1917 showed a decided curtailment in the sale of municipal bonds. In January of that year there was a notable rise in the municipal bond market,1 but February showed a decline,2 owing to the uncertainty resulting from the severance of diplomatic relations with Germany. The outbreak of war furthered this feeling and the decline continued for the most part throughout the year. November reports of the “Bond Buyer” stated that values in that month reached the lowest point in twenty-five years. In January, 1918, they went even lower.3
And yet the demands for municipal bonds did not cease, owing first to the safety of the securities and secondly to the fact that they are tax exempt. This feature has caused some resentment in Washington4 and doubtless would be changed were it not that Congress lacks the authority to levy taxes on bonds of states or their political subdivisions.5
1 Weekly Bond Buyer, January, 2917.
1 The Bond Buyer, February, 1917.
9 Ibid., Monthly reports and summary for 1917.
4 Editorial in Weekly Bond Buyer, November 10, 1917.
8 Ibid., Sec. of War McAdoo before Am. Bankers' Assn.; Report Public Service Securities Comm, of Investment; Bankers' Assn, of America, December 5, 1917.


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In order, then, to prevent municipal bonds from competing with loans of the Federal Government, some action is needed to limit municipal borrowing. The Governor of Indiana, for instance, sent out a letter asking that cities and counties refrain from issuing bonds except for refunding purposes and where needs were for war purposes. The success of this appeal is shown in a statement made before the investment bankers’ association in Baltimore, November, 1917. Mr. Wade of the Fletcher National Bank of Indianapolis there reported that, whereas the bond houses of Indiana usually had several millions of dollars of Indiana municipal bonds, they owned at that time less than $300,000 of such bonds, and stated that by co-operation 75 per cent of municipal financing could be eliminated. Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo, addressing the American Bankers’ Association in Atlantic City last fall urged that the bankers of America study the question of limiting unnecessary expenditure of cities for public works and improvements until after the war.
The result of this request was the appointment of a committee which reported the advisability of establishing a financial priority board to assist the government in passing upon new security issues.1 Much of the good of such a board would depend on influence exerted upon local officials since legal pressure could not be used. In its investigations the committee conferred with Mr. Basil R. Blachett, Sec. British Capital Issues Committee, which had charge of the problem of domestic finance in England. That country has practically reduced issues to government loans, but the United States cannot so easily attain such startling results since the English government is not hampered by state governments, and further, England could secure newcapital]through the United States. Many of these suggestions have been embodied in the war finance and capital issues committee bill recently passed by Congress.
The suggestions of the Lamont com-
1 N. Y. Tribune, January 13, 1918.
mittee (organized by the American Bankers’ Association) as to curtailment of municipal finances, well express the duties of American cities:
It is obviously impossible to suspend all public improvements. Such public financing as may be required for sanitary development and improvement, dock improvements (in many cases subserving the government’s interests), temporary financing in anticipation of taxes and certain refunding operations must continue. But the general scope of them should be made to conform to the necessities of the general situation; and in point of time any bond issues by local governmental bodies should be guided so as to avoid conflict with Federal bond issues.
R. G. Blakey.
*
War Bonuses for Municipal Employes.
—On April 12 of this year, the board of West Chicago park commissioners adopted an order granting a war bonus to the low and moderately paid employes under its jurisdiction. By the provisions of this order, extra compensation was allowed to common laborers and to all other regular employes whose monthly rate of pay did not exceed $150. The amount of this extra compensation varied from 6 per cent to 10 per cent of the worker’s total earnings during the quarterly period ending March 31, 1918, the lower paid employes receiving the higher percentage rate of bonus. This action was taken in order to afford some measure of relief from the present high cost of living and yet not effect any permanent increase in salaries and wages at a time when economic conditions are abnormal.
The war bonus idea is not entirely new. It has already gained wide vogue in municipalities and other branches of government service in Europe and has been adopted by many private employers in this country. In February of this year the board of public education of Philadelphia began paying its teachers a monthly bonus of five dollars in addition to their regular pay. The board of West Chicago park commissioners, however, seems to have made the first application of the war bonus idea in this country to municipal employes other than teachers.


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A few important questions are raised by the introduction of the war bonus into our public service. A bonus of this kind is granted by the employer as a gratuity to which the employe can lay no claim oh account of his services, and the employer may at any time withhold this gratuity without violating any formal obligation whatsoever. Does not this smack somewhat of paternalism? Is not the employe, in effect, made the recipient of charity? Can he be as self-respecting a public servant under such conditions as he would be if all his compensation was assured him as a matter of his own right? Will he be as efficient? Is it fair deliberately to underpay an employe and then to make up the difference by means of a gratuity? Is the return to pre-war economic conditions enough of a certainty to become the basis for important changes in public policy? Why would it not be better to work out a basic standard of living and then to make wage adjustments in accordance with the changing cost of this standard? These are questions that ought to be considered before we launch definitely upon a wide application of the war bonus policy in our public service.
William C. Beyeh,
♦
Portland, Oregon, in Business.—One of
the city commissioners of Portland is preparing an amendment to the city charter making it possible for the municipality to II.
go into any business, his theory being to check in this way any tendency to profiteer in the necessities of life. He has already been instrumental in establishing a municipal fish market, about the constitutionality of which, however, there is a question. He has also in mind a municipal fuel yard.
*
A Cleveland Division of Markets.—On
March 1 the Cleveland council by ordinance created a new department to be known as the Cleveland department of parks and public property. One of the sub-divisions will be devoted to markets, in charge of George Samman as commissioner, who is the federal agent of the bureau of markets in Cleveland.
*
New York’s State Ice Comptroller.—
The New York legislature has passed an act providing for the harvesting and storage of ice on the Hudson River, to regulate the manufacture and sale of artificial ice, and appointing former Governor Benjamin B. Odell as state ice comptroller, empowering him to contract for the storage during 1918 of ice to be harvested during the recent ice season. The act prohibits the manufacture of artificial ice in New York City, on Long Island and in the counties bordering on the Hudson River up to and including the counties of Albany and Rensselaer.
II. POLITICS1
Youngstown’s After Graft. William F. Davis and William F. Mehlo, members of the Youngstown city council, were sentenced in the Mahoning county common pleas court to indeterminate terms in the state penitentiary, ranging from one to ten years, for accepting a bribe for their support of proposed municipal legislation. The court also ordered the two men removed from office. In announcing sentence Judge Klinger gave the prisoners at the bar a stinging rebuke, declaring they and their kind a greater menace to free
1 Unless otherwise indicated, the items in this department are prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff.
institutions than the German army. He declared it was because of such perfidy in office, as theirs, that the public loses confidence in a republican form of government and that they were unfit to enjoy the privileges of freedom.
Mehlo and Davis also had been indicted for soliciting a bribe but they were acquitted of this charge. Judge Klinger told them that although they had been acquitted of the soliciting charge he believed them guilty. The court denied them a new trial and ordered them held on a $5,000 bond, each, while they carried their demand for a new trial to the court of appeals.


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Five other councilmen, Harry Hogue, Hugh Best, David Shermer, D. J. Morgan and F. P. Galvin, were indicted on the same charges at the same time and are yet to stand trial. Their cases were set for hearing the week of June 10. Sherman, Mehlo and Davis were also indicted for soliciting a bribe for council’s support of bridge plans favored by a traction company. Shermer when brought to trial on this charge some days ago, was discharged by the court who upheld the demurrer of the defendant’s counsel that it would have been impossible for the councilman to commit the crime charged as the bridge matter was an affair that could not legally come before council. Similar indictments against Mehlo and Davis were automatically quashed as a result of this decision. The seven councilmen, constituting a bare majority of the twelve members of the Youngstown city council were indicted April 2, following their arrest a few days previous. The indictment charged that they had jointly solicited a bribe of $3,500 to enact a franchise ordinance sought by the Workmen’s Transit company, an $100,000 concern but a short time incorporated, seeking the right to operate jitney cars in the city streets.
At the request of the local court the chief justice of the Ohio supreme court was asked to assign an outside jurist to hear the cases. Judge William Klinger of Lima, was appointed.
Of the indicted men Mehlo, Hogue and Davis were serving their second terms in council. Morgan and Best had been elected to fill vacancies but a few months previous, while Galvin and Shermer, the latter twice indicted, had taken office but ten weeks before their arrest. All of the indicted men are wage earners and had made campaigns as friends of the workingmen. The transit company from which the two convicted men attempted to get $3,500, was organized to give better service in the industrial districts and workingmen were heavy subscribers for its stock.
Ralph L. Kline.
*
A Triumph for the Short Ballot and for Civil Service Reform.—The recent selec-
tion of the auditor of Los Angeles County, California, will be viewed with the greatest satisfaction both by the supporters of the merit system and by those interested in untangling the meshes of county government generally. Custom has decreed that county as well as city and state udi-tors should be elected by the voters directly. The fact that the largest vote-getter might be a saloon keeper, or a local boss equally ignorant of the accounting knowledge which a private organization would require in such an officer, seemed unimportant, and the auditor was thought in some mysterious way to be able to protect the “interests of the citizens” because he was “responsible directly to them.” Moreover with the hopelessly complex problem presented to the voter by a ballot of seventy to a hundred names, what assurance could there be that the official selected would possess any more of devotion to the real interests of the public than of expertness?
Los Angeles County (unfortunately still separate from and overlapping Los Angeles City) in 1913 adopted a charter which took radical steps to end this sort of thing. Only supervisors and the District Attorney and Sheriff remained elective. The auditor was placed in the classified Civil Service! No change was made in the personnel of the office by the charter, the incumbent being permitted to continue to serve after the expiration of his elected term “during good service.” In the summer of 1917 irregularities amounting to several hundred thousand dollars were discovered in the county finances. The auditor was absolved from any criminal intent, but the impression prevailed in many quarters that the situation could have been prevented if an experienced accountant had been auditor. Finally the incumbent was removed.
The selection of the successor was up to the county supervisors who were required to choose from the three highest on an eligible list certified by the civil service commission. The problem of the latter body was difficult. Not only must it find men qualified to install and operate an accounting system for the disbursement of


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nearly $10,000,000 annually, but the successful candidate must be a person who would command public confidence. The method of selection adopted by the commission under the able administration of F. E. Doty, the secretary, was such as to obtain both of these ends.
A committee of well known and respected citizens was asked to take charge of the examination. On this committee served the president of the Pacific Electric railroad, the vice-president of the Edison company, a certified public accountant, and five prominent business men. The result was a distinct and striking demonstration of the value of the competitive method. From the large number of applicants for the influential and remunerative position, three men of the highest qualifications were selected, all of them of extensive financial experience, and admittedly good executives.
H. A. Payne, the acting director of the city’s efficiency department since the resignation of Dr. Jesse D. Burks, won the highest standing—90.66 per cent—and was on May 13 unanimously appointed by the supervisors. The new auditor had been research accountant of the city for four years. Before coming to California he was assistant auditor of one of the largest mail order houses in the world, and had had other commercial experience.
So far as known to the writer this is the first time in the history of the United States that any county has selected its auditor by means of competitive examination. It is safe to say that other counties will not be long in following the example. It is a triumph for the short ballot and for civil service reform.
Seward C. Simons.1 ♦
A Socialist Mayor Vetoes Purchase of Liberty Bonds.—Mayor Hoan of Milwaukee vetoed the resolution which provided for a subscription of $500,000 towards the second Liberty Loan on the part of the city. His reason was that the city had no legal authority to invest its money in any other manner except that prescribed by
1 Former secretary, Municipal League of Los Angeiea.
the city charter; he stated, however, that if the common council would go on record in favor of having a bill drafted for the legislature to legalize the purchase, and for another bill to be drafted providing that any loss which might ensue would be assessed against the war profiteers, he would have no objection to the proposed purchase. At the council meeting at which this veto was considered one of the non-socialist aldermen submitted a resolution for a legislative bill to legalize the purchase later; an amendment was proposed by a socialist alderman providing for a bill to be drafted for the legislature “to legalize the purchase of said bonds, and also to provide a method by which an accrued tax or other revenue measure may be introduced in the legislature for the purpose of avoiding the necessity of directly taxing our citizens to reimburse the city, but by which any deficit created by purchase of said bonds will be met by revenue obtained from profits made by persons or organizations since the war, which profits are in excess of those made by said persons or organizations prior to the war.” The amendment was lost 10 to 26 and the original resolution to legalize the bond issue was adopted 25 to 11, with 11 of the 13 socialists in the council voting in opposition, one socialist voting with the majority and one being absent. On the final question on passing the resolution over the veto of the mayor the vote was 24 to 12, all socialist aldermen present voting in the negative. Inasmuch as a vote of 25 was necessary to pass over a veto the plan to invest in the bonds was defeated.
During the previous Liberty Loan drive the socialists also opposed the purchase of $50,000 worth of Liberty bonds, but the non-socialists had a sufficient number in the council to override the veto.
W. J. Bollenbeck.
*
Ousting Socialist Aldermen.—The two
Socialist members of the Cleveland city council have been ousted for violation of rules of the council and for disorderly conduct. The reason for this drastic procedure was the refusal of the Socialists to


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approve the resolution introduced in the council, endorsing the creation of a war service league in Cleveland, to assist in the collection of funds for war relief purposes. The city charter provides that the council can “expel any member for disorderly conduct or violation of its rules, after the delinquent member shall have been notified of the charge against him, and been given an opportunity to be heard.” Three charges were filed: 1st, disorderly conduct; 2nd, violation of an unwritten rule of the council; 3rd, interference with the prosecution of the war.
A formal hearing was called, witnesses for both sides were present, and the council, by unanimous vote, with the exception of the two Socialists, expelled the two Socialist members on the grounds above stated.
They appealed to the court of common pleas for an injunction restraining the council from the enforcement of the order, but the lower court held that they were guilty of disorderly conduct. In discussing the question—what constitutes disorderly conduct, the court held that the ordinary interpretation could not apply in this instance, and that the refusal of the Socialists to approve the resolution, was disorderly conduct. The case has been appealed to the higher courts.
Alderman Smith of Toledo was impeached for disloyal statements and, having been found guilty by the council, his seat was declared vacant and his successor chosen. A correspondent states that this result was due chiefly to an inflamed public sentiment and a very intense patriotic fervor on the part of the Liberty Loan salesmen. “An interesting feature,” writes the same correspondent, “is that Mr. Smith’s removal made it possible to remove the balance of power from the hands of the Socialist members.”
Chicago, as will be noted elsewhere in the department, handled the matter much better, defeating all the candidates for aldermen who were tainted with disloyalty. *
Dayton’s Scandal.—Early in May the Dayton papers contained stories to the
effect that a grand jury was investigating the head of the department of public safety. The jury eventually handed down two indictments against the head of that department, charging larceny and graft.
When the case came to trial on the first count the state’s witnesses failed them absolutely and after lunch the state attorney requested that a verdict be returned in favor of the defendant, which was promptly done. On the second count the prosecution produced no witnesses whatever, claiming that they could not have them ready, and the judge promptly dismissed the case. In commenting on this conduct the Dayton News, which is Governor; Cox’s paper and has always been strictly partisan, had these editorial comments to make under the head “Rascality Collapses”:
If the grand larceny indictment returned against Safety Director James was not the result of a frame-up, perhaps it was merely the outcome of an effort made by super-innocent minds to establish the degree of relationship between certain circumstances which happened to “present themselves” for consideration. There is a yellow smear all over this attempt to put the brand of the thief upon a reputable citizen and an efficient public official. That the case was nolled in court, owing to the inability of the prosecution to produce any evidence against Mr. James, is not a sufficient indication. He is entitled to a public apology from every one who had any part in this particular attempt to expose him to public contempt. The bribery charge, like the charge of grand larceny, has failed for lack of evidence, and, very properly, has been thrown out of court.
From the beginning to the end of these proceedings it has been apparent that somebody was endeavoring to use the machinery of public justice for the satisfaction of personal spite or for some other rascally purpose. The News congratulates Mr. James on the complete collapse of the effort to besmirch his record.
Just what is back of this prosecution local correspondents are unable to say, but they state that it was clearly someone’s intention to embarrass either the city government or the head of the department.


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Municipal Elections in Tacoma.—On
April 16, a new mayor and two members of the council were elected in Tacoma. Major C. M. Riddell a prominent attorney and chairman of our County Council of Defense, was elected mayor over A. V. Fawcett, who had been mayor for four years. The chief issue was the improvement in the Health Department of the city which is under the personal direction of the mayor. Quarantine measures had become so slack that the city was virtually threatened by a quarantine on the part of the military authorities at Camp Lewis. Matters have decidedly improved, however, and the Health Department is now being thoroughly re-organized under competent medical officers.
Mr. Fred Shoemaker, who resigned as city controller to run for the city commission, was elected by a splendid vote and was assigned to the position of commissioner of finance. Mr. Shoemaker is a Harvard graduate who has had postgraduate training in municipal govern III.
ment, an expert public accountant, and a man who for eight years was in charge of the municipal auditing for the Federal Government in the Philippines.
Mr. H. Roy Harrison, formerly secretary of the Central Labor Council, and a proprietor of a local restaurant was elected to the commission also, and assigned to the position of commissioner of public works.
Mr. Harrison is a young man, wide awake and alert, and goes into office with the confidence of the people. The holdover commissioners are F. H. Pettit, commissioner of public safety, and Mr. Hamilton F. Gronen, commissioner of light and water.
John B. Kaiser.
*
Chicago’s Municipal Election.—The
chief issue in Chicago’s municipal election on April 2 was not a local one but that of loyalty. The municipal voters’ league urged the defeat of all anti-war adherents and the voters followed this advice.
III. JUDICIAL DECISIONS
Limited Town Meetings in Massachusetts.—A decision from the supreme judicial court of Massachusetts that the provisions of the bill for a limited town meeting form of government for certain towns in the commonwealth would be unconstitutional was presented to the General Court on May 16, 1918. This matter of the growth of New England towns and the methods by which they were solving their problems was covered in an article in the National Municipal Review, vol. vi, no. 1, January, 1917. Brookline had adopted the limited town meeting form of government, and some thirty towns, planning to follow Norwood, had petitioned the legislature for an enabling act to allow them to adopt the town manager form of government.
The question submitted to the court by the legislature was, “Has the General Court, under the constitution of the commonwealth, power to pass a general law enabling such towns as may adopt its provisions to substitute for the town
meeting form of government, in which every qualified voter of the town may participate, a form wherein the town meeting shall consist of a certain percentage of of the voters elected as town meeting members, so called, by the voters at large?” The answer of the court was in the negative. The ruling of the court is of special interest to the residents of Brookline, inasmuch as they have just such a form of limited town meeting as that proposed in the bill that was before the legislature. It is possible therefore, that some of the acts of this limited town meeting for the past two years may be questioned under this ruling.
This is the second set-back which the towns of Massachusetts have had in the past two years in their attempt to adopt more efficient and up-to-date government. Last year the legislature passed an act to give Winchester a manager form of government (which was subsequently defeated by vote of the town) but referred to a recess commission the petitions of all


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the other towns which had agreed on the Winchester bill for their best method of procedure. This new opposition probably halts for this year at least the long-continued effort of the overgrown towns to substitute some form of government to relieve the crowded conditions of their town halls and the antiquated methods of their departmental organization.
The decision of the court is based on Article 2 of the amendments to the constitution providing for the establishment of municipal or city governments in any corporate town, with the proviso “that no such government shall be erected or constituted in any town not containing twelve
thousand inhabitants, nor unless it be with the consent, and on the application of a majority of the inhabitants of such town, present and voting thereon, pursuant to a vote at a meeting duly warned and holden for that purpose.” The court did not rule the principle of the limited town meeting to be unconstitutional but only the manner in which the procedure was possible. This technicality is one which could be removed, and has been removed by other towns, in instructing their selectmen or some special charter committee to proceed before the legislature for the special form of charter desired.
Edwin A. Cottrell. 1
IV. MISCELLANEOUS
Ten Years of City Planning.—The tenth National Conference on City Planning was held by the American City Planning Institute in St. Louis, May 27 to 29.
The new cities, either created or being created by the Federal Government, naturally formed the chief topic of the entire convention. These are either the cantonments,1 some of them with populations of 75,000, or the industrial towns, leaping up in regions to which the suction of war industries is drawing vast numbers of industrial war workers. At the conference in Kansas City a year ago, a resolution was adopted directing President Frederic Law Olmsted, to offer the services of the institute to the government. The president’s address was a report of the result of the offer. Member after member of the conference has had his services drafted in the creation of these towns. The resulting influence promises to be enormous. In fifteen months the cause of town planning and of housing has been advanced more than fifteen years of peace would have advanced it.
President Olmsted seems to have regarded the direction with regard to the offer of the services of the institute to the government, as a personal call, and at great personal sacrifice he has given practically his entire time to the work. A
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. vii, p. 139.
resolution was unanimously adopted, putting on record the appreciation by the Institute of his public spirited action.
The determination of the institute to see to it that the best that has been done elsewhere shall be equalled in this country resulted in calling upon Thomas Adams, city planning adviser to the Commission of Conservation of Canada, for an important address on “City Planning in the Allied Countries During the War.” The high standard set by England was well presented for emulation in America.
On motion of Lawson Purdy, president of the National Municipal League, a resolution was also passed, urging the government to adopt the principle of developing war towns as units, instead of buying individual lots here and there; in the latter case no adequate and self-suificient town-plan could be carried out.
Two sessions, one on zoning and the other on blighted districts, presented closely interrelated subjects. Proper zoning will either prevent blighted districts or greatly reduce the evil effects of the blight. Of course, zoning is not the “fool-proof” portion of the city planning machine and speculation may still cause the usual results of inflation when the bubble bursts.
A number of topics local to St. Louis,
1 Director, Bureau of Governmental Research, Ohio State University.


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but with varying application throughout the United States, were presented. A tour of the city demonstrated the truth of Thomas Adams’ assertion that European garden suburbs are not superior to American garden suburbs for the well to do, and the St. Louis “Places” were referred to as proof; but, said he, “your problem is to get the same provisions for health and amenity into the neighborhoods where dweE the wage-earners.” The United States to-day is endeavoring to do that thing. What happens in the next year, indeed, in the next six months, in the creation of war industrial towns, wiU decide the measure of the success of the endeavor.
The report on the city planning work that has been executed in the cantonments, and of the similar work under way in war suburbs and war towns, led naturaUy to the problem of the work to be done on the cessation of hostihties in four or five years, —perhaps sooner, perhaps later. A r6sum6 of the activities of the British Ministry of Reconstruction was presented ; it showed eighty-seven committees at work on various phases of the problem such as agriculture, commerce, finance, etc. Four of these committees have to do with housing and town planning. The American City Planning Institute adopted the following resolution:
Whereas, it is evident that when the war is over, many problems of re-adjustment will need to be solved; and
Whereas, the British Government, foreseeing similar difficulties, has appointed a Ministry of Reconstruction; be it
Resolved, that the American City Planning Institute, in convention assembled, urge upon the President of the United States the early consideration of such questions and the appointment of some official body to deal with the matter.
Another resolution urges the preparation and adoption of municipal and state plans for improvements to be prosecuted immediately on the ending of the war. It was pointed out on the floor that the preparation and adoption of such plans requires more than a year, as a rule, and an equally long time is taken by the legal processes necessary to acquire the ground or public rights of way upn which the
improvements are to be placed. If, therefore, no action is taken before the war ends, public work wiU not be available for months afterwards to relieve problems of non-employment that may be caused by the return of millions of soldiers and the slowing down or closing of war industries, throwing more millions of men out of work; their places have already been occupied, many of them permanently, by women. Even though a good deal of work has been held up by the war, it is at least doubtful if that wiU provide means of employment in sufficient measure to prevent suffering during the period of readjustment which we aE foresee.
Whereas, changed industrial conditions after the war may necessitate the starting of vast public works, and such improvements require time for maturing adequate plans, be it
Resolved, that the American City Planning Institute urges on the Governors of the various states and the Mayors of the various cities that the planning of such work be undertaken at this time.
Andrew Wright Crawford.
*
American Federation of Arts.—The
meeting of the American Federation of Arts in Detroit, on May 23 and 24, was remarkably well attended. Hardly a session scored less than 200 persons present. The program was shot through with war topics, including “Working Men’s Houses in Industrial Centers,” “MobiHzing the Art Industries,” and “Art as an Americanizing Force.” William B. Stratton of Detroit chose, as the medium of the first subject, views of the “dehghtful” war-towns, WeE Hall, Gretna and East Riggs, built by the English Government since the War began. The object was to produce efficiency in war industrial workers by securing healthy surroundings, charm in environment and opportunity for recreation, thus increasing contentment and reducing that labor turn-over, the counterpart of which has been so costly in America since the war began,—costly both in money and in delay in getting results.
The convention adopted the foEowing resolution;
Whereas, the Civic Art of the United States will be vitaEy affected by the stand-
7


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ard set in housing and in town planning by the Federal authorities,
Resolved, that the American Federation of Arts in Convention assembled, commends the interest already shown in this direction by the Federal authorities and urges as respects any permanent buildings to be erected that it establish in all such work a high standard for housing workers, equal to that in force in any other nation.
A large part of the program was taken up with the discussion of art in industrial work. The promise of America in this respect was physically demonstrated by a visit to the Pewabic Pottery. The convention met in the arts and crafts building, which is, in itself an exhibit of the advance that is being scored by American art in many directions. The thought was voiced on the floor that America has now reached the stage where Europe has much to learn of America. This is true in civic as well as in industrial art and in the fine arts. Monsieur Jacques Gruber of Paris is preparing a book on American suburban architecture, as examples fo'r Frenchmen. In their park systems, European cities are as far behind American cities, as they are ahead of them in their water-fronts—but Rio Janeiro is the best, or one of the two best, of all.
The report of the secretary, Leila Mechlin, is always one of the features of the Federation’s conventions. There is, however, more than a feature. Each has marked a milestone in the steady advance westward of the interest in and appreciation of art. In the last ten years, more than ten cities in the middle west have opened art museums, those in Minneapolis, Cleveland and Toledo being especially beautiful examples of architecture. The federation keeps a score of travelling art exhibitions on the road, reaching over 100 cities in the course of a year. An impressive story of the influence of such work was presented by a speaker from Washington state, who told of the first visit of one of these exhibitions to his town.
Robert W. De Forest was re-elected president, Charles L. Hutchinson, vice-president and Miss Mechlin, secretary. Mrs. John W. Alexander, Andrew Wright Crawford, Charles L. Hutchinson, H. W.
Kent, Miss Florence N. Levy, Elihu Root and Joseph E. Widener were elected to the board of directors for terms of three years.
*
Organized Women and Civics.—The
Fourteenth Biennial Convention of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs was held in Hot Springs, Arkansas, from April 13 to May 9. It was pre-eminently in the nature of a war service conference and the attendance was surprisingly good considering the stress of present conditions and the interest of the audiences was intense. The eleven departments of work, literature, art, music, civics, civil service reform, education, home economics, public health, social and industrial conditions, legislation and conservation, each presented noted speakers to the main program whose messages bore particularly on the special work of that department under war emergency conditions. Among these speakers were Miss Julia C. Lathrop of the Children’s Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor; Dr. Jessica
B. Peixotto, executive secretary, Child Welfare Department, Woman’s Committee, Council of National Defense; Dr. Alonzo E. Taylor, U. S. Food Administration; Dr. J. Lawrence Erb, School of Music, University of Illinois; Mr. Dudley Crafts Watson, director, Art Institute Milwaukee; Jane Addams, Hull House; Helen Fraser, National War Savings Committee, England; Surgeon General Rupert Blue, U. S. Public Health Service; Dr. Theodore Gerald Soares, University of Chicago; Honorable Jeannette Rankin; Richard Henry Dana, president, National Civil Service Reform League; Mrs. Cora Wilson Stewart, chairman, National Illiteracy Committee; Mr. Herbert Putnam, librarian of Congress; Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, president, National Education Association; Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, chairman, Woman’s Committee, Council of National Defense.
Numerous conference programs were held by the various departments where there was discussion of the more specific lines of work. Among department con-


1918]
NOTES AND EVENTS
437
ference program speakers were Mrs. Herbert C. Hoover, Miss Jean Gordon of New Orleans, Mrs. Edward MacDowell, Jens Jensen, president, Friends of our Native Landscape, Charles Lathrop Pack, president of National War Garden Commission, Dr. Ellis P. Oberholzer, secretary of Pennsylvania State Board of Censorship of Motion Pictures.
The civics department centered its work upon Americanization, Liberty Bond campaigns, the community survey, the motion picture problem, clean-up campaigns, and the better organization of civic work in municipality and state.
A resolution was passed by the civic conference and board endorsing the movement for a public citizenship day in every community on July Fourth of each year and urging the women’s clubs to work for it.
Surveys of the motion picture field had been made by the women’s clubs in Illinois, Michigan, Rhode Island, South Dakota, New York and Arkansas and others are in progress. A resolution endorsing legal censorship of motion pictures and pledging efforts for the same was unanimously passed by the convention.
*
The Socialist Aldermanic Delegation Bureau of Investigation and Research.—
The seven Socialist members recently elected to the New York City board of aldermen have organized a bureau of Investigation and research to assist them in the performance of their legislative duties.
The functions of this bureau are four fold:
It furnishes, first, a centralized and systematized agency for legislative research. The staff of the bureau conducts a wide investigation into each subject upon which any one of the seven aldermen desires to introduce legislation. A summary of the bureau’s findings in each instance is placed at the disposal of the Socialist delegation and all others who may be interested. As a means to this end the bureau maintains a library of city reports and other documents bearing on its work.
The bureau is also a bill-drafting agency
for the Socialist delegation. On the basis of this investigation and research the bureau prepares a draft of each proposed measure which it submits to the seven aldermen as well as to those best informed on the subject in question for their citi-cism and suggestion. In this work the most expert advice is sought and followed by the bureau. It aims to make each measure not only in form but in substance stand every test.
The staff of the bureau in the third place forms a sort of vigilance committee on city legislation. The files of the office contain a complete record of all the public activities of all the members of the board of aldermen. The vote of every aider-man on every measure, and a fist of all bills for which each member is responsible, is recorded in the bureau’s files. Apart from this more specialized vigilance the staff keeps in touch with the latest developments in all departments of the city government.
The last but not the least of the bureau’s functions is publicity. One of the staff is specially assigned to this work. His duties are to rally favorably public opinion for each measure introduced by the delegation and to focus this sentiment where it will accomplish the most, on committee chairman, public hearings, etc. He is charged further with the work of securing fair and adequate notice of the delegation’s activities in the public press.
The Socialist aldermen believe that the work of the bureau is such that every socialist legislative group in the country will eventually be equipped with this weapon of legislative efficiency. The quality of their faith may be judged by the fact that each member of the delegation contributes to its support out of his aldermanic salary.
Evans Clark is director of the bureau. Mr. Clark graduated from Amherst in 1910, took his post graduate work at Harvard and Columbia, and previous to his acceptance of his present position was for three years instructor in politics at Princeton University. Mr. Clark has also been an associate editor of the Utilities Magazine. Charles Solomon acts as


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1918 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associate Editors ALICE M. HOLDEN W. J. DONALD HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD LEE MCBAIN C. C. WILLIAMSON VOLUME VII JANUARY, 1-130 JULY, 339-448 MARCH, 131-236 SEPTEMBER, 449-544 MAY, 5237-337 NOVEMBER, 545-655 PUBLISHED FOR TEE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H. 1918 BY

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. VII, No. 4 JULY , 19 18 TOTAL No. 30 Ordinarily the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW should be in the handr of members and subacribrtr within a week of the first day of the month. of publidion. to wit, January, March, May, Julu. September, and November. Th6 cltrawdinary condition8 of the last siz m&, however, have resulted in nuwnua ddayr. If the magmine is nd received by the 16th of the month of issue, the Eddm mill be ureallv obliged if u postal lo lhai sffed is sml to hia 0%. 70.9 North Ambn'can Building. Philadelphia. KALAMAZOO TRIES PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION BY AUGUSTUS R. HATTON' HIS method is too intricate and tedious ever to be adopted for popular election by the people." In a decision rendered in '' T 18902 the supreme court of Michigan let fall this dictum concerning the Hare system of proportional representation. On February 4th of this year Kalamazoo, one of the larger Michigan cities, by an overwhelming majority, adopted a charter which established that system and on the first of April, at an election held under this charter, only three and one-half per cent of the ballots cast were uncountable, and the result of the election could be known before the earliest breakfast the following morning. From this one might be justified in drawing the conclusion that the reputation of inerrancy, which the courts so much covet, is subjected to unnecessary hazards when they attempt to set themselves up as political oracles. But this is not to be a dissertation on judicial dicta; it is only an attempt to record the experience of a community of considerable size with a new electoral device. Kalamazoo is a remarkably clean and attractive city of approximately 50,000 inhabitants. The greater portion of its people might properly be described as of American stock, but there is a considerable Dutch element in the population, usually referred to in Kalamazoo as Holland Dutch, or Hollanders. The Dutch are thrifty and conservative, their chief civic interest being in keeping down the tax rate. The industries 1 Field director, National Short Ballot Organization and professor of political science, Western Reserve University. 2 Maynard v. The Board of Canvassefs, 84 Michigan, 232-233. 339

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340 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July of Kalamazoo are varied and the percentage of home ownership is high in spite of the fact that the wage scale for laboring people is unusually low. A low wage scale seems to be typical of the Michigan lumber and furniture towns and of others falling within their sphere of influence. This condition helps to explain some phases of Kalamazoo’s politics later recorded. THE OLD GOVERNMENT On the whole Kalamazoo has been well governed and, in spite of the conservative elements in the population, it has been remarkably progressive. It has owned its waterworks from the beginning and several years ago established a municipal electric light plant for public lighting, though as yet current is not sold to private users. There has been a long struggle with the local gas company over rates ,
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19181 PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION 341 adopted last February establishes the manager plan and provides for a council of seven to be elected from the city at large by the Hare system of proportional representation. The campaign preliminary to the election of the charter commission, and the campaign for the adoption of the charter after it was framed, may well be studied as examples of sound political procedure. Under Mr. Freeman’s management, the education of the public was thorough. No issues were evaded. Thus when the question was asked whether the new charter would reduce the tax rate, the answer was given that it probably would not. It was made clear to the voters that expenditures in the future would necessarily be heavier than in the past and that for that reason it was desirable to have a more effective instrument of government. This vote is an interesting commentary on the opinions of leading citizens and politicians of Kalamazoo as to the possible effect of including proportional representation in the charter. Before the provisions for P. R. were written in, letters were sent to a large number of leading citizens asking their opinions as to the possible effect of its inclusion upon the popular vote. With two or three exceptions, these citizens and politicians stated that while they believed in the principle of P. R., they felt sure that its inclusion would lead to the rejection of the charter. The charter was adopted by a vote of more than two to one. THE ANTI-TALBOT CAMPAIGN The charter provides for nomination by petition of at least fifty voters, no voter being permitted to sign a petition for more than one candidate. Under these provisions twenty-three candidates came into the field for the recent election. They represented a wide range of ability and opinion and it was at once apparent that from them a very able and representative council might be selected. Apparently the campaign would have passed off with extreme smoothness, not to say tameness, if a local celebrity, Truxton Talbot, had not seen fit to bring forward a ticket which included his own name. A considerable portion of the people of Kalamazoo would only admit that Talbot is a celebrity in the sense that Milton characterized Satan as occupying a “bad eminence.” He is the editor and publisher of a small socialist weekly called “The People.” In recent years this paper has frequently irritated the “better element” by attacking and making light of some of their most cherished institutions. Talbot is not always careful of his facts and as a result served a jail sentence a few years ago for making statements which he could not substantiate concerning a public official. For some time after Talbot brought his ticket forward, no particular attention seemed to have been paid to it. The fact is that his list contained the names of three men of some consequence. These were Shakespeare and Butler, already mentioned, and a cut-rate clothing man, Alex

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342 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July ander Velleman. In the straw ballots, taken after all the candidates were in the field, and before the concerted attack on Talbot had begun, Shakespeare was always in the lead. However, about two weeks before the election, someone seemed to have been inspired with the idea that the election of Talbot or anyone supported by him would be a burning disgrace to the city. Whereupon a so-called municipal voters’ league was formed, the main purpose of which was to defeat Talbot and his entire ticket. It is probable that some of those active in the work of the voters’ league had other motives than to save the fair name of their city. These were men opposed or none too favorable to the new charter, those opposed to proportional representation, and certain active par tisans who had figured largely under the old plan of government and who found themselves shelved by the new charter. There can be no doubt that some of them welcomed the Talbot candidacy as an opportunity to discredit P. R.‘and the entire new charter movement. , The voters’ league seems also to have been fully under the control of the conservatives. They attempted to agree on a ticket of seven to recommend to the voters, but could not do so. They finally advised the voters to make sixteen choices, including all the candidates except those approved by Talbot. The voters’ league conducted its campaign largely through newspaper advertising. This was probably rather expensive as their space ran into many pages. Their grand strategy consisted in printing extracts from Talbot’s paper in which he had commented severely on such things as the church, the Y. M. C. A. and the army. The other men on Talbot’s ticket were not mentioned except to indicate that they were contaminated by association with him. The result of this type of campaign was to make Talbot appear to be more important than he really is and probably resulted in his election. THE LOYALTY ISSUE As might have been expected, under the circumstances, “loyalty11 was made a leading issue. In this respect, also, the attack was directed against Talbot alone, the attitude of the other men on his ticket, especially of Mr. Shakespeare and Dr. Butler, being too well known to be called in question. The factory of Mr. Shakespeare was turning out war materials while Dr. Butler as a member of the draft appeal board had one son in military service and protested when the medical examiners rejected his youngest son. As to Talbot himself it must be said that, whatever the attitude of his paper may have been before we entered the war, a careful reading of its files for the first three months of 1918 reveals, it is true, some statements that might be considered unwise, but nothing that could justly be termed disloyal. On the contrary the paper frankly supported the war, declared its confidence in the president, urged the

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19181 PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION 343 working people to hear such pro-war speakers as Clarence Darrow and Capt. R. Hugh Knyvett, even going so far as to advise the workers that the best thing to do “is to carry a stiff punch up your sleeve for the first pro-German you hear trying to discredit your Uncle Sam.” It must be admitted that Talbot conducted his campaign more skillfully than his opponents. The one daily paper, refused to open its columns to paid advertising for the Talbot ticket. This fact supported by affidavit was heralded through the city by means of hand bills and posters which can be used with excellent effect in a city no larger than Kalamaaoo. Talbot also retorted upon the voters’ league by charging that they represented the chamber of commerce, the politicians, the gas and railway companies and big business in general. MUTUAL MISTAKES AS TO P. R. The campaign literature, and the discussion, indicated that neither side fully understood what was possible under a system of proportional representation. Some of the anti-Talbot forces, fearing that a majority of the Talbot ticket might be elected, expressed a strong desire for a system under which the council would be chosen at large by a majority vote. These critics failed to see that if the Talbot forces could elect a majority of the council under proportional representation, the same forces by voting a straight ticket, would elect every member of the council under a mere majority system. On the other hand, Talbot went equally astray in his statement of possibilities. In one appeal to the working people to support his ticket he made the statement that “if you . . . vote solidly for these seven men you will have the satisfaction of electing at least six of them-possibly the whole ~even.”~ The improbability, not to say impossibility, of a ticket being elected in its entirety becomes clear when it is understood that in order to achieve this result any such ticket would .have to receive more than seven-eighths of all the votes cast. For any one group to win six out of seven places is only slightly less improbable while the election of five out of seven would show a remarkable approach to unanimity on the part of the voters. THE CANDIDATES The following is a list of the candidates with a brief statement conWilliam W. Brown. Republican, alderman. A popular man who *Paul T. Butler. A reputable physician, socialist, but not anti-war. a“The People,” March 14, 1918. 4 In most cases this information waa gained from numerous inquiries, but the writer met and talked with nine of the candidates and in those cases is able to supplement with his own observations the statements made by others. cerning each. The starred candidates were on the Talbot ticket.‘ was against the new chart,er but did not fight it.

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344‘ NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July He is a member of the draft appeal board and protested when his youngest son was excluded from the draft by the medical examiners. Dr. Butler has been active in civic affairs. Popular, wealthy, Republican, an able lawyer, twice elected mayor of Kalamazoo, a supporter of the new charter. Republican, alderman, street-car conductor and member of the street-car men’s union, opposed the new charter, popular. President of a small lumber company, non-socialist, but a municipal ownership man. AEfred B. Connable. Fred Currier. *Peter De Boer. *Felix A. GaElagher. Cigar maker. Chester A. Graine. William B. Hallett. Charles L. Holt. William H. Johnson. Republican, alderman, was against the new charter, old-time politician, Dutch. Carl L. Larsen. Socialist, member of the charter commission, moulder, former president of the Trades and Labor Council. George E. Martin. Advertising manager for Kalamazoo’s largest store, Republican, for nine years an alderman, chairman of the council finance committee, supported the new charter, an able man who had given valuable service in the old council. Charles Schager. Democrat, alderman, union labor man, clean, no conspicuous ability. Philip Scherer. Barber, inconspicuous. *William Shakespeare, Jr. Colored, department manager in a laundry, a Democrat, a member of the legislature to which graduate of Tuskogee Institute, and said to be a very capable man. he was elected unexpectedly, not strong. Republican, runs a cheap hotel. President of the Shakespeare Manufacturing Company, socialist of the Fabian type, who has endeavored to put his theories into practice in his business. Intelligent, public spirited, very popular among all classes. Socialist, hitherto of the irresponsible type, editor and publisher of a small weekly paper, “The People,” disliked and too much feared by the so-called respectable element, and having a labor following probably only because better leadership has not presented itself. Albert J. Todd. Vice-president of the A. M. Todd Company, a keen, alert, level-headed, young business man, progressive though not radical. He had been for some time a member of the city public utilities commission and was a supporter of the new charter. Head of the Upjohn Company, president of the chamber of commerce, considers himself a socialist of the Fabian school, father of the new charter movement, member and chairman of the charter commission and one of the wealthiest and most actively public spirited men in Kalarnazoo. *Truston Talbot. William E. Upjohn.

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19181 PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION 345 Thomas Van Urk. *Abraham Verhage. *Alezander Velleman. Physician with a large Dutch practice, aristocratic Hollander, Republican, formerly an alderman. Enameler, union labor, alderman, Dutch. Successful cut-rate clothing dealer, socialist, chief financial supporter of the Talbot ticket, reputed to be generous with his work-people. Paul R. Westerville. Clerk in the Upjohn Company, socialist, clean, fair ability, described as a man with ideas above his intelligence. Floyd N. Woodworth. Clerk, clean, honest, church worker, moderate ability. Of these candidates, Brown, Currier, Johnson, Verhage, Martin and Schaffer were members of the old city council, Martin being the strongest man of the six. On the whole, however, old-time politicians were not numerously represented among the candidates. Larsen, Shakespeare and Upjohn were members of the charter commission. THE ELECTION AND THE COUNT The election was held on April 1 and the day passed uneventfully. The vote was light. While eight thousand ballots might have been expected, only 4,461 were cast. The falling-off occurred in all parts of the city and for it no satisfactory explanation can be offered. Of the 4,461 ballots, only 157 were blank or invalid, a remarkable showing for an election under any system. At the first proportional representation election in Ashtabula 362 ballots were either blank or invalid, out of a total of 3,334. The polls did not close until eight o’clock and it was 10.45 before the last precinct delivered its ballots to the central counting board, which finished its.task at 5.15 the next morning, having consumed about six and one-half hours. The accurate and expeditious manner in which the ballots were counted and transferred could scarcely be over-praised.5 After the demonstration given in Kalamazoo, the objections to P. R. on the grounds of difficulty in marking and counting the ballots should entirely disappear. It is now clear that the people can mark a P. R. ballot with a very low percentage of error, even at a first election, and that it is possible to complete the count of such a ballot in a city of considerable size within a reasonable time. There being 4,304 valid ballots cast, and seven candidates to be elected, the quota was 539.s Both Connable and Upjohn exceeded this number, 6 Credit for the effective organization and working of the counting board belongs chiefly to Marvin J. Schaberg, City Attorney, Andrew Lenderink, City Engineer, M. E. McMartin, City Auditor and Prof. John Everett of the Kalamaaoo State Normal School. Those interested in this feature of proportional representation would do well to consult any or all of these gentlemen. 8 The quota is determined by dividing the number of valid ballots cast by a number The work of the board was admirably done.

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346 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW t July Connable receiving 875 votes and Upjohn 806. Thus Connable had a surplus of 336 and Upjohn a surplus of 267 votes to be distributed, or a combined surplus of 603 votes. The logic with which the voters marked their ballo,b was indicated by the manner in which this combined surplus distributed itself among the other candidates. Of the 603 votes only two went to Talbot, while Todd received 147, or enough to raise him from sixth to fourth place on the list. Martin received 132 votes from the surplus, raising him from seventh to sixth place. As the count proceeded, by dropping the low men and transferring their ballots, it became evident that Talbot would receive a very slight increment of votes in the transfer. The fact is, that while he stood third in the number of firstchoice votes, he was the last man in the list to be elected. The men chosen to the commission in the order of their election were: Connable, Upjohn, Martin, Todd, Shakespeare, Butler, Talbot.' Some surprise was at first expressed that none of the Dutch candidates was elected. Inquiry developed that the candida$es with Dutch names were not really representative of Dutch opinion in any marked degree. This is substantiated by the fact that as Dutch candidates were dropped and their ballots distributed to others, they did not go predominantly to other Hollanders. THE AFTERMATH OF THE ELECTION On election day a number of leading men declared that, should Talbot be elected, immediate steps would be taken to repeal the P. R. provision of the charter. As people began to see that, after all, a very representative council had been chosen, this spirit rapidly abated. One prominent citizen denounced P. R. as an (' un-American" system and declared that if Talbot should be elected immediate steps would be taken to amend the charter so as to eliminate proportional representation. In the course of his remarks he indicated seven men, the selection of whom would, in his opinion, give the city the most representative council that could be chosen from the twenty-three candidates. The day after the election, his animus against the system seemed to be considerably less when he discovered that six of the seven men whom he had indicated had been elected. It cannot be denied that the election of Talbot was regarded with bitterness by a large number of people. While many of these admitted that the council chosen was a representative one, their attitude was the same as was that of some citizens of Ashtabula, where the first proportional greater by one than the number of seats to be filled. The whole number next larger than the resulting quotient is the quota. 7 The same seven had stood highest on ht choice votes, their order and the number of votes for each being as follows: Connable, 875; Upjohn, 806; Talbot, 369; Shakespeare, 288; Butler, 269; Todd, 195; Martin, 185.

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19181 PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION 347 representation election resulted in the choice of Nick Corrado.6 The objection to proportional representation was not that it did not secure a representative council, but that it provided a council which was entirely too representative to suit the tastes of the more fastidious. The Kalamazoo Gazette which led the fight against Talbot undoubtedly stated the case fairly in an editorial the day following the election: “The outcome of the election, distasteful as it is in some of its features to a great majority of the people, is, without question, the expressed will of that part of the electorate which went to the polls and voted. Those who did not vote must abide by the mandate of those who did vote. All in all, a good commission has been elected, the majority of whose members are capable, sane, worthy and progressive citizens, and the will of that majority will prevail in the administration of our civic affair^."^ A NEW CONCEPTION OF REPRESENTATION In fact any impartial observer, though he might wish that Talbot had not been elected, would reach the conclusion that a remarkably able and representative council was chosen. Even as to Talbot, a new understanding is dawning in the minds of many citizens who fiercely opposed him. They are beginning to realize that, as a member of the council, he must either prove himself capable of something more than unpleasant criticism or discredit himself in the eyes of his followers. The responsibility which he now bears cannot be met by mere opposition. Among a smaller, but increasing, number of citizens the new understanding goes further. These see that for the time being Talbot is the representative of an element which has been voiceless in our councils, which deserves representation, which cannot safely be left unrepresented, but which under the old system of election never felt sure that it had an official spokesman whose allegiance was undivided. A majority or plurality system almost inevitably produces that result. Any representative so chosen frequently finds himself in the position of an attorney who endeavors to plead the cause of several clients with widely divergent interests. The result is that all of his statements are qualifications and compromises, no client has his case fully stated, the weakest being most neglected if not entirely ignored. As a result of this condition a considerable portion of the electorate have come to feel that they have no real voice in the government-that decisions affecting their interests are reached without their point of view ever having been presented. From this feeling, the distance is short to that dangerous state of mind which regards political processes as futile and hopeless. In general, perhaps, this element does not desire to force its decisions on the rest of the electorate. It would be a deep satisfaction to them to know that when de8 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, pp. 60-61. Kalamazoo Gazette, April 2, 1918.

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348 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW cisions are made their opinions have been represented in the preliminary discussions. The belief still lingers that if they could but have their day in court, if their case could but be heard, justice would be done. And on the whole their political philosophy is sound. Men have a tendency to treat unpleasant conditions as non-existent until they are brought face to face with them. Possibly it may turn out to be one of the great virtues of proportional representation that it will make it impossible for representative bodies to ignore the unpleasant facts of life. Only then are decisions made. THE PROGRESS OF THE EXPERIMENT The progress of the experiment in Kalamazoo during the seven weeks since the election bears out the conclusions just presented. The commission has gone about its work in a business-like way and has made a good impression. At its first meeting, Dr. Upjohn was chosen mayor. Mr. Martin, who had given long and able service on the old council and is a conservative, was chosen vice-mayor. The city clerk, assessor and attorney who had served under the old government were continued in office. Clarence L. Miller, who had been secretary of the local utilities commission, was unanimously chosen as temporary manager. But from the standpoint of this report, the manner in which Talbot and the two other commissioners elected from his ticket have taken up their work has been the outstanding surprise in Kalamazoo. The qualities of Dr. Butler and Mr. Shakespeare have already been described. Talbot, himself, is a man of no little ability. Responsibility now makes him a cooperator in the government instead of its opponent. One of the first acts of the commission was to raise the tax rate from 64 to 84 mills. This action was taken unanimously. As to this and other matters, Talbot’s paper has already performed valuable service in justifying and interpreting the new government to its readers. It becomes more and more evident that each of the various elements of the community feels that it has an official spokesman in the commission. The stabilizing effect which this quiet confidence engenders is already manifest. As a result, many formerly doubtful citizens have changed their minds concerning the system of election. One prominent citizen already mentioned, a most outspoken objector, has recently declared that he thinks it a fine thing that the three men from the Talbot ticket were elected to the commission, and that if he had to vote on P. R. to-day he would support it without hesitation. This experiment with proportional representation is on a scale sufficient to give the system a fair trial. Having survived the initial irritation growing out of the election of a man whose candidacy aroused sharp antagonism, the chances are that we may look forward to successful manager government in Kalamazoo.

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19181 THE MARKETING PROBLEM 349 THE HOUSEWIFE AND THE MARKETING PROBLEM’ BY CAROLINE BARTLETT CRANE, LL.D. Kalamazoo, Mieft. N MARCH, 1917, a number of executive hertds of women’s state-wide organizations in Michigan, anticipating a declaration of war, felt that they should get together and form a committee, inclusive of all women’s organizations, for patriotic work. This was called the Michigan Woman’s Committee for Patriotic Service. In May this Committee merged into the newly created Woman’s Committee of the Council of National Defense. We undertook to do something towards stimulating food production in the state. We purchased about 2,000 bushels of seed potatoes which we sold at cost in small lots to people pledged to plant and cultivate them. We did a good deal to stimulate the testing of all seed corn, and the disinfection of oats to remove smut. We started a “set-a-hen, keep-a-bee,” campaign among the farmers’ wives and children; encouraged the raising of poultry, and advised the stocking of farm ponds with fish. Especially, we encouraged women in the city and the country to plant gardens. We went to the owners of vacant lots and solicited the right to use them. We obtained much garden seed free or at half-price for our gardeners who needed such help. I PRODUCING A SURPLUS We encouraged this gardening proposition by promising the women that they should be taught how to can their surplus, and that what they didn’t want to can we would try to provide markets for. A great deal was done all over the state in the way of holding demonstrations of the most improved methods of canning, and immense quantities of perishable fruits and vegetables were taken care of in this way. But presently we came upon the marketing problem. We had encouraged women to produce a surplus for the local markets. Now we found that when they came to these local markets with perfectly good tomatoes or lettuce or ducks, the local dealers stated that they ordered their supplies of commission merchants from the city, and that for many reasons it was not usually practicable to purchase these small lots of local produce. Many of our women found on repeated trial that they could not sell their produce unIess they were willing to part with it at a loss. ‘Being the stenographic report of an address at the Detroit meeting of the National Municipal League. * Chairman Woman’s Committee, Michigan Division, Council of National Defense.

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350 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July We had not realized that such a situation could develop. We thought these statements were pretexts; but later we came to appreciate some of the real barriers that stand between the local producer and the local merchant. DISTRIBUTING THE SURPLUS The state headquarters of the Woman’s Committee, Council of National Defense, in Kalamazoo, was in a large well-located store. We opened a market there. It started out in promise, but presently the proprietor of the adjoining grocery called the attention of the owner to a clause in his lease which forbade any other provision store in the same block. On reflection, we couldn’t blame him for that, and closed our store with the best grace possible. However, in several cities in the state, the Woman’s Committee conducted fairly successful small markets of this kind. We had heard of wayside markets, in which farmers should advertise their products out in front of their homes. We tried this, but it was not satisfactory except in rare instances. Usually, the farm people were busy and no one was on hand promptly to transact business when a wayfarer stopped to buy. Then we tried the school canning-centers to take care of the surplus and to get people to buy the canned product. It was an immense and exhausting amount of labor for a few women, and the results were no where near so far-reaching as the problem. Here, then, was the housewife upon whom the government had laid the duty of increasing food produdtion-with no way of disposing of her surplus even if she could spare the time to go to town and peddle it from store to store-which for the most part, she could not. This was the-housewifeand-the-marketing-problem from one side. The housewife in town who had no surplus, but a deficit; the woman who wanted to can tomatoes or peas or peaches, and found them so high in the market that she could not afford to buy. So, there were tomatoes too dear to can in town; too cheap to pick on the farm; green corn withering on the stalk in the country, while the town people longed to eat it or can it, but couldn’t afford to buy the green corn in the stores. And we realized that these were no new problems; simply that they were now sharply called to our attention because we were, in a way, in both the gardening and marketing business. We suddenly realized that we had always been hearing of peaches and apples rotting in the orchards while thousands of people in the near-by cities never tasted such fruit. The chief value of our experiments was to teach us that the problem was not new, and that it was quite too big for solution in any or all the ways we had tried. But there was the other side.

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19181 THE MARKETING PROBLEM 351 SHIPPING BACK AND FORTH We can all see that this shipping of food forth and back, sometimes clear across a continent, instead of eating the food produced near home, adds greatly to the cost which must be paid by the ultimate consumer, and interferes with necessary traffic, especially in this time of war. Factories are closing and throwing workers out of employment because of the famine in cars and railroad operatives. Congested warehouses and tieups innumerable are occurring because of lack of cars. This is indeed a serious menace to our success in this war because it interferes with the movement of men, munitions and food, and the ordinary commodities of life. If “food will win the war,” it is certainly not that food shipped all round Robin Hood’s barn, and perhaps back to the place of production, to the consumer. We investigated the reason why local grocers in Kalamazoo preferred to buy Kalamazoo grown celery via Chicago. Why should west Michigan towns purchase their own peaches only after they had taken an expensive trip to Chicago and back? Why should Petoskey potato-growers ship their world famous product to Chicago and Detroit, from which cities the supply for the local market is shipped back to Petoskey? And why should a woman with a half dozen fine dressed ducks have them refused in favor of cold-storage fowls from a distant packing house? We found, as one reason, that the offerings from local sources were irregular, sporadic, and hence not to be depended on. If the merchant wanted ducks for his Saturday market, he had ordered them through a source of regular supply some days before. He could not then safely accept ducks that drifted in on Wednesday, except on a wide price-margin which left no profit to the seller. The same of chance supplies of perishable fruits and vegetables which would be to him a risk, because he had already given his commission merchant. an order to fit the probable demand and he has no cold storage to take care of a large surplus. To provide it for such chance occasions would be bad business. But there are other reasons. For example, products brought in direct from the country are seldom sorted or graded. “Potatoes is potatoes,” even as pigs is pigs. ” Tomatoes in various sizes and degrees of ripeness; head lettuce of all sizes and degrees of bleach and solidity; hand-picked apples with a dash of windfalls; these things are unattractive to the dealer accustomed to the carefully sorted and graded and handsomely packed goods shipped from the big commission houses. And he knows they will be unattractive to his patrons. Hence, he will only buy them in an emergency or at a price to pay well for proper sorting and re-arrangement. THE MIDDLEMAN How did this vicious long-distance system originate, anyway? It is easy to lay it on the “middleman,” and to say that it is he who wickedly

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3 52 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July buys up and ships to foreign parts the food we should be consuming close to its place of origin. But the trouble is that there exist in but few communities any organized means of getting this food into the hands of the people who live near. The farmer produces food-and lets it go at that; except when it comes to grain or milk, where the problem is often solved by special or co-operative effort, as with the great co-operative creameries and grain elevators in the northwest. Obviously, the individual merchant cannot afford to procure the farmers’ product by individual effort, visiting this and that farm and bringing the products in just the right quantity for his own retail store. On the other hand, the individual farmers, acting without close cooperation, cannot possibly know what products are today in demand at a given place and at a paying price.-Somebody had to organize the business of food distribution. ORGANIZING THE BUSINESS And this the commission merchant has done. But, to stabilize supply and demand, the commission merchant, must draw from, and also sell to, u large territory, and one with excellent transportation facilities. Hence, the commission man flourishes, not in the little towns, but in the big centers. The commission man has a reputation to establish and to maintain. He accurately grades and standardizes his products, and would seldom dare ship an inferior article on pain of losing the business of his patron. On the other hand, the unheralded and unknown countryman who successfully palms off an inferior article upon a local merchant, not expecting to return, has hurt business confidence between that merchant and every other unknown countryman who seeks to sell him something. And business confidence is indispensable to good business. The commission merchant has to be a forehanded man; and so he often buys up a whole crop even before it is planted. He buys it for his whole territory, drawing it to, and shipping it from, his base of supplies, usually quite without reference to its point of origin. This is a necessity, because only from the larger cities do railway communications run in every direction; and only the larger cities afford the necessary storage and refrigeration. But it is an extremely wasteful way-wasteful of labor, of transportation, and of food itself, as anyone may observe who visits the commission houses and sees the deterioration and spoilage from long shipments. We have largely ignored these matters in the past, but the war will not let us ignore them longer. “LIVING ON FOOD PRODUCED IN THE VICINITY” One of the present maxims of food conservation is: “Live as far as If any community possible upon food produced in your own vicinity.”

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19181 THE MARKETING PROBLEM 353 proposes to do this thing (as sensible in peace as in war) it must go about it through community effort. The community which is willing to make the effort may find guidance in some interesting and valuable documents published by the bureau of markets of the United States Department of Agriculture. A “community market” is the answer to the problem. This means real co-operation between the consumer in the town and the producer in the country; co-operation with a back-bone of money invested by both sides. It means organized local transportation to take the place of the sparse and sporadic deliveries of the present day. Either the farmer must have such a stake in the success of the market that he will bring his produce in proper time and amounts, or the market must make its own regular collections from the farms. It means facilities for the proper sorting, grading, packing (and consequent pricing) of all produce at the market, and it means teaching both the producer and consumer the value of these adjuncts to business. It means facilities for temporary storage or perishable produce; and it means facilities for immediate canning and dehydrating such over-ripe products as must have immediate salvage. The domestic canning industry which has so taken hold on the women of the country is a necessary but, I feel sure, a temporary phase of food conservation. Home canning even when the raw product is of reasonable price, is expensive of labor and fuel, and interferes with the normal activities of the household. It is often unsuccessful and the whole batch is wasted. There is no patriotic reason why women should continue to can vegetables and fruits in quantity if we can procure them already canned to better advantage. We canned this year both to save our surplus and to release the outputs of the canning factories for our soldiers and allies. But the great success of the many new canning industries should incline us strongly to the local community market with the canning annex which will take care of foods that otherwise would inevitably be wasted. It is said on authority that the canning factories save about ten per cent of the fruit and vegetables wasted in home paring; that one machine will sometimes do the work of hundreds of persons, releasing them for other war-winning labor. Then why not have this kind of a local canning factory next summer? THE COMMUNITY MARKET The community market, under a competent market master, is not limited to local patrons. When there is to be a surplus beyond local needs the market master wires the large shipping centers and takes orders from them, thus preventing a glut of the local market and stabilizing home prices for both producer and consumer. A competent market master will collect accurate advance information

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354 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July of the probable market supply of different kinds of produce, and will bulletin and publish this information for the benefit of both the producer and the consumer. Thus the farmer will know when it is a favorable time to send his perishable produce, and the housewife will know when it is advantageous to order in quantity for canning and preserving. And, in addition to this, the management will know when to wire the larger centers soliciting orders for any given product not going to be needed in the neighborhood of its production. To start this system takes much confidence and some money, and a real spirit of co-operation all along the line. Producers must contract to send at least a certain percentage of their products to this market, and there must be prescribed penalties or forfeitures for not playing fair on both sides. But the great point is, that it can be made to the obvious interest of both sides to play fair. The woman who has confidence and cash can help her country by putting them into this venture as much as if she put them into a liberty bond. In fact, all women, who are expected to work miracles in food economy, should begin by working for economy in the appalling waste of the food produced in the neighborhood of their own cities, and the appalling prices consequent upon this waste, as well as the generally unorganized condition of the whole local market situation. Surely the solution of this great question should be one of the good byproducts of this terrible war, and it is the patriotic duty of both men and women to help in its solution. I was very glad to note that the National Association of the Ancient Order of Gleaners has declared for some sort of community market which will bring the producer and consumer together. I do not know what is to be said except that, if they can devise a plan which meets local and war needs as well, or nearly as well, as the community market, we should encourage them to do it. But surely we will not go on another year satisfied to pinch in the kitchen and waste by wholesale in the fields. The community market is not half so revolutionary as our present food and fuel edicts. Its possibilities ought to be fully tested this coming season. The realization of the community market idea rests with the community. And the community may be led by some one energetic, patriotic person. If he “who sweeps a room as by God’s law makes that and the action fine”; if “he is a benefactor to his race who makes two blades of grass grow where one grew before,” surely the men and women who undertake to solve this problem so that food won’t rot upon the ground by thousands of tons while our soldiers and the children of our Allies (and presently our neighbor’s children) are starving,-surely they also will be doing a deed of real and efficient patriotism. This leaves the present local dealers out of consideration.

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19181 ENGLAND AND FAMILIAR COUNTY PROBLEMS 355 HOW ENGLAND HAS SOLVED SOME FAMILIAR COUNTY PROBLEMS‘ BY WILLIAM ANDERSON University of Minnesota HE need of better working relations between the city and its county is but one phase of a larger problem, that of the city’s external T relations. We are no longer in the days of the city-state. Today the city is everywhere only part of a larger political community, the nation, It is a society within a society, and is surrounded at the same time by other small political units of practically equal rank. Nearly everywhere it is placed within a larger circumscription of the state, called here and in England the county. On the borders of the municipality lie other cities, villages, and towns, with their own problems and functions. Usually the social and economic city spreads far outward into the surrounding territory, often beyond the limits of the county itself. Thus the relationships of the urban municipality with its neighbors are of ten exceedingly complex and intimate, though unfortunately not always cordial. Conflicts frequently result. There is overlapping of functions and even of jurisdictions. Two or more sets of officers may be doing work which one could better do, with a resultant saving of money and energy. Nevertheless the city is by existing laws usually prevented froin making salutary changes. This is the negation of real home rule, for to be truly self-governing the city must be allowed to expand territorially, to increase its functions, and to consolidate existing instrumentalities and offices for the attainment of a greater efficiency. THE PROBLEM OF URBAN-RURAL RELATIONS As in the United States, so abroad, the problem of urban-rural relations has many interesting phases, among the more important of which are these: How shall the city free itself from the tutelage of the larger administrative area, the county or the district in which it lies? Second, there is the question of consolidating the organs of city administration with those of the county, to eliminate duplication of effort and expense. Third, there presents itself the problem of facilitating annexations of territory to the city where nothing short of complete annexation will suffice for the city’s needs. * Being part of a paper read at the Detroit meeting of the National Municipal League, November 22,1917. In the first place there is the question of home rule. This is a matter of economy and efficiency. 2

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356 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July Fourth, the problem of how to give the growing city a limited control of adjacent areas for purposes of planning the future city is in the highest degree important, and has been the subject of legislation both here and abroad. Fifth, it is becoming yearly more necessary that cities and their neighbors, whether cities, villages, or towns, be provided with an easy method of federation for a limited number of common purposes, and that where joint action is needed but voluntary co-operation cannot be obtained,, means shall be provided for compulsory federation, enforced by the state. This is, of course, to a large extent, the special problem of large metropolitan areas, but it applies in other cases too, as where the towns are so small and poor as to be unable to provide certain necessary facilities. ENGLAND’S PROGRESS As we look into the experiences and legislation of foreign countries, we find that England has made considerable progress toward the solution of these problems. Furthermore, the similarity between English and American local institutions makes the English experience highly illuminating to Americans who are trying to solve the same problems. The English system of local administration is based, like ours, upon the principle of decentralization or local self-government, Since 1888 the most important self-governing units in England and Wales have been the “administrative counties,” and the county boroughs.” The former have the larger areas, and are essentially units of rural and semi-urban population. Ranking with them, but beyond the range of their authority are the urban ‘( county boroughs,” i.e., the large cities or boroughs which have county privileges. Both of these classes of units have their legal bases in the Local Government Act of 1888.2 Of less importance, and within and subordinate to the administrative counties, are the noncounty boroughs (the simple boroughs), the urban districts,” and the (‘rural districts,” while the parishes and the poor law unions form everywhere a double network of boundaries. All of these units have essentially the same form of government, a one-chambered council which both legislates and supervises administration. THE GREAT ENGLISH BOROUGHS It was during the passage of the Local Government Act of 1888 that the great English boroughs made their fight for independence from the counties. A number of them already were counties of themselves, having their own sheriffs and local courts. Others now desired the same free status. Representatives of the counties, on the other hand, used every effort to include as many boroughs as possible within the jurisdiction of the counties. They endeavored to make 100,000 the minimum popula51 and 52 Victoria, c. 41.

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19181 ENGLAND AND FAMILIAR COUNTY PROBLEMS 357 tion a borough must have in order to become a separate county borough. Parliament, however, favored the cities and set the figure at 50,000. Defeated in this, the counties were nevertheless victorious in gaining a stricter control than before over all the boroughs and districts too small to become county boroughs. Thus there has come to be in England a sharp distinction between the powers of county boroughs on the one hand, and those of the non-county boroughs and urban districts on the other. As county powers increase, county borough powers increase pari passu, but the powers of the lesser units tend to remain small. The county borough is free from taxation and from all control by the surrounding administrative county, even though it lies entirely within its boundaries. With minor exceptions, the county borou.gh has itself the powers of a county. Thus the institution of county boroughs has solved for the big English cities two difficult problems: that of freedoin from the administrative county, and that of economy through the union of both county and city powers in the hands of one council and one set of officers. THE LESSER BOROUGHS AND URBAN DISTRICTS The lesser boroughs and the urban districts, on the contrary, axe subjected to an irksome control by the county councils. To escape from this tutelage into the free status of county-borough-hood is the ambition of every small city in England. The urban district, on the other hand, which stands below the non-county borough, desires to become a borough as soon as possible, not only because this means more power and prestige but because the step seems to be necessary before the final step to county-borough-hood can be taken. The rural district likewise desires to become an urban district. The struggle for home rule assumes, therefore, some of the aspects of a climb,-from rural to urban district, then to borough, and finally to the exalted status of county borough, with nothing above it but the central government. Now, the first requisite in this upward movement, namely an increase of population, can usually be attained more quickly by annexations of contiguous territory than by the natural increase within the old limits. Thus there is every year a crop of proposals for the extension of the boundaries of these lesser areas. But the county boroughs, too, have in recent years (up to 1914) proposed many plans of annexation. The whole problem of urban extension had thus, just before the war began, been put prominently into the foreground. In the case of the lesser units, it is the county councils which decide on the necessity of the desired extensions, and they are naturally conservative. In the case of boroughs, county boroughs, and counties themselves, the Local Government Board has power, following proper representations and a local inquiry, to grant provisional orders for extensions. All such orders must receive confirmation by Parliament. The latter

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358 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July body follows closely what is done, and is not in the habit of giving perfunctory confirmation to any and every annexation the Local Government Board may order. Thus in 1913-14 the board made provisional orders covering eight projects for the extension and alteration of borough boundaries. Of these four went through without opposition, but the other four were opposed and amended before pa~sage.~ In the same year Parliament itself made several alterations in borough boundaries by local acts. It has been said, indeed, that Parliament has developed its own rules in these matters, insisting upon an affirmative answer to these two questions: First, is the district to be annexed urban in character? Second, has it any community of interest with the city?4 This policy is, of course, far too conservative for the town planners, but it is to be explained largely by the vigorous opposition which the County Councils Association has offered to almost every important project of borough extension in recent years. CHANGES OF BOUNDARIES The organized opposition of the county councils appears also every time there is a proposal for the creation of a new county borough, and can be best understood in that connection. The act of 1888 provided that when there was a change of boundaries, or when a new county borough was constituted, the local councils concerned in the change were to make agreements from time to time to adjust financial and property matter^.^ Such agreements were made and remade regularly for over eighteen years following the enactment, and the “adjustment ” had frequently included not only a division of the income from local taxation licenses and minor sources, but also a direct compensation by the county borough to the county for the latter’s loss of revenue due to the change of boundaries. The county was always the loser when a new county borough was created out of a part of its territory, as well as when an existing county borough annexed contiguous territory; for though financially weakened by the amputation of part, and that usually a wealthy part, of its territory, the county still had to continue the support of expensive functions, such as education, highways and bridges, and so on. The counties had therefore generally exacted “compensation” or guarantees of contributions from the new or enlarged county boroughs. This was the situation when, in 1907, the House of Lords handed down a decision in which it was held, reversing an earlier line of decisions, that “adjustment” under the act of 1888 did not involve “compensation,” and that where a new county borough is formed, the act gave “no 3 Forty-third annual report of the Local Government Board, 1913-14, Part 111, CCXXXV. 4 J. S. Nettlefold, Practical town planning, 1914, p. 225. 8 Local Government Act, 1888, 51 and 52 Victoria, c. 41, sew. 32, 62.

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19181 ENGLAND AND FAMILIAR COUNTY PROBLEMS 359 right to compensation in respect of increased burdens for repairs of roads and bridges, maintenance of reformatories, etc., or loss of income from fines and This put the county councils in a far worse predicament than before, and made them more than ever antagonistic to the creation of new county boroughs and to the extension of their boundaries. At the same time it made necessary a revision of the adjustment clauses in the act of 1888, a reform which was accomplished in the passage of the Local Government (Adjustments) Act, 1913.' Even this act, however, did not sufficiently improve the financial position of the counties in such cases, and the county councils are still not content to let wealthy rateable territory be severed from their jurisdictions without strong opposition. CREATION OF NEW COUNTY BOROUGHS Indeed, under the conditions which have developed under the law of 1888, the result to-day of the creation of a new county borough is often a material and wasteful increase of expense. The county already has its higher schools and other institutions, which frequently have to be at once duplicated at the expense of the county when its most populous center, containing such institutions, is separated from it and made a county borough. These are facts which both Parliament and the Local Government Board have come to recognize, with theresult that they are extremely reluctant to create new county boroughs, especially when such an act will leave the administrative county helpless to cope with heavy financial burdens. For the same reason they hesitate also to sanction projects for the material expansion of county boroughs, Under the present administration of the act, therefore, every borough which attains a population of 50,000 is not by virtue of that fact alone entitled to constitution as a separate county borough. It must prove that the benefits it will derive will outweigh the hardships on the county. In 1912-13 the Local Government Board allowed four provisional orders for the erection of new county boroughs. Of these authorizations, only one was at first confirmed by Parliament, but later another received separate confirmation. In 1913-14 the board had but one petition of this kind, and this it rejected following a local inquiry. Nevertheless, in the years from 1901 to 1914 the number of county boroughs rose from sixty-seven to seventy-nine, or about one each year on the average. Of the seventy-nine, however, a number have to-day less than 50,000 people, whereas some other boroughs with over 50,000 population are still denied the right to be county boroughs. 8 West Hartlepool Corporation v. Durham County Coum'l, (1907), A. C., 246. The quotation is from the condensed form in Arnold, Law of Municipal Corporations, 5th ed., 1910, p. 356. '3 and 4 Geo. 5, c. 19.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July TOWN PLANNING By the Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act of 1909,* the English government has also provided a means whereby towns may get a limited control over “any land within or in the neighborhood of their area” for purposes of town planning. The Local Government Board is the authority which must pass on town planning schemes under the act, but its approval gives the plan legal effect. Thus a borough may to-day prepare a plan for any land, whether within or without its area, which is in the course of development or appears likely to be used for building purposes, with the general object of securing proper sanitary conditions, amenity, and convenience in connexion with the laying out and use of the land, and of any neighboring lands.” It must, however, first of all satisfy ‘lthe Board that there is a prima facie case for making such a scheme,” and the scheme does not finally take effect until again approved by the board. The Local Government Act of 1888 also made provision for the federation of counties and county boroughs with each other or with the courts of quarter sessions, which retain a few administrative functions, in the creation of so-called “joint committees,” “for any purpose in respect of which they are jointly intere~ted.”~ They were also specifically authorized to create such committees for the enforcement of the Rivers Pollution Prevention Act, 1876, for the appointment of coroners, for the valuation of property in the county and the county borough, and for the exercise of any powers specially devolved upon them by order of the Local Government Board.lo The Local Government Act of 1894’ extended this power to create joint committees to the parishes and to the district councils. Unfortunately the large boroughs have made little use of this power of federation for common purposes. It is mainly the poorer and less populous rural and urban districts which avail themselves of the authority, and that in order to support facilities of which they would otherwise be deprived. This movement is comparable to that for the creation of consolidated rural schools in our own country. In 1914 the English Municipal Year Book listed 206 Joint Hospital Authorities, 32 Joint Water and Gas Authorities, and 42 Joint Sewerage Authorities, composed mainly of rural districts, urban districts, and small boroughs. In the same year it was the occasion for special remark that the county borough of Stoke-on-Trent, and the county council of Staffordshire had jointly established a school of science and technology at an estimated cost of thirty thousand pounds.12 The large boroughs clearly do not 8 9 Edward 7, c. 44. 9 51 and 52 Victoria, c. 41, sec. 81. loIbid., secs. 10, 14, 33, 34. 11 56 and 57 Victoria, c. 73. The Political Quarterly, September, 1914, no. 3, p. 196.

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19181 SELLING GOOD CITY GOVERNMENT 361 find it to their advantage to federate with their smaller neighbors for common purposes for the reason that, while the latter could give only trifling financial assistance, they would undoubtedly insist on participating in the joint control as they are entitled to do. In summary it may be pointed out that England has legislated more or less adequately with regard to all of the five problems of urban-rural relations mentioned at the beginning of this paper. It has provided means whereby the large boroughs may free themselves from the counties and at the same time take over county powers. This makes possible the eliminstion in the large cities of many useIess county officers. Boroughs are, furthermore, authorized to federate with each other and with other units of local government for common purposes, and also to acquire a limited control of contiguous areas for city-planning purposes. Finally, outright annexations of neighboring territory are also possible. Nevertheless, while the legislation covers the whole field, Parliament has been so sareful to protect the interests of all parties concerned, that in many cases the boroughs have not been able to avail themselves of the facilities provided. Parliament itself is the final arbiter in the more important case& SELLING GOOD CITY GOVERNMENT’ BY LEROY E. SNYDER~ Rochester, N. Y. HE program did not go exactly as it had been scheduled, yet it went well. The presiding officer was to have been Mr. McFarland, The gavel was wielded by Professor Hatton. The paper on “Selling Good Government to the People,” being a report to the National Municipal League, from its Committee on Constructive Publicity, written by the Chairman, Mr. McFarland, was read by Mr. Gruenberg. Dr. Garland did deliver his address on ‘‘Humanizing Welfare ‘ Reports.” In that respect the meeting went according to schedule . Mr. McFarland’s report stated that correspondence between the secretary ofthe league and various members of the committee on constructive pubIicity had brought out an agreement that, by reason of the rapidly changing methods in the use of constructive publicity for promoting local, state and national movements of importance, it was hardly worth while to hold a meeting in order to formulate the body of practice which it was expected to produce and publish for general use. And Mr. McFarThis is a summary of the discussion of this question at the Detroit meeting of the National Municipal League. Director, Rochester bureau of municipal research and secretary, Governmental Research Conference. T (See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii, p. 125.)

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362 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July land added, characteristically, that “ to do so at this time would seem to be as premature as it would have been for Moses to issue a set of commentaries on the Ten Commandments on the very day he appeared before the Israelites with t,he tables of stone.” Yet some comment was forthcoming. Referring to experience in his home city of Harrisburg in putting across large public enterprises by means of educational propaganda, Mr. McFarland said that one spectacularly successful campaign was conducted wholly upon the basis of education of the people in one thing at a time; and even almost in words of one syllable. “The several campaigns have succeeded,” he said, “in exact proportion to the constructive educational effort put upon them.” In one case reliance was had on an enlightened condition of public opinion (without educational propaganda), and the campaign won by the narrow margin of 40 votes. THE DAYTON AND NEW YORK CAMPAIGNS CONTRASTED Mr. McFarland referred to the Dayton and New York municipal campaigns. He said the outstanding feature of the Dayton campaign was “its use of pitiless publicity concerning the personalities and records of the men who desired to replace definitely good and economical government with at least experimental government, if not with positive and retrogressive semi-anarchy.” With regard to the New York campaign, he said he ww inclined to think the victory of Tammany “less a revulsion against good government than actually a triumph for publicity, though it was destructive and mendacious publicity.” And he added that the result seemed “to indicate that a united minority, able to disregard the facts with entire complacency, can sell its governmental product to the people affected in the face of a superior numerical opposition divided and held down by the necessity for telling the truth.” Reference was made to the Red Cross, the Y. M. C. A., and the Liberty Loan campaigns, with the comment that “advertising pays.” Mr. McFarland added, however, that bad government can be sold to the people as well as good government. To sell good government we must have good government to sell, and we must know about it ourselves and be willing to put it in terms so simple, in language so strong, by methods so clear-cut, that there can be no escape, no mistake, no slip-up.” “Consider the average report of a philanthropic nature,” said Mr. McFarland, “the average statement of a government official, the average proposition relating to an enactment in Congress, and compare the complexity, the verbosity of these productions with the simplicity of the poster ‘Of What Use is Money if we Don’t Win This War? ’ If this one idea of boiling down the good government to be sold to a truth-sustained phrase could be borne in upon our minds, we would sell our goods much more rapidly, to many more people, than we do now.”

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19181 SELLING GOOD CITY GOVERNMENT 363 One should like to beIieve implicitly in this statement which perhaps represents the center of his theory as to selling good government: l1 We must go house-to-house, man-to-man, woman-to-woman, and we must make our appeal upon the basis of things accomplished and upon the basis of things pledged to be accomplished in the future. When we do that, lay all our cards on the table and show exactly what our program has been, acknowledge its defects, and pledge ourselves to correct those defects, and lay out a still larger program to be worked out as finances and opportunities and open doors shall come, I believe the people of this nation will ensure that good government shall continue, and that there shall be no retrogressive step.” Dr. Garland performed a useful service in calling attention to “a long neglected phrase in the preamble of our constitution,” that it is the business of government to “promote the general welfare.” For a long time, he said, we thought it was the business of government to do something else than promote the general welfare; that the general welfare should be promoted by private philanthropists, by church organizations and by other individual endeavors, and that welfare work, so-called, real constructive, human betterment programs, belonged not to government, wm altogether foreign to the functions of government. “Now we have come to see that if this nation, or any other nation, is to survive, we must put into our programs of governmental operation constructive programs of human betterment, of community advancement, that will touch every man, woman and child in the community, and that will reach every home.” The speaker enumerated as some of the steps that must be taken toward community betterment, social insurance, industrial courts, recreation bureaus, the control of all public utilities by the people who are served by these utilities. Dr. Garland spoke, as usual, with force and enthusiasm. HUMANIZING DAYTON’S GOVERNMENT Dr. Garland spoke first of how in Dayton they have tried to humanize the government, and then of how they have tried to humanize the reports of the government’s activities. The department of welfare has seven lines of activities :-public health, public recreation, free legal aid, the workhouse, outdoor relief, parks, and free employment. He spoke of some of these activities, telling of how the playground and garden association had pooled its interests with the division of recreation in the city government; how the National Cash Register country club had been turned over to the city for operation and how its privileges had been made available to citizens at fees ranging from $1 to $5 a year; how the visiting nurses association and the tuberculosis society had put their nurses at the direction of the public health department for a district nursing organization that covers the entire city, so that a single nurse

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364 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July serves her district as a quarantine nurse, as a tuberculosis nurse, and as a public health nurse interested in infant, welfare and all other types of public health nursing. As to how these welfare activities were brought home to the people of Dayton in humanized reports, so that good government might be sold to the people of Dayton, Dr. Garland said that he had tried to get each head of a division “to put the human touch, the live touch,” into his monthly report, and that the same “human touch’’ was given in the director’s monthly report to the city manager, which is always given to the press. Instead of reporting, for instance, that the legal aid attorney saw 1,279 applicants for legal aid service, dismissed by advice 672, etc., etc., the city manager and the press are told the story of a colored woman who tried unsuccessfully for weeks to obtain $1.50 owing her by a woman for whom she had worked, how she brought her story to the legal aid attorney who, in three days, obtained for her the $1.50 without any deduction for fee or service. GOOD GOVERNMENT AND SELF-GOVERNMENT The suggestiveness of Mr. McFarland’s paper, and the interest of actual illustrations of things done and methods followed, given in Dr. Garland’s address, were not entirely convincing. Have we learned how to sell good government to the people? If Dr. Garland’s work in Dayton sold good government to the people of that city, why was it necessary !or the commission to make one of the hardest fights in the history of Ohio politics to be returned to office? Can we sell good government to the people? Have we a right to use such terms? Mr. Farley challenged the use of the term, and told a story. One time an Irishman was asked by some one, How shall I get froin here to another place? ” You manufacture an idea, you offer to sell it. To me it doesn’t seem that good government is a case of buying or selling at all. It is a duty to be done. I agree entirely with the statement of a wise statesman that, good government is no substitute for self-government. We who live in democratic countries, have not yet learned or begun to learn, so far as the vast masses are concerned, what democracy means. It means that each one of us shall begin to do his share in the government. That, it seems to me, is the fundamental weakness in our position. Our programs are all right, but the people haven’t begun to understand and accept them.” Professor Hatton seemed to feel that a discussion of “selling good government ” was more or less academic, since we have not yet learned how to do it. He said we have not been able to sell good government because the people have not been made to understand that it is of any personal value to them, because the people suspect the source from which And Pat replied, “If I were you I shouldn’t start from here.” Mr. Farley said, “The whole idea is something like this. I can refuse it if I want to. The government is ours.

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19181 REMOVALS OF CIVIL SERVICE EMPLOYES 365 the suggestions for good government come (the propaganda for improved city government has been brought to the rank and file in such a way that they do not believe in its democracy), and because in this country government has occupied a place of second or third rate importance in the Jublic mind, for the reason that governments have not been doing enough things to touch the lives of the people directly. As things stand, one must come away from such a discussion with a certain sense of its futility. It is true we are so thoroughly saturated with the philosophy of salesmanship and of advertising, so accustomed to the vernacular of the salesman, that it comes as no shock to the average American to speak of “selling ” good government to t,he people, any more than to speak of “selling” religion, or Liberty bonds, or a new theory of the universe. But to say that one is selling something is to imply that one either has present title to that of which one seeks to dispose, or is commissioned as agent for the owner. Have national municipal leagues, and economic and political science associations, and governmental research bureaus a proprietary interest in good government? The leaders of the English Labor party to-day are not talking about selling good government to the people-they are talking about the kind of government they propose to have. Perhaps when we (you and I of the highbrow crew) achieve a more complete sense of identity with “the people,” we shall not talk of selling good government to the people so much as of acquiring good government for ourselves. It seems to be a question of good taste, but it may be simply a question of common sense. From complacency and condescension, Good Lord deliver us. REMOVALS OF CIVIL SERVICE EMPLOYES BY WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE Richmond, Ind. (Concluded from May issue) T IS said that we must provide for removals by a civil service commission in order to protect the service against the greater evil of legislation providing for removals by a trial in court. In some special places there may be danger of legislation granting such a trial. But this proposed model law was not a local or temporary concession of an evil thing in order to prevent a still greater evil (a concession which might be necessary at certain times or in certain places) it was proposed for acceptance and adoption everywhere as a thing right in itself and ought not to contain things adapted ‘only to special conditions. If the argument was to be received, t,hat trials by the commission were to protect the service against something worse, then we ought to look I

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366 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July at the other side of the picture and see what danger may follow if the power of removal is taken from operating officers. For years past civil service reformers have been fighting session after session against the enactment of laws fixing a definite term for places in the classified service. The argument has been, “why provide for removals at the end of a fixed term when the superior officer has a right to remove subordinates at any time for proper cause?” The argument was unanswerable and it prevailed. But if this power of removal be taken away, the chief defense against such injurious legislation will fall to the ground. CHICAGO’S EXPERIENCE. The next claim is that the system of removal proposed has been justified by over twenty years’ satisfactory experience with a similar rule in Chicago. The answer to this is that in the first place the rule is not similar and in the second place the experience has not been satisfactory. The rule is not similar in two vital particulars. In the first place the Chicago removals are made by a commission appointed and removable by the same authority as that which administers the various departments, to wit by the mayor. He is the responsible head and can get rid of the commission when he will. The mayor is also the head of the administration and appoints and removes the heads of departments but by the proposed law the power of removal was entrusted to an independent tribunal, neither appointed nor removed by the head of the administration. By the proposed system there was to be a two-headed administration in which mutual struggles would be inevitable and discipline impossible. But it is emphatically untrue that the Chicago rule has worked well during the last twenty years. It has worked to the satisfaction of only two classes, the commissioners who administer it and the classified employes who are protected by it. I found the commissioners unanimous in their belief that the removal rule was a good thing, just as we would find that an autocrat would believe that the divine right of kings was a good thing. They know that they have administered the law well and have dismissed and retained just the right persons. But even some of those connected wit.h the trial boards realize that the system is a bad one. Thus Frof. John A. Fairlie, who was one of them, wrote me: Froin observation and informal inquiry, I believe that the requirement for a formal investigation does cause the superior officers to feel hampered in their relations with their subordinates and encourages the subordinate in laxity and careless work in minor matters which do not lend themselves easily to the presentation of formal charges. . . . . A civil service commission or investigating officer under the Illinois law could easily interfere with the control of superior officers over their subordinates.

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19181 REMOVALS OF CIVIL SERVICE EMPLOYES 367 I found also that the classified employes protected by the Chicago removal rule were very generally in favor of it. But as to the heads of departments whose power of discipline was taken away I found the feeling was quite different. I went first to one office and then to another and found that every head of a department that I interviewed opposed the rule. One of them told me that he greatly disapproved of the plan, because bad conduct often consisted in a succession of little things lasting for years and not provable before a commission. He also gave me for illustration, a case which had come to his knowledge in another department where the head had repeatedly tried in vain to discharge an intemperate employe. In the police department I learned that a policeman had been dismissed on the charge of receiving money from prostitutes for “protection,” but had been restored by the commissioners while the general superintendent of police was absent and knew nothing about it. I accordingly called upon Mr. Healey, the general superintendent of police who said I decline to discuss the civil service provisions except in the presence of the civil service commissioners themselves.” It seemed to me that this refusal was more eloquent than any affirmative expression. If he had really approved of the act of the commission in reinstating the man there could have been no possible embarrassment in saying so, but if the superintendent thought otherwise and yet realized the absolute power which the civil service commission exercised over the whole personnel of his department, and if at the time this question was suddenly put to him he was at the moment unwilling to express his approval of the reinstatement of such a man to the force of which he was the chief, his answer would have been exactly what it was. No incident in Chicago impressed me so strongly as this with the immense power of the commission for evil as well as for good and the manner in which that power could be abused. It might be better to take back uncomplainingly even a blackmailer of prostitutes than contest this power. I called upon the telephone, Warden Clayton Smith, of the Cook County Hospital. He said he had had a number of cases turned down by the civil service commission and that it had impaired discipline among his subordinates so that he kept some whom he thought ought not to stay and brought no charges unless he felt sure he would win his case. He added, “They don’t have their boss in fear any more. They put on an air indicating that they can get back through the trial board if they want to.” He noticed that employes on probation behaved well while they were subject to dismissal at his will, but as soon as they received their definite appointment and were subject only to the trial board their conduct changed and they became difficult to deal with. In order not to limit my inquiries to the heads of departments recently appointed, I visited John E. Traeger, the sheriff who had formerly been

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368 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July controller of the city under Mayor Harrison, where his force was under the competitive system. He approved of the civil service law but not of the Chicago removal clause. I asked him whether, in cases where the commission refused to dismiss a man upon charges by the head of the department, such action impaired discipline and he said ‘I Absolutely,” and he added, later, “Don’t inake a czar of your commissioner. He’ll ruin the service.” He also told me that men behaved better when on probation than after they had received a regular appointment. FEW REMOVALS I further found that the tendency of this removal rule was to make very few removals. The trials based on a complaint made by an appointing officer become really a trial of that officer himself. Hence these officers were inclined to make very few complaints and permanent tenure of all employes, both good and bad, resulted. This permanency of tenure had become ingrained into the habits of thought of the community and was promoted by the decisions of the courts. For in Illinois it has been held that a place in the eligible list when once posted becomes a property right which cannot be canceled for two years. How much more then is the place thus acquired to be deemed a vested interest! It was stated by the advocates of the model law that the Chicago removal rule really brought about more dismissals than where such removals were made by appointing officers, but that such removals were made for actual derelictions and not for personal or political reasons. Was the statement correct? It was said that in 1910 there were 203 removals by department heads, and in 1911, 467 by the trial board. Was this a fair average or was it the case of a new broom sweeping clean? I inquired of Secretary Swanson of the Chicago civil service cominission and he told me that out of more than 20,000 employes during 1914, the trial board dismissed 73. Less than 16 per cent of those charged with offenses were removed; and the total percentage of removals to the whole service was thirty-six one hundredths of 1 per cent. The average of removals under other systems is about 2 per cent, but under the trial board plan it is only about one-sixth of that. So the Chicago removal rule has undoubtedly secured permanency. It comes about as near creating an actual life tenure as is humanly practicable. Does this work well in the long run? Can any one pretend or imagine that the Chicago civil service is so good that only one in 300 needs to be separated from it during a whole year? The general reputation and known facts concerning this service will not justify this happy deduction. It is said by the advocates of. the proposed model law that the serious evils in Chicago were due to the fact that the present commission was a particularly bad one and that all went on very well daring the golden age which preceded it.‘

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19181 REMOVALS OF CIVIL SERVICE EMPLOYES 369 One of the most serious charges against the commission was that they allowed an excessive number of temporary appointments, some 9,163 authorizations for such appointments being granted. This was indeed highly reprehensible. But Secretary Swanson (secretary both before and after the change), in his report says, “During the first four months of last year 11,866 such appointments were authorized by the former commission. During the next four months under the present commission 9,163 such authorities were granted, a reduction of 2,703. No criticism was made of the record of the first four months but the record of the second four months was seized upon as a gross violation of the law. The inconsistency of the criticism was at once apparent.” He also said: The number of temporary authorities outstanding in the classified service at various periods is shown here; “April 30, 1912, 497; June 30, 1913, 522; May 31, 1914, 515; Sept. 30, 1914, 780; Feb. 1, 1915, 708; April 1, 1915, 674; Aug. 15, 1915, 819; Dec. 1, 1915, 485. Laborers being seasonal employes do not form a comparison and are accordingly omitted from the above table. December 1, 1915, shows the lowest point recorded in more than three years. So it appears that during all these years of excellent administration of the Chicago civil service law these excessive temporary appointments were a continuous feature of that administration! THE CHICAGO POLICE If the greater permanency caused by the Chicago removal rule has worked well why has the Chicago police force been one of the most corrupt and inefficient bodies in municipal history? Why is crime rampant there as nowhere else in the civilized world? At a meeting of the Chicago City Club in December, 1915, Graham Taylor, president of the Chicago School of Philanthropy and one of the editors of The Survey said: Now talking about driving the crooks out of Chicago; I would like to know when in this administration or any previous administration the crooks have been very much dispossessed, not only of their foothold but of their power over three police stations in this city. I would like to know who has been in command of the Desplaines Street Police Station. Never the captain to all appearances. Every better captain that has gone there has either gone to the bad and gone down to his ruin, or else he has been transferred for the good of the service. And how about the East Chicago Avenue Station and the Twentysecond Street Police Station? I tell you, men, if we want life and property safe in this city, that kind of farming out of the police power in this city has got to stop. The Mayor of the city said, (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 19, 1915): “In Rogers Park alone I am informed there have been twenty first class crimes in the last few days.” The State Attorney Mr. McClay Hoyne declared that the police depart,ment was a den of thieves. The former

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370 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July chief of detectives, John H. Halpin was charged with accepting bribes and was dismissed. The brutality of the police toward the poor women engaged in the garment makers strike was a subject of public scandal and almost universal reprobation. Mr. Catherwood at the annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League in 1911 (p. 12) reported for Illinois that the chief of police, all the inspectors and most of the captains, 150 in all, had been entangled with graft, vice and special interests or were blind and incompetent. Yet this is the result of twenty years of “successful” experience under the permanent tenure promoted by the Chicago removal rule! RESULTS IN THE LIBRARIES In the state civil service also there has been trouble with the trial board system. The following statement in regard to the Illinois state library is copied from a periodical known as Public Libraries published in Chicago: In order to have a trained cataloguer, it was necessary to dismiss an attendant who was there by political appointment when the present administration came in, and not because of any preparation for the work. Since the library is under the civil law of the state, the dismissed attendant called on the civil service commission to defend what she thought were her rights in the matter. The commission therefore brought State-librarian Woods to trial to make him prove his charge of incompetency against the attendant. Those in charge of the library testified that the attendant in question could not perform the duties assigned her satisfactorily, was not acquainted with the methods of classification, cataloguing, etc., in general use, and that they considered her incompetent for the work. The civil service board, however, took the position that she was not more incompetent than she had ever been and that if she were incompetent the others there were incompetent also, from the civil service point of view, and that she should therefore be re-instated and receive her salary for the two months of her exclusion.’ I inquired of George B. Uttley, secretary of the American Library Association, who informed me that the foregoing facts were exactly true and that the acting librarian was the chief sufferer by this remarkable decision of the state commission. Mr. Uttley further informed me that Mr. Legler, the eminent librarian of the Chicago library had told him of three employes, who were incompetent, but whom he did not venture to try to displace because they were under the civil service law and he might not be able to sustain specific charges. The Chicago removal rule has been tried elsewhere, found unworkable and abandoned; for instance in San Francisco, and at last the Illinois removal rule so far as the state service is concerned was itself repealed. The best rule possible is that which was adopted by the National Municipal League in Section 44 of the model city charter which provides 1 (Public Libraries, v, 19, 108, March, 1914.)

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19181 FINANCIAL CONDITION OF OHIO CITIES 371 that any employe may be removed by the city manager or department head for any cause which will promote the efficiency of the service, but must first be furnished with a written statement of the reasons and allowed a reasonable time for answering, but that no trial shall be required except in the discretion of the officer making the removal. That the civil service board may also remove, after notice and hearing, upon written charges preferred by any citizen and the board must fix a minimum stnndard of efficiency for each grade and whenever an employe falls under that minimum for three months, he shall, unless he show good reason, be removed suspended or reduced as the board shall determine. All efforts to establish any rule giving greater permanency of tenure, than this ought to be strenuously resisted. THE FINANCIAL CONDITION OF OHIO CITIES BY DON c. SOWERS~ Akron, Ohio HAT Ohio cities are laboring under serious financial conditions, Almost withT out exception, the expenditures of Ohio cities are in excess of their income. Cleveland has had an annual deficit ranging from $300,000 to $900,000 for the past six years with the exception of one. Akron has had a deficit four years out of the past six. The deficit in Cleveland in 1917 was $944,000 and in Akron $251,000. The situation in these two cities is typical of the general situation. The cause of the present municipal embarrassment is quite generally ascribed to the operation of the Smith 1 per cent law which places a fifteen mill limit upon the rate of taxation for all taxing districts. The theory upon which this law is based is that with a low rate of taxation, it will be possible to secure the listing of all property at its true value for taxation purposes and that with a fulI assessment even a low rate will produce funds adequate for all purposes. The immediate effect of the law was to increase greatly tax valuations, but after the first year this increase has not been very large. The total tax duplicate of Ohio in 1915 was $7,537,000,000 and in 1917, $7,697,000,000. In some cities, an attempt has been made to secure relief through increasing the duplicate, but in no city is property assessed at 100 per cent. all who have knowledge of the facts are agreed. THREE POINTS OF ATTACK The discussions of the financial situation have centered around three First, it has been urged that through the operation of 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. IV, pp. 254 and 453. * Director, Akron Bureau of Municipal Research. points of attack. 3

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372 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July the Smith law, cities are not obtaining sufficient revenue for current operation. Second, it is urged, by some, that the cities are incurring indebtedness too rapidly, and in this is found the real reason for the lack of revenue for current operation. Third, it is urged that cities are wasteful in their expenditures or are expending money for new activities which might well be dispensed with. Those who hold to the first view point out that the insufficient revenue of cities arises from two causes; first, the encroachment of the superior jurisdictions upon the total tax rate, and in the second place, the encroachment of the debt charges upon the amount available for operating expenses. Under the operation of the tax law, the state, county and school requests are given first consideration by the county budget commission when apportioning funds and the city is compelled to take what is left. The tax rate for county and school purposes has quite generally increased, whereas, the city tax rate has in most cases either remained stationary or actually decreased. The following figures presented for three cities are typical : County Schools City 1915 1916 1917 1915 1916 1917 1915 1916 1917 Cleveland 2.53 2.53 2.53 5.34 5.34 5.64 6.51 6.51 6.05 Dayton 2.04 2.59 3.74 4.01 4.13 4.11 7.10 6.23 7.30 Akron 1.85 2.55 2.85 4.80 4.60 4.80 7.50 7.00 7.30 The operation of the law must result in unfairness to one or another of the taxing districts each year, since if one division gets an increase in any given year, another division must sustain a decrease. If the law were amended to establish maximum rates for each taxing unit separately, the same result would be obtained, that is, a maximum limit coulcl be placed on the tax rate and unfairness in operation could be eliminated. DEFICIENCY BONDS To relieve the situation, the legislature at its last session passed a law permitting municipalities and school districts to issue deficiency bonds to cover the amount of the deficiency which existed during the year 1917. The debt charges on these bonds, however, were required to come within the limitations of the law so that no additional relief was afforded by the passage of this law other than already existed. Instead of borrowing money temporarily to meet deficits, cities were empowered to issue deficiency bonds. The Smith law provides that the debt charges on all bonds authorized by the vote of the people since June 2, 1911, shall be included within the fifteen mill limitations, but outside the ten mill limit. The debt charges on such bonds will not encroach upon the amount available for current operation. Accordingly, it has become a practice in Ohio cities to submit all bond issues of any size to a vote of the people.

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19181 FINANCIAL CONDITION OF OHIO CITIES 373 Bnother element in the situation is a recent decision of the state supreme court to the effect that all cities must establish accurate and scientific sinking funds for each outstanding bond issue. This has placed additional burdens upon Ohio cities because of the fact that many cities had not established sinking funds. For example, in Akron, out of $1,056,000 accruing to the city from taxes in 1916, $753,000 or 72 per cent of the returns was required for debt service. The same situation prevailed in other cities. The remedy which has been suggested for this situation is that the sinking fund levies should be separated entirely from the levies for current operation and if desirable place a limit upon the amount of the levy for current operation and another limitation upon the levy for debt charges. BONDED ‘ INDEBTEDNESS The reason for the financial stringency is found by some, especially the state auditor, to arise from the fact that the cities are issuing bonds too rapidly. The auditor points out that the indebtedness of all taxing districts in the state has increased from $187,000,000 in 1910 to $414,000,000 in 1917. . He states that ‘‘While the eighty cities collected in taxes $26,411,178, for city purposes alone, it required $180,657 in excess of this vast revenue for the year to meet interest payments and retire bonds falling due and that there was not one cent left for regular running expenses.”s The auditor arrived at these figures by adding together the total interest paid during the year and the debts retired during the year, and found that this total amounted to more than the total taxes collected for municipal purposes. The first error involved in this procedure is in overlooking the fact that some cities had sinking funds which had been established for the purpose of retiring the debt falling due during the year and that a large part of this debt was actually retired from the money already accumulated in the sinking funds. The statement is also misleading because a very large part of the debt had been acquired for municipal utilities, the debt charges on which were paid out of earnings. The debt charges on a large part of this indebtedness would not come out of general taxes at all and consequently a much larger proportion of the total taxes collected was available for current operation than one would be inclined to think after reading the auditor’s statement. The total indebtedness of Ohio cities in 1917 amounted to $252,000,000; of this amount, $59,000,000 had been issued for water works and electric light purposes. Perhaps the larger part of this indebtedness will be retired out of earnings of these enterprises; $93,000,000 of this total indebtedness had been issued for street improvement, sewers and drains, and the greater part of this indebtedness will be retired from the proceeds of special assessments. While it is true that the amount of indebtedness in Ohio cities has increased rapidly during the past seven years, a very large per cent of a Annual Report of State Auditor for 1917, p. 10.

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374 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July this has been incurred for the purpose of providing the minimum essentials of modern existence. Extensions of water works. plants, or electric light facilities, construction of sewers, the improvement of streets have been made necessary as a result of the growth and development of cities. In the second place, it must be pointed out that the issuance of these bonds has had little or no effect upon the tax rate. As a result of the agitation to limit indebtedness, the legislature at its last session amended the law to provide that councils of municipal corporations should not issue bonds in any one year in excess of one-half of one per cent of the total value of the assessed property. This was a reduction from 1 per cent to .5 per cent. This limitation has not worked hardships on any city. EXTRAVAGANCE Finally, it is urged that the present financial difficulties are due to the extravagance of public officials or to expenditures for useless purposes. To quote from the state auditor, “If the people of Ohio do not apply the brakes and retire to private life the spendthrift public officials who violate the laws, promote extravagance and declare emergencies where none exist, they will witness in the near future repudiation of public obligations in many taxing districts of Ohio.”‘ While it is undoubtedly true that there is considerable waste in the operation of our cities, it is also true that greater waste exists in the operation of state and county governments. A careful examination of municipal activities in Ohio cities will fail to reveal any large expenditures for new and novel municipal activities. For the most part, the cities are supplying the minimum essentials and in hundreds of cities health departments are underpaid and undermanned, police departments are inadequately provided for and parks and playgrounds and recreational facilities are dreams of the future. REMEDIES The remedies which should be provided to relieve the present situation in Ohio cities are, in the opinion of the writer, the following: 1. The real and personal property in the state should be assessed at full value. This can only be done by assessors who are trained and experienced in this line of work. The tax law will need to be changed in order to secure this type of assessor. The present system of appointing assessors by the county auditor will not accomplish the desired result. The assessment of real and personal property has to-day become an exact science and the work needs to be done in accordance with established principles. New York City, Newark, N. J., Los Angeles and a number of cities have shown how these principles may be successfully applied. 4Annual Report of State Auditor for 1917, p. 11.

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19181 VIRGINIA APPROPRIATION COMEDY 375 2. A maximum limit should be placed upon the’tax rate of each separate taxing division, namely, state, county, schools, township, city. This is the only fair way of establishing maximum tax rates. 3. A distinction should be made between taxes levied for current operation and for debt service. Any internal limitations should keep this distinction in mind and if desirable a maximum limit might be placed upon the rate for current operation and a further maximum placed upon the rate for debt service. The only solution of the whole problem is to allow the cities absolute freedom in the determination of the tax rate. Real home rule should mean that cities have the power to tax themselves for the adequate support of their own government. If the people are willing and able to tax themselves for schools and municipal services, why should the state object? VIRGINIA APPROPRIATION COMEDY BY JOHN P. LEARY Richmond, Vu. N THE closing hours of the 1918 session of the General Assembly of Virginia an att,empt was made to stage, according to the ancient custom, the usual biennial appropriation comedy but with rather unusual results. To the consternation of the authors of the show, the governor assumed the rdle of leading man and scored a distinct success by saving the state more than a million doIlars. Before he had been in office sixty days, Westmoreland Davis, who entered upon his duties as governor on February 1, 1918, with an inaugural pledge that “The keynote of my administration will be an efficient government economically administered,” compelled the General Assembly to reshape the general appropriation bill for the 1918-20 bienniel period so as to bring the appropriations within the estimated revenues of the state with a net saving of $1,017,000. The fight Governor Davis made for the adoption of a “rule of reason” in framing the appropriation bill was one of the most spectacular events that has ever occurred in the legislative history of the Cld Dominion, and has clearly illustrated the need of a modern executive budget system. I “PASSING THE BUCK” The comedy began when the House of Delegates, having agreed to a reasonable general appropriation bill, transferred the political and institutional financial lobbying over to the senate. Here the battle to “care for the folks back home” engulfed the finance committee, out of which it emerged with new and greatly enlarged amounts three days

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376 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW before the date of the expiration of the session. In the rush and turmoir of the final hours, the house and senate failed to agree, and the usual conference committee was appointed to “adjust” their differences. Clocks were turned back, and the conferees went into an all-night executive session while the General Asseinhly lingered that they might go through the formality of adopting the committee’s “pip in the bag.” Haggard and weary the conferees brought in their report on Sunday morning (March 10) as the church bells were calling the morning service. For the conference committee, the chairman of the house appropriations committee and the chairman of the senate finance committee reported to their respective houses that the conferees had agreed on a bill which they urged be adopted carrying “a total appropriation for the two years of $19,100,000, and at a maximum not more than $19,300,000.” Without even a reading of the items, the conferees’ report was promptly adopted, and the General Assembly adjourned, leaving a few members to hold “constructive sessions” for the signing of bills that had been rushed through en bloc at the end. When the enrolled bill finally reached the governor on March 14th, it was found that instead of the $19,100,000 it was supposed to carry, that in reality a total net appropriation of $20,061,841 was authorized, which, together with the special appropriations carried in other bills enacted during the session amounting to $533,717, was $1,238,286 in excess of the estimated revenues of the state, not including a $2,000,000 special appropriation for roads, schools and tuberculosis, provided for by a special 8 cent levy authorized by a separate act. GOVERNOR TAKES A HAND Governor Davis pointblank refused to sign the bill and notified the presiding officers of the two houses that he had important communications to make. The two houses-still in ‘I constructive session”-reassembled on Monday morning March 18, and, contrary to all traditions and precedence in Virginia, Governor Davis returned the bill with the suggestion that “it is a safe business principle, especially applicable at this time when the resources of the state should be conserved, that the state, like the individual, should live within its income.” Along with this message went a detailed statement of reductions, item by it,em, that the governor recommended should be made to bring the appropriations within the estimated revenues of the state. The house appropriations committee immediately appointed three of its members to confer with the governor. A similar committee was named by the senate committee. The governor met with these committees, and insisted that the appropriations be reduced to come within the amount of the estimated revenues of t8he state. An agreement was then reached satisfactory to the governor.

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19181 VIRGINIA APPROPRIATION COMEDY 377 STAND OF THE HOUSE The House of Delegates then passed the following resolution: WHEREAS, since the receipt of the communication from the governor, dated March 18th, 1918, making certain recominendations for amendment to No. 357 House Bill, the committee on appropriations of the house and the committee of finance of the senate have conferred with the governor and certain changes will probably meet the approval of the governor and the General Assembly. Resolved, That the communication of the governor, dated March 18th, 1918, be temporarily passed by and that the governor be requested, if he deem it expedient to do so, to make such other recommendations as meets his approval for the consideration of the General Assembly. In compliance. with this resolution and in accordance with the agreement reached with the conference committees, the governor prepared a second message recommending changes in the bill that would eliminate the deficit. When this message was ready, the governor was informed that the senate would not stand back of its conferees in accepting without revision the compromise bill. The governor then refused to make further recommendations leaving his original message before the house, with a veto ready for the whole bill in the event his recommendations for amendments were not accepted. The governor, sure of his position, stood firm; and the assembly was forced either to accept his conditions, or to face the consequences of passing the bill over his veto with the inevitable million and a quarter deficit which it would create, or of forcing a special session to frame a new bill. SENATE RECEDES The House of Delegates, whose leaders and a majority of whose members were inclined to accept the governor’s recommendations, on Wednesday, March 20, adopted, with but two dissenting votes, a resolution pledging that body to stand by the conference bill acceptable to the governor. The senate refused to pledge itself to support the compromise bill. The governor sat tight, so to speak, and the solons in the senate opened a “big-gun” attack on the administration. The flareback from this discharge, however, was more destructive than the missiles hurled at the governor, and on Thursday a resolution to stand by the conference report and accept the compromise bill was adopted in committee of the whole after bitter debate, and ratified by the senate with nearly a third of its members still holding out against yielding to the governor’s demands. Immediately upon notification of the resolution of the senate to accept the compromise bill, the governor sent his second message to the house recommending reductions in the original legislative bill amounting net to $1,017,000. Before this message was sent to the house, however, the assembly passed a special franchise and license tax on public service corporations estimated to yield the state an additional revenue of at least

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378 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July $150,000 for the biennial period; and the supreme court of appeals had handed down a decision in favor of the commonwealth in the so-called “Armour case” sustaining the right of the commonwealth to collect a license tax imposed on non-resident manufacturers conducting a niercantile business within the state, estimated to yield $100,000 during the next two years. The house promptly adopted the revised bill, which, with its reductions totaling $1,017,000, and the $250,000 additional revenue, brought the appropriations within the estimated revenues by more than $40,000. With the irreconcilables fighting to the last for political effect “back home,” the senate adopted the governor’s compromise bill on Friday morning, March 22, and the Assembly of 1918 immediately adjourned sine die, and the curtain was rung down on Virginia’s most interesting politico-appropriation comedy in the history of the Old Dominion. A statistical review of the “comedy” reveals that the appropriations carried in the 1918-20 general appropriation act, even after the governor had forced the reduction of $1,017,000, exceed those of the 1916-18 act by $4,893,498; the items amounting, in the aggregate, to $19,032,811. This saving of a million dollars is an actual saving; and not a mere paper reduction, nor a “deferred deficit,” as has been charged, for in the case of the principal state institutions, to cite an example, twenty of them received all they got for the 1916-18 period, plus their deficits, and then some. Even after the governor’s pruning of a million dollars, the state institutions have received for the 1918-20 period $942,055 more than their total appropriat>ions and deficits combined amounted to for the 1916-18 period, while for “support ” alone these institutions now have available for the next two years $765,855 more than they had for the last two years. All of which has but served to emphasize the progressive leadership of Governor Davis, who, coming into office after a state-wide campaign for the adoption of an executive budget, was able to induce the assembly to enact one of the most comprehensive budget laws so far adopted by any of the states, and to show the same body before he had been in office two mont,hs how to save t8he taxpayers of Virginia more than a million dollars.

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19181 TRE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE 379 THE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE’ BY A. B. GILBERT St. Paul, Minn. HE organization of the Non-partisan League of North Dakota was the logical result of the failure of the old political parties to T respond to the expressed will of the voters of the state. The chief industry of North Dakota is agriculture. It is one of the greatest wheat producing states of the union. At two state-wide elections the voters by overwhelming majorities had adopted a constitutional amendment preliniinary to the enactment of certain measures relating to the marketing of grain. A large delegation of responsible farmers from all parts of the state went to Bismarck to petition the legislature. It was treated with contempt by Republican and Democratic politicians alike. Then it was that, abandoning hope of relief through the usual party channels, the farmers set about to organize the league. Knowing the tremendous odds against them, the work was carried on quietly and over 25,000 members had been secured before the strength of t,he new movement became generally known. A bitter opposition at once developed, but the momentum was too strong and by the time the regular November election of 1016 arrived, the paid membership had mounted to over 40,000 and the league candidates swept the state. It was a political revolution. Approximately eighty per cent of the electorate voted the league ticket. The league’s candidate for governor, Lynn J. Frazier, received 87,665 votes as against a total of 22,966 cast for his two opponents. A11 other state officers were elected save the state treasurer. Out of 113 members of the lower hoke of the legislature the league elected 81. North Dakota chooses one-half of the senate at each election, and out of 25 to be selected the league won 18; also the three judges of the supreme court to be chosen in this election. 1 One of our members who has recently been traveling in the northwest and to whom for that remon we referred Mr. Gilbert’s article writes that it is a very interesting article which interprets the league very well from the point of view of a supporter. ‘‘ Of course,” our correspondent says, “the league has its bitter opponents, who would not accept such an interpretation. Possibly you may think it necessary to let one of the more thorough-going and intelligent of these critics have his “say ’I also in the pages of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REYIEW. Certainly you could hardly expect to get a better article than the present one from one of the active supporters of the League. Though I think it barely possible that there may be something in some of the criticisms of the League made by its opponents, I am strongly inclined on the whole to be thoroughly sympathetic with the movement. In other words, my present opinion, based on an incomplete acquaintance with the movement, is that it is a genuine and honest socialist farmers’ movement, which promises to be beneficial to the country. This does not mean, however, that I approve of all that the League or its leaders have done.” The legislature refused to put it int.0 effect.

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380 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July The remarkable independence of the North Dakota voter is shown by the fact that although Mr. Frazier was running on the Republican ticket, having easily captured the primary nomination of that party in June of 1916, President Wilson carried the state. THE METHOD OF ORGANIZATION The unusual thing about t,he Non-partisan League is the method of organization. Three years ago the plan which A. C. Townley and his associates worked out, would have been considered impossible by most students of politics, especially the high dues asked of each farmer who joins. But, favored by the circumstances in North Dakota and pushed with remarkable daring and leadership, this plan proved not only entirely workable, but the only one which could have achieved the primary hope of the North Dakota farmers, the securing of immediate political power in the state. From the first the league has been built on the following principles, each one of which overcomes a difficulty that has hampered if not killed one or more important farmer movements in the past: 1. Only farmers should be admitted to membership. 2. There must be co-operation with labor organizations in politics. 3. There must be efficient, centralized control of the work of organ4. The machinery is to be used only to capture the government, allow5. To be successful, the farmers themselves must pay the costs of 6. They must have a means of communication among themselves and 7. The league should co-operate with and protect all other co-operative When a state is organized, the memhers are brought together in township, county, and state meetings for the purpose of nominating candidates and to consider the detailed program on which these candidates are to go before the people for election. The league dues are now $8 a year, or $16 for the two state campaign years. This is the league estimate of the lowest amount on which a successful and rapid campaign can be waged; it includes an allowance for the campaign expenses of the men nominated. No man, therefore, will be kept from running for office on a league nomination on account of expense, and, more important still, no nominee will have to go to interests hostile to the program for financial support. Each member now gets a weekly thirty-two page magazine, The Non-partisan Leader, and as the election time approaches a special weekly newspaper covering his state. This press service takes about $5 of the $16. The organizers are paid 274 per cent or $4.40 per member, the very least. for which men can be obtained to do the work properly. Out of this each organizer must pay his expenses, including izing. ing democracy in the government itself. campaigns and organization. controlled by themselves, their own press. organizations of farmers and city workers.

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19181 THE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE 38 1 the purchase and upkeep of an automobile, usually a Ford, and the day wages of a hired man to take the place of a farmer who goes along to introduce the organizer. Deducting these two sums, we have $6.60 left to cover expenses of central and state offices, a large staff of lecturers, special publicity, delegations and conventions, and the candidates for election. THE LEAGUE PROGRAM The league program differs somewhat in the several states because the problems to be remedied by political action differ; hut with the exception of the tonnage tax on iron ore, the following program for Minnesota is typical : 1. Exemption of farm improvements from taxation. 2. Tonnage tax on ore production. 3. Rural credit banks operated at cost. 4. State-owned terminal elevators, warehouses, flour mills, stockyards, packing houses, and cold-storage plants. 5. State hail insurance. 6. A more equitable system of state inspection and grading of grain. 7. Equal taxation of the property of railroads, mines, telegraph, and telephone companies, electric light and power companies, and all other public utility corporations, as compared with that of -other property owners. The most noteworthy feature of the above program is, of course, its demand for a large measure of state ownership. It is the antithesis of Jefferson’s “that government is best which governs least ”; yet the league claims at least to express the aspirations of the common people for more fundamental democracy. That it can reconcile the motives of Jefferson, the fundamental democrat, however, with integration of state functions is due to the fact that in recent years the people’s concept of government has been undergoing a pronounced change. In the early days the only government the people had known was that of the policeman which laid heavy burdens on men’s shoulders and exacted a servile obedience. Blackstone, for instance, defined law as being made by superiors for the government of inferiors. The less the inferiors had of this kind of law making and government, the better they liked it, but with long experience in government by the ballot the people are turning to the conception of government as an aid in the struggle for livelihood, a great cooperative machine run by all the people which can be put to other tasks than simply that of policing the population. STATE OWNERSHIP Such is the theory back of the league program of state ownership. Until within the last ten years a program of this kind could have been brought to naught by simply calling it socialism. The readiness with

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382 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July which it is being hailed by the farmers in the northwest, on the other hand, is convincing proof of the point that our people have rapidly changed their conception of the state. Now the dubbing of this prograin as “socialistic ’) has practically no influence or weight with the farmer. He has stood for regulation and in his opinion that has failed; he is anxious now to try state ownership. This does not mean that he is converted to communism or sweeping adoption of state socialism, but that he is anxious to have the state take over any common service when such action clearly promises lower costs to the users. NON-PARTISANISM The league is non-partisan in the sense that it does not form a part of either the Democratic, Republican, or Socialist party; at the same time it does not set up a separate party of its own as those who attempt to get away from two-party rule in our cities commonly do. The tactics are to get all farmers to vote one way, that this united vote may be used to capture the noininations on one of the established party tickets at the primaries and later to win the election. In North Dakota, for instance, nearly all the nominations were made on the Republican ticket because that state is normally Republican; and because of the 1916 victory, league men now constitute the Republican party there. The united vote can, of course, be used to run a separate ticket whenever it seeins practical to do so. The indications are now that the league will run an independent ticket in South Dakota in the fall. Again, the united farmer vote can be used simply to endorse candidates chosen otherwise than by league nomination. The most frequent criticism of this political method has been that it sets class against class, and the conclusion of the critics naturally follows that class organization is undesirable. The league’s answer to this is that men cannot become aware of their own interests without becoming what is called lLclass conscious,” and that the league purpose is not the arraying of the farmers as a class against every other class but the forming of alliances with several other classes into an harmonious whole that constitutes at least nine-tenths of the American people,-especially with city workers and what is known for the want of a better term “as small business.” In a democracy where the majority is supposed to rule, a movement cannot be undesirable which promotes the interests of more than nine-tenths of the citizens. Those serious reformers who shy at class consciousness will probably recall many bitterly disappointing instances in which they have had to attribute the defeat of reform to the fact that those who would be benefitted did not know their own interests. Class organization only grows out of the soil of long thought, education, and experience as to what these interests are.

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19181 THE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE 383 THE LEAGUE AND THE CITY Being entirely a farmers’ movement, the league movement has nothing directly to do with cities. It does not demand exemption of city improvements from taxation, for instance, when it demands the exemption of farm improvements, because that is a city matter. The league plan is to make alliances with any interests in the cities making demands that are corrolary to its own. Nevertheless the league offers much promise to the city progressives beyond what this making of alliances might indicate. In nearly every state in the Union a large part, perhaps the most important part, of the city government is at the state capital. By lack of home rule our cities are fettered to the state constitution and the state government so tightly that they cannot secure half the reforms they are prepared for. Heretofore a city, after overcoming the local obstacles to reform, has had to fight a second battle in the state legislature where it met not only the representatives of special privilege, but the rural representative ignorant of city conditions and therefore hostile to city reform. In states where the Non-partisan League succeeds, the city reformer will miss this uniformed, out-of-date rural representative in the legislature, and-probably just as important-the crooked rural legislator, false to the interests of the farmers as well as to those of the city people. The league movement is a great rural education movement. New currents of thought are given expression and scope, and conditions are reviewed by the average voter as never before. The state government will be watched as never before by those whom this new education reaches. No man, with means as small as those of the average farmer, who has paid $16 to get the right men in office, will fail to watch them closely. EVERY FARMER A POLITICIAN One of the elements of strength in the movement and at the same time one of its great contributions to the development of truly democratic government, is the fact that it makes every man who joins a politician, or in other words a citizen actively interested in the affairs of the state. The old parties are organized from the top down with a local leader in each small district to take care of its support there. The average voter is not called upon to do anything but vote. The league, however, calls on the individual voter for an important sacrifice; consequently when he has once jumped in, he becomes an active worker to make his own sacrifice successful. The members, for instance, probably do nearly as much organizing as the paid organizers and lecturers. The fact that there are 40,000 in Minnesota means that the league has 40,000 party workers there. The old parties in so far as they stand for interests opposed to or uninfluenced by this farmers’ movement, have nothing to match it. The one has a militant, spirited army; the other has lieutenants, captains and generals with only a small, disinterested following.

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384 NATIONAL IYIUNICIPAL REVIEW [ JdY THE KANSAS GENERAL MANAGER SYSTEM’ BY HAROLD T. CHASE Editor, Topeka Capital W ‘HAT Kansas styles the “general manager system ” of organization and conduct of her state institutions, adopted by the legislature in the session of 1917, is fairly well described by that name. The institutional work of the state is under the control of one board of three members who employ for general supervision a general manager with an office at the state capitol. Heretofore the fourteen large institutions of the state were under three independent state boards-penal and reformatory, educational, and charitable or eleemosynary. By the general manager act the boards were abolished and a single board of directors of three men created, to be appointed by the governor. It had been the hope of the authors of this system to induce the legislature to allow the consolidated board full discretion in the compensation paid to the general manager. This was found to be impossible, the legislature not greatly favoring the plan in general, and being strongly opposed to grant such discretion to a board, the legislature fixing the salary at $3,500. As matters turned out, this error in policy has not as yet hindered the operation of the new plan, since the board was able to obtain the services as general manager of a man of very large business experience, James A. Kimball of Salina, a wholesale grocer. Mr. Kimball accepted the place out of a sense of public spirit, assumed office July 1, 1917 and is still holding down the job. THE GENERAL MANAGER’S JURISDICTION Under his general managership are fourteen large institutions, including the university and agricultural college, each normally with an enrollment exceeding 2,500 students, all the large insane, deaf mute, blind, epileptic and feeble-minded hospitals, the penitentiary and reformatories and a large number of miscellaneous institutions and state undertakings, such for example as a fish hatchery. While this system has been in operation but nine months it is possible to say of the management that it will result on July 1 in maintaining 1 Our readers are cautioned against drawing too close an analogy, between the city manager and the state manager who has an official or limited functions. In Mr. Chase’s article the scope of this new office is made clear. The office is suggestive of further tendencies toward administrative centralization under a strong executive head analogous to a city manager.

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19181 THE KANSAS GENERAL MANAGER SYSTEM 385 all the institutions of the state without interruption, together with all the miscellaneous undertakings referred to, within the legislative appropriation. While this seems a modest statement it is in fact somewhat extraordinary for several reasons. It is, in the first place, unusual, deficits being the normal record. When Mr. Kimball assumed office the deficits then on the books aggregated $60,000. It should not be understood that he paid or assumed them. On the contrary, his first act was the repudiation of these deficits, so far as demands upon his own appropriation were concerned. At the end of the year they will remain charges for the legislature to pay off by special appropriations. The general manager stood on the position that his appropriations were expressly made for a stated period of the future, that he had no authority to pay deficiencies of past managements, though this had been the unbroken practice, and he refused to use a dollar of his appropriations for any expenditures other than those made under his administration, except that he paid for those expenditures that had been contracted for but not actually made prior to his assumption of office. Coming through the year without a deficit is extraordinary, further, because the appropriations had been made in 1917 with reference to then prevalent prices for all materials, construction and wages, whereas prices and wages rapidly advanced during the year. Several states nearby are known to have closed down during the year one or more of their institutions during a longer or shorter period. No institution of Kansas quit or curtailed its work for any period? INCREASED EFFICIENCY “We eliminated a great number of jobs,” Mr. Kimball says, “consolidated jobs, raised salaries, but increased the output of our institutional farm plots, dairy herds, etc., and so paid the higher salaries.” It is a fact, the general manager reports, that but one official of importance in all this institutional work resigned, while none was discharged. The state lost one man by voluntary resignation, who saw that he could not keep up to the new pace. Co-operation of all forces, the instilling of morale into the state work, Mr. Kimball thinks the prime achievement of the new plan. He has gone into every institution, planned with the local forces, organized institutional cabinets among the officers and where practicable among the working employes, as in the coal mine of the penitentiary. Close and constant personal touch with the forces working under him has brought about a spirit of pride and of ambition and co-operation which the general manager thinks the best result of the system inaugurated. In institutions, charitable, reformatory and penal including inmates * This article was written in March, 1918.

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386 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July of upwards of 10,000 souls, self maintenance is possible to a considerable extent, and this is the universal practice of all states. Mr. Kimball quickly put into operation a policy of educating his force in such institutions in the care and breeding of such livestock as are used, cows, hogs, hens, etc. These persons were given the ten-days’ dairy course at the agricultural college, for example. University and agricultural college experts and instructors were taken to the institutions to give the employes instruction in such parts of their duties. Co-operation, in fact, may be said to be the keyword of the policy of the new general manager. FORESEEING DIFFICULTIES Maintenance of the institutions uninterruptedly would not have been possible under the appropriations, or even without regard to the appropriations, but for the personal business intuition and experience of the general manager this year. Having long been in the wholesale grocery business he anticipated the sugar shortage, bought five carloads of sugar for his institutions before the market was affected, and foreseeing what occurred instructed the heads of his institutions to curtail their consumption. What happened in respect to sugar was that instead of the heedless issue of supplies in 48 different institutions or buildings, the sugar issues were closely guarded in all these places and on March 1 a sugar inventory asked for by Mr. Kimball in all the institutions showed that the consumption of the preceding three months had been a trifle over half the normal consumption shown by the former records of the state for these institutions, and that on that date there remained over 74,000 pounds of sugar. This quantity was practically all clear saving. It was fortunate that the general manager anticipated the situation, for shortly after his purchase of five carloads there was literally not a bag of sugar to be bought on the Mississippi river from Sioux City to St. Louis. Not an institution shut down a day for lack of coal and every institution now has a supply good until July. In a word, business management has superseded badly organized management and a single authority many authorities, often conflicting and sometimes incompetent. Yet the general manager system does not imply that business management, strictly speaking, has been introduced, since that is impossible. All it implies is that as much business management has been introduced perhaps as can be introduced in the political organization. To a question on this point Mr. Kimball answered: ‘I Yes; I could still save money and increase the efficiency of the organization materially. The system is not business. For one thing, my appropriations are made from one to two years in adA similar story could be told with regard to coal. I don’t know how much.

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19181 PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS 387 vance-every one of them. That of course is not business, yet can not be avoided. I can not buy and sell when and where I please, fix the salaries I please, hire and fire altogether as I please, consolidate offices as I please altogether, or as the board please. It is as the legislature pleases. “And the trouble, so far as the legislature is concerned, is simply this: The whde political Organization is made with regard to the perpetual danger that a crook or a glaring incompetent may get an important and responsible office and can not immediately be got out. Hence the whole political organization has as its subconscious motive, and the legislature always is affected by this motive, to hedge and cover, to check and balance one official by another, to limit authority, and unlike business, there is not a single-minded motive of productiveness, efficiency and economy. I don’t say that it should be otherwise or that the government should be no more nor less than a business. I merely say that there is a distinction between the two things.” When the legislature next meets there will be a bill for its consideration, an account, of perhaps $60,000, deficits in management prior to the new system. Mr. Kimball thinks it possible that it will be the last of the deficits. PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE . INVESTIGATIONS BY DR. CARL E. MC COMBS ‘ New York 0 N April 9, Mayor Hylan and the civil service commission an- ‘ nounced their intention of “reorganizing” the Department of Health in the interest of economy and efficiency. Although they failed to reach their objective of general reorganization, the conflict which they precipitated was not altogether barren of result. Now that the smoke of the battle has cleared away, it is possible to determine more clearly the issues at stake in contest between the mayor and public opinion. Students of administration will find much profit in careful study of these issues. There has been a remarkably clear demonstration of the fact that intelligently directed public opinion can be counted upon to safeguard public interest when the issue is indeed a tital one; that public health education has proved to be a most essential factor in municipal health progress; and that the people are at last beginning to realize the ’need for trained experts in government. The accomplishments of the New York health department as a leader in progressive health work are recognized throughout this country and abroad and are matters of pride to New Yorkers. The organization of the health department into bureaus, each having a special function to Bureau of Municipal Research. 4

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388 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July perform, and under the leadership of acknowledged experts, has served as a model for scores of cities. The names of Dr. S. Josephine Baker, in child hygiene, Dr. William H. Park, in bacteriological research, Dr. Louis I. Harris, in industrial hygiene, Dr. Robert J. Wilson, in contagious disease hospital service, Dr. Charles F. Bolduan, in public health education, and Lucius Polk Brown, in food inspection, are household words among public health authorities and students. So, when Mayor Hylan sought by secret investigations and privy council proceedings to I‘ reorganize” the department, and apparently to eliminate many of these bureaus and their efficient executives a protest from the public and the press arose immediately, and an insistent demand to know why smote the ears of the mayor and his investigators. INVESTIGATION Basing his call for a reorganization of the health department upon the provisions of the New York charter which states that there shall be two bureaus of the health department, namely, a sanitary bureau and a bureau of records, the mayor first took the ground that other bureaus which had been established to meet the demands for greater specialization and functionalization of services had been illegally created, Not satisfied with this explanation, health and civic agencies throughout the city met in conference at the invitation of the New York bureau of rnunicipal research and demanded not only the opinion of the corporation counsel on the legality of the bureaus, but also that future hearings in the matter of reorganization of the health department be thrown open to the public. Although Mr. Hylan refused to treat with “The Committee of 21” appointed by this conference of civic and social associations to confer with him, the overwhelming protest of medical societies, health organizations, the Woman Suffrage Party, and other influential bodies, together with the wholehearted support of the press, was followed by an order from the mayor directing that further hearings of his investigators be held in open session. The investigations of civic agencies developed also the fact that, with respect to the establishment of bureaus other than those mentioned in the city charter, the corporation counsels of two previous administrations had rendered opinions approving the action of the board of health in thus extending its organization. This, of course, put a new face on the matter, and as soon as the legal justification of the mayor’s attempt at reorganization was shown to be without foundation, other factors not previously defined were introduced by the president of the civil service commission then engaged in the investigation of the health department. Charges of graft were made against certain employes of the bureau of food and drugs and in his statement to the press the president of the civil service commission intimated that there was a “chain of graft”

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19181 PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS 389 running throughout the department and involving some officials of high rank. As was proper, such charges of graft were referred to the district attorney for investigation and action. The investigations of the district attorney did not however reveal a “chain of graft” and resulted only in the indictment of three employes of the department for extortion and the returning of additional indictment against two of the three for bribery in connection with the sale of oysters. The attack of the mayor’s investigators now shifted again under the drive of public opinion, and a preliminary report was prepared by the civil service commission, the commissioner of health, Dr. J. Lewis Amster, and the secretary of the board of health, Dr. Frank Monogham. This preliminary report alleged that there exists in the department of health “a smooth running, systematic graft agency,’’ a statement which however the investigations of the district attorney did not verify. The report recommended, as regards the organization of the health department, that the bureau of public health education be abolished as “useless” and the mere “press agent” of the health department, declaring that ‘I the publication of a weekly health bulletin, records of vital statistics, and such other matters as should be published at the expense of the city can very properly be handled by a $2,000 a year clerk.’’ PUBLIC HEALTH EDUCATION This offhand condemnation of a health educational service which had been a model for federal, state and municipal health agencies since its very beginning, did not, of course, find approval among any persons informed on health matters. Protests against the abolition of this bureau came from all over the United States and Canada, from federal health authorities, state boards of health and municipal health officers. Labor leaders voiced their dissent from the judgment of the investigators in unmistakable terms, and at the public hearings on the proposal, leading health experts including Dr. s. s. Goldwater, former commissioner of health and Dr. Abraham Jacobi, dean of the medical profession of the city urged non-interference with this bureau. Even the commissioner of health, Dr. Lewis J. Amster, who had signed the preliminary report of the civil service commission, admitted when questioned, the necessity of extending rather than curtailing the educational work of the department and scouted the idea that this work could be carried on by a $2,000 a year clerk. This admission on the part of the commissioner of health marked the first split in the mayor’s forces and in four days after his disagreement with the mayor’s investigators was made public, the commissioner of health, who was the mayor’s own appointee, resigned, charging the mayor with bad faith, violation of promises of non-interference, and “petty direction and arbitrary inaction.” The retiring health commissioner

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390 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW declared also that the immediate cause of his resignation was the demand of the mayor that Dr. S. S. Goldwater and Dr. Abraham Jacobi be dropped from the medical advisory board of the health departmentDr. Goldwater because he was a “highbrow” and a “leftover” from the previous administration, and Dr. Jacobi because he was related to an editor of the New York Times which opposed Mayor Hylan before and since election. In a letter accompanying his resignation, Dr. Amster stated that he had signed the preliminary report urging the abolition of the bureau of public health education on the understanding that the recommendation regarding this bureau was tentative only and to be approved finally after proper public hearings on the matter. DR. AMSTER’S RESIGNATION Dr. Amster’s resignation was promptly accepted by the mayor who was quo‘ed as saying relative to protests against the abolition of the bureau of public health education--“I don’t give a darn for those federal government letters or for those from other people interested in public health education. As long as I am mayor the health depaftment will be run as I see fit.” This statement has a familiar ring to citizens of New York, recalling Tweed and his “What are you going to do about it?” and Commodore Vanderbilt’s “The public be damned.” Commissioner Amster was hardly out of the door before Mayor Hylan appointed as health commissioner Dr. Royal S. Copeland of the New York Homeopathic College and Flower Hospital. In taking office Dr. Copeland declared that the mayor had promised him a free hand in conducting health matters and stated that he would resign immediately if this promise was not kept. He promised further to guarantee a square deal toall employes of the department and to seek and foster the co-operation of all citizens in the public health program. ATTACKS ON DIRECTOR OF FOODS AXD DRUGS On the day after the appointment of the new commissioner of health the president of the civil service commission renewed his attack upon the health department. This time the attack centered chiefly upon Lucius P. Brown, director of the bureau of food and drugs. In a letter to Commissioner Copeland the president of the civil service commission charged Mr. Brown with advocating the passage of a bill in the state legislature which would lower the milk standards of the city, with “ unwillingness to interfere with the operations of the Borden Milk Company,” and with favoring a large drug company of the city, the head of which acted as an examiner in the civil service examination which resulted in the appointment of Mr. Brown as director of the bureau of food and drugs. The bureau of public health education also came again under bombardment and its director, Dr. Charles F. Bolduan, was charged with using the

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19181 PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS 391 bureau of public health education to promote the “Staten Island garbage grab” which was one of the “issues” of the campaign which resulted in Mayor Hylan’s election. Dr. Bolcluan was also taken to task for using the bureau of public health education to conduct a “prohibition campaign” a matter which the president of the civil service commission considered to be outside the field of public health education. Not content to sit idly by while his reputation was thus attacked, the director of the bureau of foods and drugs promptly replied to the broadside of the president of the civil service commission, denying categorically the charges made and demanded the production of evidence of misconduct or incompetency. The commissioner of health accepting the charges of the president of the civil service commission at face value, suspended the director of the bureau of food and drugs immediately and stated that “particulars and specifications” of the charges against him would be forthcoming. In his statements to the press, Commissioner Copeland reiterated his assurances of a fair deal for the suspended director, and declared that the suspended director would have full opportunity to answer charges against him in open public hearing. He further promised that the accused would have an opportunity to be represented by counsel and to call witness for his defense as well as to cross examine his accusers. The suspension of the oEcial in question occurred on the second of May, but it was not until May 28th, almost four weeks later, that the health commissioner made public the charges against the suspended director, although proper procedure requires that charges be made prior to the suspension of an officer. In the meantime, Dr. Charles F. Bolduan, director of the bureau of public health education which had been under constant fire since the beginning of the investigation, resigned on May 8, to accept service elsewhere, after fourteen years of efficient service in the health department. When at length the healtb commissioner on May 28 published his charges against Mr. Brown, everyone was surprised to find that only one of the accusations made by the president of the civil service commission, on the basis of which the director of the bureau of food and drugs was suspended, was mentioned, namely, that the director had favored the socalled “Wicks bill” in the state legislature. This bill permitted the standardization of milk, that is, the abstracting of cream from milk rich in cream, and the addition of this cream to milk poorer in quality. The purpose of this measure was to make more milk available under the law of the state which fixes a definite standard of butter fat content, and thereby to lower the price of milk to consumers. The bill was supported with some modification, not only by the director of the bureau of food and drugs of the health department, but also by other acknowledged experts throughout the state. A TAMMANY INVESTIGATION

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392 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July The other counts of the formal charges of the health coinmissioner related to the suspended director’s administrative competence only. He was charged with failure to recommend food standards and adopt a food code; lack of personal supervision of employes; neglecting his duties by failing to attend certain conferences; absenting himself from the department to give lectures in other cities; transacting personal business during office hours and other matters of similar nature. With this submission of charges the health commissioner announced, notwithstanding his earlier promise of a “fair” deal and a “fair” trial of the suspended director, that no witness might be called by the accused nor would the opportunity be given him to be represented by counsel; in other words, that the suspended officer will only have an opportunity to “explain,” after which the decision of the board of health will be made. In spite of the fact that the health officer of the Port of New York, one of the members of the board of health, has come out in favor of giving Mr. Brown a trial surrounded by the safeguards of judicial process, it is evident that his views of the matter are not shared by health commissioner Copeland and police commissioner Richard E. Enright, the other two members of the board. The public awaits with interest the ‘L trial ” of Mr. Brown. If he is not found guilty, and dismissed, the civil service commission will be in a rather embarrassing position. If he is dismissed after a trial at which he can have no counsel or witnesses what will become of the fair name of the civil service commission? Behind the attack of the mayor on the health department there is perhaps more than meets the eye. Graft charges and investigations, civil service wrangles, and political and personal controversies are of merely passing interest. The kaleidoscopic shifting of scenes during the past few weeks has tended to obscure even more important issues than have yet appeared. In Mayor Hylan’s original charge that certain bureaus of the health department had been illegally established we maydiscern however the real inwardness of the attack upon the organization of the health department. AUTONOMS IN HEALTH MATTERS. When the greater city was established and the charter of 1898 became effective, the various parties to consolidation, that is, the present boroughs of the greater city, endeavored to preserve as far as possible autonomy in health matters The organization of the health department was therefore laid out upon a geographical basis and each borough was given a certain autonomy in health affairs though under nominal central ccntrol. Borough offices were established and in each office was placed an assistant sanitary superintendent and an assistant registrar of records, representing repectively the two bureaus of the health department authorized in the charter, namely, the sanitary bureau and the bureau of records. As time

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19181 PUBLIC HEALTH AND PRIVATE INVESTIGATIONS 393 went on it was discovered that this method of conducting the health business of the greater city had certain very serious defects. There was lack of proper centralization of responsibility, inadequate co-ordination of related functions, overlapping of service, and little uniformity of procedure. Accordingly, a tendency toward greater centralization of authorit,y became evident and the development of a functional in place of a geographical organization was begun in 1907. A central division of cominunicable diseases, and a central division of child hygiene were early established to take complete charge of all activities along these lines in all boroughs. From this time on the authority of the assistant sanitary superintendents in the various boroughs grew less and less until in 1913, Dr. Ernest J. Lederle then commissioner of health, recognizing the necessity for complete central control and the need for specialization of services under competent experts, reorganized the department and designated eight central bureaus, each charged with a specific health function, namely administration, child hygiene, infectious diseases, food and drugs, hospitals, laboratories, sanitation, and records. In this reorganization nothing was " created" but many uncoordinated services formerly designated as divisions were brought into harmony in these bureaus which were placed under complete central control and under the immediate direction of expert specialists in their particular functions. One more bureau was established in the same way by Dr: S. S. Goldwater, commissioner of health in 1914, and the director of this bureau was made responsible for all the educational publicity work of the department which had hitherto been divided among several bureaus. CENTRALIZATION IN HEALTH MATTERS The present highly centralized type of organization has its limitation chiefly in the fact that it gives relatively little consideration to local or community interests. New York city is made up of a large number of small communities, each with its own special problems, to the solution of which the present organization does not readily adapt itself. Because of this remoteness of the central authorities from actual community contact there is even now a tendency to decentralize somewhat the health control of the city. Instead, however, of reverting to the older type of borough or geographical distribution of health service units, the plan of district health supervision is now being tried as an experiment in the borough of Queens. This experiment was begun by Commissioner Goldwater in 1914, when an experimental health district was established on the lower east side of Manhattan under the immediate direction of Dr. A. E. Shipley. The experiment sought to determine how far it might be desirable to meet local or community health needs by the establishment of district health offices or centers while still retaining a strong central con

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW trol, and this wholly apart from any idea of providing for borough autonomy in health matters. But even this concession to local interests does not satisfy the borough autonomists who still cling to their “reserved rights” which they wrote into the charter of 1898. In 1917 and again in 1918 a bill was introduced into the state legislature to create a separate department of health for the boroughs of Brooklyn and Queens. The bill of 1917 was passed by the legislature but was vetoed by the then mayor-John Purroy Mitcheland a similar bill in 1918, though passing the senate during the closing hours of the recent session, did not go to the assembly. This controversy between advocates of complete centralization and borough autonomy in health service will probably not be settled until a satisfactory plan for conserving community health interests is devised. The district health plan appears to have much to commend it, but it is at the present time limited in its application largely because district health officers cannot be found who have the requisite experience and other qualifications necessary to take the responsibility for conducting the health district work and because there is not complete and co-operative sympathy with the plan among the present bureau heads of the health department, some of whom see in the extension of the health district plan the curtailment of their own present broad powers. Recognizing the need for a thorough study of this whole matter of highly centralized control versus community or district control, the bureau of municipal research urged at the very outset of the present controversy a careful scientific study of New York city’s health service. In a letter to Mayor Hylan on April 17, Dr. Charles A. Beard, director of the bureau of municipal research, urged that a commission of health experts, representing the New York Academy of Medicine, the state health department, the United States Public Health Service, the New York and Kings County Medical Societies, and other recognized health agencies be appointed to study the health situation and to make recommendations relative to the health organization of the city. The mayor however refused to accept this suggestion. It is well, however, for the citizens of New York and citizens of other large cities as well to recognize the fact that municipal health service must be developed along somewhat broader lines in the future. Almost every large American city has gone beyond the imagination of the early framers of its health policy, and health organization will need to be adjusted from time to time to meet in a more direct and less impersonal manner, community ideals and interests. Controversies such as this are likely to recur with each succeeding administration, and as in the present case the real issues will likely be obscured by the dust of personal and political squabbles.

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DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS 395 I. BOOK THE STATE TAX COMMISSION: A STUDY OF THE DEVELOPMENT AND RESULTS OF STATE CONTROL OVER THE ASSESSMENT OF PROPERTY FOR TAXATION. By Harley Leist Lutz, Ph.D. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Pp. 673. More than half of the states now have tax departments headed by two or more commissioners. Every year new commissions are created at the behest of some political overlord, some powerful interest inconvenienced by efficient tax administration, or even in response to some sporadic awakening of the forces of good government, or an urgent need for increased revenues. Accumulated experience shows beyond a doubt that certain types of laws are doomed in advance to failure. Yet every legislative season sees these ineffective pieces of tax machinery set up, only to be torn down and replaced in a short time by something equally ineffective. One cannot help wishing that for the next decade every legislator and public official responsible for the machinery of tax administration could be required to read this book and learn from it the lesson of the experience of state tax commissions past and present. Professor Lutz’s scholarly survey and critical analysis would certainly convince any openminded and intelligent legislator that to obtain satisfactory results a tax commission must not be hampered by er oficio members; that members with proper qualifications of training and experience, giving all their time to the work, must be protected by a fairly long term of office with stability of tenure; and that it is necessary to provide salaries large enough to attract able men and to protect them from the evils of partisan politics both in their appointment and in carrying on their work. In his early chapters Professor Lutz traces the historical evolution of the adREVIEWS ministrative side of American taxation. Beginning with the organization of state boards of equalization which effected some temporary improvement in respect to undervaluation and evasion, he shows that these in time proved to be inadequate and were forced to give way to state tax departments headed by commissions and capable of exercising supervision over local assessments, providing expert assessment for corporations, and a general administration of the entire tax system. Throughout the volume appears a clearly discernible tendency toward greater state control of local administrative processes and even state assumption of those processes. The general conclusion reached is that state control of local administration has been beneficial and should be extended in some directions even further than at present, in order to permit the correction of certain defects still existing. Neither separation of the sources of state and local revenues nor any degree of perfection of methods of equalization can wholly free the state from its responsibility for supervision of local assessments. Separate chapters are devoted to the commissions of Indiana, New York, Massachusetts, Wisconsin, Michigan, West Virginia, Washington, Minnesota, Kansas, Oregon and Ohio. The more recently established commissions and those which have lately been given more extensive powers are described in three chapters, following a geographical grouping. The outstanding achievements of the newer tax departments or commissions are to be found in the improvements introduced in the assessment and equslization of real estate, the development of an improved technique in tax administration, and a remarkable advance in the assessment of corporate property brought about largely by the employment of persons more or less expert, giving their

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW whole time to the work and following better methods. An excellent bibliography of fourteen pages completes a volume which students and administrators will for a long time find indispensable to any thorough acquaintance with the history and problems of state tax administration. C. C. WILLIAMSON. * STREET RAILWAY FARES: THEIR RELATION TO LENGTH OF HAUL AND COST OF SERVICE. By Dugald C. Jackson and David J. McGrath. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc. Pp. 169. This joint work is an intelligent and unprejudiced study of the basic problems involved in fixing a just cost of urban street railway service. It is unfortunate, in a way, that the investigation on which the authors based conclusions ended early in 1916, before the effect of the war on the street railway industry was more than superficially felt. From this fact the conclusions reached as to rates of fare are unavoidably somewhat inadequate. It is unfortunate, too, that they could not have had the benefit of the results of recent investigations by public service commissions and individual experts into the field of operating economies and discussed this phase of the subject. The authors ignore wholly as a fare rate factor the vast possibilities for reducing operating cost through new methods of operation, prominent among them the skip-stop, the one man car, devices to reduce peak-load traffic and other methods, which suggest practical economies of operation not before dreamed of by street railway operators, and in some cases a way to preserve the prevailing rate of fare. The authors have done a notably valuable work in presenting the salient facts of the period covered in their investigation-1914-1915-and in drawing their conclusions they appear to have been eminently fair and judicial. Their study covers the United States generally and includes both elaborate statistical studies and intensive investigation of transportation conditions in specific fields. A special chapter is given to a review of Cleveland’s experience with cheap fares, and their findings appear to be fair to all interests. Other studies cover the zone system of fixing fares, the relation of length of haul and density of traffic to cost of service, a comparison of American and British fare systems, and rate of return on capital investment. The authors reach the following condensed general conclusions : That the flat-rate system as used on practically all the street railways of this country is an inheritance from the horsecar days, and is not now the proper or the best system for fixing fares, being too inflexible to meet changing conditions entering into the cost of furnishing service and discriminating between long and short rides. That the only just and satisfactory way to meet present and future conditions in the street railway industry is for the companies to arrange their fare systems on a basis more nearly approximating distance, or zone, rates. A reasonable limitation of the length of haul for a 5c. fare in urban service, with a small excess charge for long hauls, and a lower unit rate than 5c. for a short haul in some cases, is the concrete suggestion offered. While the authors made their study before the experiment of a 6c. fare in any city of importance had been made, they declare that their data show clearly that increased unit fares almost invariably result in a reduction in total passenger traffic, being especially discouraging to short riders. This view reinforces the present day opinion held by some that the popular recourse to a higher rate of fare to meet the added burdens of furnishing street railway transportation may not bring the results expected. Before recommending a rate of fare each individual case must be treated as a special problem and studied separately, they hold. The rate as fixed should possess sufficient flexibility to lessen the risks of loss of dividends or interest as a means to secure capital at minimum rates.

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS And due consideration should be given to the sociological and psychological sides of the question as well as its financial and economic aspects. STILES P. JONES. Ic THE HOIJSINQ PROBLEM IN WAR AND PEACE. By Charles Harris Whitaker, Frederick L. Ackerman, Richard S. Childs, Edith Elmer Woods and others. Washington, D. C.: The Journal of the American Institute of Architects. Pp. 116, illustrated. $2.25. One of those who secured a copy of this thin, paper-covered volume and noted that it consists chiefly of articles reprinted from the Jmml of the American Institute of Architects, first exclaimed over its price and then explained that lack of interest in the subject probably compelled a small edition. But however near to or far from the truth this explanation may be there is great significance in the fact that the Journal should be sponsor for such a book. Naturally architects have written much about houses, but here they have concerned themselves with other than architectural questions, have invaded the fields of economics and sociology and then have supplemented their own outgivings by including articles written by men and a woman quite outside the profession. The Jouml rendered a distinct service when it sent Mr. Ackerman to England last year to study the house-building undertaken by the British government in war time. It is increasing this service by putting his report and the other articles into a form which makes them available for others than architects, who alone may be presumed to keep files of the Journal on their shelves. To be sure the architect’s point of view is dominant in the book and it results in a somewhat unbalanced presentation of the subject, noticeable in references to such matters as “restrictive” housing legislation as opposed to “constructive” housing legislation. Perhaps this is not altogether unfortunate as the balance in American discussions has inclined to be the other way. Mrs. Wood in her article obviously seeks to keep the balance true though her subject, ‘I Constructive Housing Legislation and Its Lesson For the United States,” forces her to become a special pleader. But one wishes that Mr. Kohn had added to his brief but caustic comments on the New York tenement house law what “some of us think we know is needed to relieve a situation which is the result of our inelastic law joined to the profiteers’ cupidity.” Others of us would like to know what Mr. Kohn thinks he knows. There are other explanations than the one in the first paragraph why this book will not be a best seller. It is a pioneer. Much of its content lies beyond the interest of many architects. It is not sparing of adjectives for another group in the community, the real estate operator. It contains an article by Richard S. Childs that shows a way by which the land owner may be put out of business and SO counters an ancient tradition; another by Thomas Adams on the control of land, not for the benefit of individuals, but for that of the community; and another by Walter H. ICilham on Massachusetts as a landlord. Dreams of a Utopia too far away to even seem possible may run into large editions, suggestions whose sponsors believe they can and should be acted on now don’t take well until they have been accepted, They involve thinking and the overcoming of difficulties. The Housing Problem in War and Peace is one of a new crop of books on housing the number and popularity of which will increase. JOHN IHLDER. Philadelphia. Ic THE PLAY MOVEMENT AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE. By Henry S. Curtis, Ph.D. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 346. $1.50. In these days of war, when at first to think of play seemed unpatriotic, until next it appeared that without recreation,

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW which is merely another name for play, soldier efficiency was decreased enormously, and the firing line diverted by nearly 20 per cent of its fighting units, a broad discussion of the play movement is distinctly in order. Dr. Curtis, who was formerly secretary of the Playground Association of America, and is now supervisor of Playgrounds of the District of Columbia, has written three other books on play. The present volume is an up-to-date survey of a movement by no means yet fully comprehended or understood in the United States, but which is of the utmost present relationship to that community efficiency and production on which, in the last analysis, the security of democratic institutions mainly depends. The book discusses the play movement in the United States, in its relation to schools and towns. There is an important chapter on public recreation, and a frank and rather upsetting chapter in which the streets as playgrounds are considered for that purpose. Play in the country is discussed extensively, as is play for institutions. The two national organizations which can be so helpful, the Boy Scouts and the Camp-Fire Girls, are related to recreation, and there is adequate setting forth of the means for obtaining the equipment and supplies. A broad recreation survey is proposed and outlined, and the whole subject is brought down to “brass tacks” in the chapter entitled “What is the Cost?” Dr. Curtis urges the economy of playground provision, while putting to well deserved scorn the conventional attitude in American communities which are usually “working for a low tax rate, with the feeling that a city with a low rate must be an economical city to live in,” while it is apparent that not infrequently “a low tax rate may well mean that the city will be an expensive city to live in.” Stating that we are now spending about ten cents per capita on public recreation in America, Dr. Curtis insists that “an adequate system, which is really necessary for the people of the country, would cost us one hundred million dollars a year, or one dollar per capita.” It may properly be said that Dr. Curtis’ book is the best available present day treatise on the one subject most likely to be overlooked, neglected and minified by the well-meaning but shortsighted patriots, who, if they had their way, would soon unknowingly destroy the working efficiency of the United States, as well as its ability to pay taxes and buy bonds. Proper,attention to the play movement from the sane public standpoint is surely, at this moment, one of the very best ways in which to ‘I keep the home fires burning.” J. HORACE MCFARLAND. * AMERIC.4N CITY PROGRESS AND TEE LAW. Hewitt Lectures by Howard Lee McBain. New York: Columbia University Press. Pp. 289. This little volume provides a sound and discriminating discussion of the decisions of our courts on the method of securing municipal home rule, the doctrine of a strict construction of the grant of municipal powers and the limitations upon the powers of our cities when they enter upon such modern municipal activities as regulation of the smoke nuisance and billboards, city planning, including the limitation of the height of buildings, zoning and excess condemnation, municipal ownership of public utilities, regulation of prices, public recreation and the promotion of commerce and industry. The author not only collects most of the recent cases on the subjects under discussion but carefully examines the reasons advanced by the courts. No one who has read much in the cases can fail to agree with him in his strictures upon the frequent indefiniteness and meaninglessness of the phrases of some of the opinions and the unsoundness or inadequacy of the reasons often given. The treatment throughout is fair, moderate, progressive and sane. Where the author has a theory to suggest out of line with the law as settled he does not leave the real state of the law in doubt. The book again demonstrates the elmticity and expansiveness of the common law.

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS 399 It may be slow moving but it does, to B considerable extent, adapt itself to the advancing needs and views of society. The volume is decidedly helpful to the teacher and student of municipal corporations as well as to the instructor and pupil in municipal government. FRED W. CATLETT. z IMPORTANT FEDERAL LAWS. Compiled by John A. Lapp, LL.D. Indianapolis: B. F. Bowen & Co. 1917. Pp. 1100. The functions of the federal government, especially of supervision and control, are being extended so rapidly that a volume like this is of necessity of interest and importance to students of municipal affairs. It deals with such questions as vocational education, immigration and naturalization, regulation of business, foods and drugs, labor, elections, moral reform, public health, and penology, with all of which the municipal student is directly concerned. Dr. Lapp has brought together in this volume all the recent legislation dealing with these and kindred subjects, pointing out in his introduction that “the growth of federal power has been marked during the last two years, concrete evidence of which is found in many acts of Congress which regulate business. Twenty years ago it was hardly necessary for the lawyer or business man to refer to federal acts in the conduct of everyday affairs. The state laws governed the business relations of men almost entirely. This condition has completely changed.” The list of acts compiled in this volume indicates the extent to which the federal government has gone in controlling the affairs of men and in providing for the common welfare. It is significant to note that of the important acts in the volume more than two-thirds have been enacted since 1910, and more than half passed, revised or amended since June, 1916. The war is working many changes, but in none SO extensively or effectively as in connection with the various subjects treated in this volume. A supplement gives the imSeattle, Wash. portant acts of the special session of Congress which adjourned October 6, 1917. ?ir STATE SANITATION. By George Chandler Whipple. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Vol. 11. $2.50. In the second volume of his admirable review of the work of the Massachusetts state board of health, Professor Whipple summarizes the reports of that body. In this way the whole wealth of material accumulated during a long period of useful service has been made available. In making the selections especial prominence has been given to water supply and sewage disposal, in the investigation of which the board has been a leader and in the solution of the metropolitan phases of which Boston and adjacent cities have been so deeply concerned. Among the other subjects treated are public health in its broader aspects (the earliest contribution being a circular letter of 1870), preventive medicine, the Charles River basin, bacteriology, inspection of dairies and infantile paralysis. ?ir MODERN CIVIC ART. By Charles Mul- ’ ford Robinson. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. $3.50. (Fourth Edition.) That four editions of this admirable work should be called for is a striking tribute to its value and permanency. Written fifteen years ago, the author in his preface to his fourth edition said that a rereading of it impressed two things upon his mind: one wm the endorsement which the lapse of time had given to its principles, and the other was the progress of municipal art within that period. The prefatory note contains a significant word aa to the “seeming incongruity of a volume on such a subject at a period when modern civiliza-tion was fighting for its life, and when cities that long have been the pride of civic art are crumbling between shot and shell.” But he adds, “Was there ever a time when civic art needed more urgently than now that its friends should rally for it, ever a more needed occasion for clearly enunciating its eternal principles than when the

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400 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July builders of cities are facing the despair of a shattered past and the opportunity of an untrammelled future? Surely it is not without significance that during the world war civic art has been the one phase of art which has proved a subject of international discussion. A halfdozen committees are concerning themselves while the mar lasts to make sure that cities and towns shall be reconstructed in accordance with artistic principles. ” This volume increases one’s sense of loss in the passing away of its author. 1: A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MUNICIPAL UTILITY REGULATION AND MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. By Don Lorenzo Stevens, N. B. A. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press. $4. This is a comprehensive bibliography designed primarily for the use of business men, but of use to all students of this prob11. BOOKS A CHRONICLE OF ONE HUNDRED AND MERCE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, 1768-1918. By Joseph Bucklin Bishop. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Pp. 310. By Edward Charles Mabie. New York: The H. S. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series. Pp. 245. $1.25. A COMMUNITY CENTER: WHAT IT Is AND How TO ORGANIZE IT. By Henry E. Jackson. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 159. $1. THE FINANCING OF PUBLIC SERVICE CORPORATION~. By Milton B. Ignatius, LL.M. New York: The Ronald Press Company. Pp. 508. HISTORY OF LABOUR IN THE UNITED STATES. By John R. Commons, et, al. Vols. I and 11. New York: The Macmillan Company. 966.50. MEDIAEVAL TOWN PLANNING. A Lecture delivered at the John Rylands Library, December 13, 1916. By T. F. Tout, M.A., F.B.A. Manchester: The University Press. New York: Longmans, Green & Co. FIFTY YEARS. THE CHAMBER OF COMCITY MANAGER PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. lem. Prepared as part of the editor’s work on a volume on the regulation of municipal utilities, it represents more than the average bibliography in that the descriptive notes are fuller and so far as B brief examination discloses, accurate and helpful. The references are arranged under the following headings: general works, history of utilities and of regulation, franchises, public service commissioiis, fluctuation, rates, taxation, holding companies, municipal ownership. Perhaps it was to be expected there would be no reference to the effect of the war on transportation and the management and conduct of public utilities generally. It is only a question of time, and that a very short time, when most of the material on this subject will have only historical interest unless written from the new viewpoint of a larger social and community point of view. The volume is one of the Harvard business studies. RECEIVED MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. Compiled by Julia E. Johnsen. New York: The H. W. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series. Pp. 334. $1.50. OUGHT TO KNOW ABOUT POLITICS AND CITIZENSHIP. By Charles Willis Thomp son. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. Pp. 349. $1.50. PARTY ORGANIZATION AND MACHINERY IN MICHIGAN SINCE 1890. By Arthur Chester Millspaugh, Ph.D. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. Pp. 189. $1. THE REAL BUSINESS OF LIVING. By James H. Tufts. New York: Henry Holt & Company. Pp. 476. THEORIES OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. By Arthur James Todd, Ph.D. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 579. $2.25. USE YOUR GOVERNMENT. WHAT YOUR GOVERNMENT DOES FOR Yon. By Alissa Franc. New York: E. P. Dutton THE WOMAN VOTER’S MANUAL. Bv S. E. THE NEW VOTER: THINGS HE AND SHE & co. Pp. 374. $2. Forman and Marjorie Shder. New York: The Century Co. Pp. 180. $1.

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 111. REVIEWS OF REPORTS 401 Untaxed Wealth of Cleveland and Why.’ -By untaxed wealth Mr. Zangerle means property liable to taxation but not actually taxed. From time to time persons, unfamiliar with Ohio conditions, cite Ohio as a wonderful example of an efficient administration of the general property tax. To all such persons Mr. Zangerle’s pamphlet is commended. Probably none of the admirers of the Ohio system from a distance know that practically all the property of public utility corporations is listed as personal property in Ohio and as real property in many other states, including New York. In Cleveland, public utility property constitutes 32 per cent of the total personal property listed. Other corporations, including banks, supply 55 per cent of the total personal property listed, leaving only 13 per cent for the contribution of natural persons. In the state of New York and in several other states, bank shares and trust company assets are not under the general property tax. Mr. Zangerle enumerates some of the most troublesome features of the general property tax with those ordinary remedies that have been applied in states more fortunate than Ohio. He shows that he cannot collect taxes on automobiles satisfactorily and recommends that they pay a registration tax in lieu of all other taxes. He says that banks have a just grievance and implies that the New York and Pennsylvania systems are better than the Ohio. The attempt to tax bank deposits is a failure. He says, “Under the circumstances, no thumb screw or rack or fear of perjury could pry loose this property from thousands of owners.” He has nothing good to say for the taxation of mortgages and credits and recommends an amendment to the Constitution permitting the exemption of mortgages after payment of a recording fee. As to the taxation of the stock of foreign corporations he says there are not enough judges to try the cases that would arise if proceedings were brought against 1 By John A. Zangerle, County Auditor. all persons suspected of having foreign stocks. The conviction of owners that the taxation of shares is double taxation renders the task of the administrator hard. He concludes that the personal property tax “takes three-fourths of all the time and expense of Ohio assessors, produces 4 to 5 per cent of the revenue, if corporation, bank, and esbte listings are segregated.’, There is much that is admirable in the statement of the method of assessment of land and buildings and in the suggestion of various improvements in the system. LAWSON PURDY. * Taxation in Saskatchewan Municipalities.l--Dr. Robert Murray Haig in a report to the government of Saskatchewan has made an admirable summary of an abnormal and difficult condition caused by the war. The cities of Saskatchewan have depended chiefly for their revenue upon a tax on land values. In the aggregate, 86 per cent of the revenue of the seven cities in the province was derived from land alone; eleven per cent came from a tax on improvements; and 3 per cent from various other sources. The selling value and, in consequence, the assessed value of vacant Iand in these cities rose before the war to extravagant heights. Since the beginning of the war assessments have been much reduced, though probably not to the extent of the fall in selling value. In Regina the assessed value was seventythree millions in 1914 and forty-three millions in 1917. In the next largest city, Saskatoon, the assessment was reduced from fifty-seven millions in 1914 to thirtysix millions in 1917. The owners of vacant land have complained quite bitterly that so much of the burden is imposed upon them. Taxes are in arrears to a rather ahrming extent. On the average, for all cities, the arrears amount to very nearly one year’s tax levy. The administrators 1 Taxation in the Urban Municipalities of Saskatchewan. A report to the government of the Province of Saskatchewan, by Robert Murray Harg. 1917. 48p.

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402 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW who are responsible for obtaining public revenues fear to proceed to enforce the law and sell land for taxes lest it will result in the title falling to the city or in seriously disturbing assessable values. Professor Haig says that “any plan for readjustment should be predicated on the assumption that the special taxation of land, to the extent that the same has come to be generally accepted as normal and proper, will be retained as the basis of the system. This source of revenue has demonstrated, however, its lack of dependability under conditions such as now prevail.” Among other things, Professor Haig recommends that the tax rate be limited to twenty mills. It seems that this is much too low a rate. The present tax rates in the cities are not high when one considers that the tax is imposed a1most exclusively on land value. In some of the villages the tax rates are quite high, being 14 per cent in one instance; but the highest tax in any city-is in Moose Jaw2.72 per cent; in Regina the rate is 2.4. The problem seems to be chiefly one of efficient and accurate assessment. Assessments have not been reduced as rapidly as values have fallen. As the tax rate increases, values naturally fall more rapidly than they would otherwise. High tax rates sound much higher than they really are. Interest rates are high in western Canada so that while the capitalization rate in New York might be 5 per cent it probably is nearly 10 per cent in Saskatchewan. Let us suppose that the capitalization rate is 6 per cent in Saskatchewan. In small cities a suitable building is usually worth twice aa much as the ground and often considerably more. For convenience of calculation, let us assume the following facts; land rent, $1,800; building rent, $3,600; total rent, $5,400; tax, $61,200; net rent, $4,200. The tax is 28; per cent of the net rent of $4,200 and yet the tax rate is 12 per cent, which, on the basis of a 6 per cent capitalization rate, is two-thirds of the rent before the tax is deducted. In this case it is assumed that there is no tax on the building at all. The city of New York buildings are taxed at full value. We will assume that 5 per cent is the capitalization rate. A little computation will show that a 2 per cent tax rate will take 40 per cent of the net rent. If the rent before the tax were taken out were $5,400 the tax would be $1,542 and the net rent would be $3,858. For improved property, therefore, it appears, that a 12 per cent tax rate on land alone, where the building is worth twice as much as the land, is considerably less than a tax rate of 2 per cent when land and building both are taxed. If the present policy shall be pursued and assessments reduced as values decrease, the highly desirable result may follow that land not yet ripefor building may have the barrier of speculative value thrown down. If the land is worth anything at all for use it must be for an agricultural use. So used and fairly assessed, the tax would be very small even though the rate were high. LAWSON PURDY. Ir State Movement for Efflciency and Economy.-Because of low operating efficiency and impaired services in face of rapidly increasing expenses azld added tax burdens, state government at last has bebegun to attract popular attention. State government, like the government of our counties, has not until very recently shared the consideration which municipal and the national government have received. During the past decade, however, the need for efficiency and economy in state government has been recognized, and in a number of states special agencies have been created to study the problem. State government originally was planned to care for a relatively small amount of business. As our commonwealths developed and increased in population, and as our national, economic and social life became more and more complex, new agencies have been created to care for the additional functions which state government haa had to assume from time to time. These additions have been tacked on the antiquated constitutional structure in a haphazard, illogical manner, and without regard to functional relation to exist

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 403 ing agencies, so that to-day we 6nd structural weaknesses, duplication of functions, inefficiency and much unnecessary expense. In 1911 Wisconsin initiated a nationwide movement for economy and efficiency in state government by the creation of a board to investigate the organization and administration of the state agencies and to formulate plans for the “improvement of the state administration in general.” During the next few years similar agencies were created in a number of states. Some of these commissions have called in specialists and critically examined the structural organization of their respective state governments, measured administrative services, and scrutinized methods. Reports have been made, a raluable summary and analysis of which are contained in a volume of 163 pages by Raymond Moley of the Western Reserve University, published as No. 90 of Municipal Research by the New York bureau of municipal research. After reviewing the appointment, organization, duties, plan of work, and accomplishments of the commissions of Wisconsin, New Jersey, Massachusetts, New York, Iowa, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Minnesota, Connecticut, Alabama, Colorado, Kansas, Virginia, Oregon and of West Virginia in chapter one, Mr. Moley passes to a discussion of the recommendations of the commissions regarding the selection of public officers, and finds that “In no case was a recommendation made to increase the number of elective officers, while in four states, Iowa, Illinois, Pennsylvania and Colorado, a short ballot was suggested,” and that all agree that too many state officers are now elected. Vesting the governor with wider and more unrestricted power of appointment, he says, is urged in all of the more comprehensive studies, although recommendations as to methods of removal are omitted. The merit system is treated in only five or six of the reports. With but two exceptions every commission under consideration makes recommendations for budgetary reform, and Mr. Moley calls attention to the fact that “In all cases except one, that of Wisconsin, the thought of the commission seems to have turned to an executive rather than a legislative budget.” Nearly all of the reports suggest simplification in governmental machinery and the consolidation of a multitude of offices. Mr. Moley discusses these suggestions in great detail in his chapters five and six under the heading “administration of public service functions.” Mr. Moley reaches the conclusion that the work of the economy and efficiency commissions has shown conclusively that a thorough reorganization in state government is impossible without constitutional amendment; although he frankly admits that the “need of economy is so pressing that the infrequent meetings of a constitutional convention cannot be relied upon for relief.” In discussing what has been accomplished by these commissions he concludes that “the commissions which placed the gathering of data and the formulation of advice in the hands of competent specialists seem to have accomplished the most,” and that “the most fruitful results come from bodies made up entirely of members of the legislature. The temporary commission which sets out to offer concrete recommendations limited by and adjusted to actual conditions, and which has a first hand knowledge of the legisla-. ture has thus far been the most serviceable to the cause.” Mr. Moley, in preparing this volume, has made a very useful and valuable contribution to the literature on the state movement for efficiency and economy, and deserves the thanks of all students of comparative government and those who have to deal with the every day problems of state administration under the present system. LEROY HODGES.~ 1 Secretary to the Governor of Virginia. 5

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404 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July General Statistics of Cities: 1916.1Twenty years ago it would have been considered worse than foolish either to ask or expect of the Bureau of Census information concerning the recreational facilities of cities in the United States. It is peculiarly significant that this present survey should appear late in 1917, at a time when the fighting value of recreation in the Armies of Democracy has been made apparent, and when the federal government itself, without any facilities for promoting the necessary recreation in its armies, has turned to the Young Men's Christian Association, as an available agency for keeping the soldiers fit, happy and ready to fight. The cities considered are placed in five groups, in the familiar census separation. Two hundred and thirteen cities are reported upon. There are comparative diagrams, applying particularly to cities which have a park policy, like Kansas City. Park districts, metropolitan park systems, county park systems, national parks and national forests are all taken into account, so that it may properly be said that there is gathered here information of the utmost importance to those dealing with recreatior, in any form, and accessible elsewhere only through the consultation of ponderous volumes. The preliminary inquiry was made of men known to be informed and interested in matters of public recreat'a, and the questions asked, the answers to which are here set forth in tabular form, are consequently intelligent and important. For instance, the distance of parks from the population center of the city is discussed, as also the cost and the methods of park lighting, and policing, and a summary of revenue receipts and governmental cost payments on account of recreation. It is encouraging to note that one hundred and eleven cities now have swimming pools and bathing beaches, and that one hundred and eighteen cities conducted at public ex1 Including statistics of parks, play-grounds, museums and art galleries, zo6logical collectiona. music and entertainments. swimming pools and bathing beaches. and other features of the recreational service. Published by the Bureau of Census, Department of Commerce, Washington. D. C. pense 5,944 public concerts. Dance halb, free moving picture entertainments, celebrations, museums and art galleries, zoological parks are mentioned and brie5y discussed. The writer does not find himself quite clear in his understanding of the figuring of the cost, and it may be that there has not been exactly the discrimination in obtaining these items that is desirable. Yet it is certain that there is here an important attempt at a fair and impartial comparative statement which is of the utmost value to the student of the sociological relation of recreation. To the uninformed, the thoughtless and the well-intentioned rattle-brains, such as those, for instance, who have recently been pushing the effort to divert Central Park, New York, from its recreational uses, it may be a matter of information and a suggestion of importance to say that the federal value of all recreational properties in 1916, not related to the national parks, of course, was $1,263,279,877. It is not quite clear exactly how much was expended on the maintenance of this property and in making it serviceable to the large population dependent upon it, but the expenditures reported seem to total about thirty-five millions of dollars, which is important but scarcely serious, being not greatly in excess of the expenditure during the same year for the purchase of chewing gum. One dollar per year for each inhabitant of the United States would not seem to be an excessive expenditure for providing that ability to work, that sane outlook on things which goes to make up productive citizenship through publicly owned and managed recreational facilities. J. HORACE MCFARLAND. t Town Planning in Australia.-The town planning seed which Mr. Charles C. Reade has been sowing in Australia during the past three years is apparently yielding good fruit. The first Inter-State Conference on Town Planning, held in Adelaide in October last, was witness to the rapid growth of the movement as well as to the energy of its promoters. One of

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 405 the striking facts shown in connection with the reports1 of the conference is the extent to which members of government bodies join in its serious deliberations and social functions. There was revealed in the discussions reported the need for township planning as well as city planning-a point requiring emphasis in America. As the Governor General of Australia said, the town planning problem varies with the hemisphere, and in new countries is almost more a country than a city problem. In Mr. Reade’s paper on Municipal Town Planning he makes the statement that “the cardinal error in all Australian cities arose with the introduction of local government when the powers possessed,by the state were not handed on to the municipality.” In order to retain local government and yet enable the powers of the state to be effectively exercised in local matters he proposed the creation of a state town planning authority to work in conjunction with the local councils and in some respects to supersede them. The draft legislation proposed is described in a pamphlet compiled by Mr. Reade, who is government town planner in South Australia. The legislation covers both housing and town planning and although not appropriate in form for American conditions is worthy of perusal by all interested in town planning law and procedure. The close connection between the Garden City and town planning movements in the British Empire is indicated by the fact that war housing and planning in England is under the control of Mr. Raymond Unwin and other architects who were identified with the planning of the Letchworth scheme, that Mr. Reade who was assistant secretary of the Garden City Association is now government town planner in Australia, and that Canada has also a former Garden City secretary as its town planning adviser. It is because of this connection that housing reform and 1 South Australian Town Planning and Housing Report and Synopsis. The Metropolitsn Organiaation of Municipal Town Planning: Reports of Conferences, etc. town planning are advocated together and dealt with by the same administrative machinery. The coming of government housing in the United States will establish the same link between the two movements in this country, and it is the most hopeful sign of the times that housing reformers and town planners are getting together in working out their schemes. * Arterial Roads for Birmingham, Eng1and.LHere is a publication to astonish certain of our American citizens, some of them in high places, who believe that in order to win the Great War all public enterprise must be stopped and all civic advance forgotten. England is certainly in this war for Democracy, and Birmingham, the manufacturing heart of England, is init about as deep as any community can be that is not directly under the guns of the Huns. Yet after more than three years of increasingly sanguinary fighting and man depletion, the city of Birmingham calmly prints a proposition for widening and improving the arterial roads which lead out from its civic center. The first of the plans is a key plan, in which there is shown an “Inner Ring Road” from which radiate, or are to radiate, eight arterial highways, most of them 120 feet wide, save for certain distanrf restricted to 110 feet wide. These . have not been laid out by the fa American T-square method which quires no consideration of the contr the land, the convenience of the people, their prosperity. The detailed maps which follow show just what properties will be cut off in a thickly populated and extremely busy city in order to get highways wide enough to avoid further and more difficult congestion in business. Cross sections are given for these arterial roads, showing that they are also worked out with intelligent thought of the present and the future instead of under the simple and usual American scheme of paving all of the highways which cannot be turned into THOMAS ADAMS. 1 Plans, etc.. for arterial roads, accompanying the report of the Public Works Committee to the City Council of Birmingham. England, October 16, 1917.

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406 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW sidewalks. It may surprise American city engineers to learn that where property is to be acquired for widening roads in a large community by the difficult process of tearing down buildings, there is nevertheless thoughtful provision for trees-not less than two rows to any road and usually four-as well as for the trolley tracks. In fact, the standard cross section of the 120 foot arterial road divides so as to show a footpath on either side of 19 feet 6 inches, including tree space; two roadways of 24 feet each on either side of a trolley track, and tree space of 33 feet. The 110 foot section reduces the footpaths to 17 feet 6 inches, eliminates the two central rows of trees, and cuts down the trolley track space to 27 feet. Still more astonishingly, this widening proposition, which involves interfering with the fronts of many buildings, goes so far as to indicate how effective business displays may be made by depicting graphically a “type 0.F modern shop front” suggested, as well as putting into the same graphic form a rendering of the completed 120 foot roadway. That this is no fanciful scheme is indicated by the inclusion in the volume of maps of other cities which have gone along in the same direction ahead of Birmingham. Liverpool, for example, is depicted with several miles of “intended new and widened roads” as compared with many more miles of ‘kecently completed new and widened roads.” Edinburgh is called to witness similarly. The writer’s anti-billboard susceptibilities are stimulated by the photographic reproductions accompanying these plans, which show the signboards that will be forever disturbed by the proposed widening, as well as the sort of property that will be rendered more useful for business purposes. The inadequacy of what the English call a footpath and we call a sidewalk is graphically depicted in a number of views, as is the congestion of traffic at a “tramway stopping place.” The proposed work is to remedy all these difficulties, and the planning for it seems to have gone on undisturbed by the Prussian menace. It is to be wished that Mr. Frank A. Vanderlip and some other of the public men of America who have recently given utterance to statements respecting the doing of anything but either fighting or sitting on the fence to watch the fighters, might realize how the courageous fighting English are going on with an approach to civic efficiency as the only means to keep their “tight little isle” worth fighting for. * Housing Conditions and Tuberculosis in Los Angeles.*-This little pamphlet presents an unusually clear picture of the conditions under which the inhabitants of a certain district in Los Angeles are living and presents with unusual force the effects of those conditions. The author says, “It was forcibly brought to my attention that the clinic treatments were relatively useless if the children lived under Conditions that produced disease.” She therefore made the study of which this report is a result. Among the 1,650 inhabitants of the 331 habitations visited, 855 were Mexicans and 495 Italians. The rest were Spanish, Austrian, German, French, English, Irish and American-a conglomerate worthy of an eastern manufacturing city. Of the first group 42 per cent were born in the United States ‘or had lived here at least ten years; of the second group 44 per cent. Of the third group 48 per cent were born in this country and 36 per Cent more have lived here at lea& ten years. The study, consequently, does not deal with helpless new arrivals, but with people a large proportion of whom may be assumed to have achieved as good conditions as they are likely to know unless some new element is introduced into the situation. The first conclusion drawn is that these people are living on a wage too small to secure the necessities of life. The next is that the “habitations” are inadequate both in sanitation and in Size. Many J. HORACE MCFARLhND. 1 A Study of the Housing and Social Conditions in the AM Street District of Los Angelea, California. BY Gladys Patric, M. D.. under the direction of the Department of Sociology of the University of Southern Califorma. Published by the Los Angeles Society for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculoeiu. 28 p.

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 407 families of Mexicans and Italians are living in dwellings made over from factories and stores. The characteristic dwelling of the Mexicans, however, is the housecourt so common in the cities of the southwest. The Italians-and this bears repeating in spite of its re-discovery in city after city where choice is possible-“seemed to have a preference for the cottage.” Along with lack of proper sanitation goes lack of sufficient space. In two room houses the family frequently numbers six or eight. “It was not uncommon to find two or three children under the bed on a poor mattress. Some of the most desperate cases of tuberculosis were found in these two-room houses. Under such crowded and unsanitary conditons, and without even the crudest conveniences, it is not surprising that personal cleanliness, as well as necessary care for the home, is neglected.” The following factors are found to be pre-disposing causes which lower bodily resistence and make ready the soil for the ever present germ: 1. The low wage. 2. Poor and insufficient food. 3. Overcrowding and lack of ventilation. 4. Lack of facilities for cleanliness. 5. Ignorance in regard to personal 6. Prevalence of flies. Dr. Patric’s recommendations for the correction of existing conditions include the enforcement of the new state housing law, the registration of open cases of tuberculosis and an increase of sanitoria and open air schools. hygiene. JOHN IHLDER. * The Water-Works System of Chicago’. -Chicago is in the unenviable position of being in the top rank of American cities as regards water consumption and waste. During a period when her finances are in a most deplorable condition, when municipal and private thrift is a solemn duty, and when the country is suffering from a coal famine and freight movement 1 Report prepared by the Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency. Pp. 207; illuatrated. stagnation, Chicago continues on her usual course of pumping immense volumes of water at great expense only to be wasted to no one’s good. Add to this a muddled system of water-works financing, including a diversion of water revenues to help meet general municipal expenses, and some idea may be gained of the reforms that are needed in the management of the Chicago water-works. All this has been urged on the mayor and counsel and taxpayers for years by the engineers responsible for the water-works operation, but to no avail. In the hope of influencing the public to realize the seriousness of the case this report has been prepared and published. It reviews the history and status of the Chicago water-works, by means of text, tables, diagrams, and halftone views-all so plainly as to be within the easy comprehension of any intelligent citizen, and so forcibly, one would suppose, as to drive home to citizens and councilmen the need for drastic reforms. The remedy for water waste, which is one of the main burdens of the report, is the adoption of meters. This should be done not only to cut down waste and save coal and money, but also because the sale of water by meter measurement is the only equitable way of distributing the burden of waterworks service among the consumers. The report deserves wide circulation and study and its plain teachings should be heeded, both in Chicago and many other cities where water is being shamefully wasted and water-works operated with no regard for sound principles of administration. M. N. B. * Street RaiIways in Washington, D. C.The recent report of John A. Beeler on transportation conditions in Washington, D. C., is a notable contribution to the literature of constructive criticism which is doing so much to better operating conditions in the urban transportation field. Mr. Beeler’s report is addressed to the public utilities commission of the District of Columbia and issued as Senate document No. 197. Following a comprehensive study of

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408 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW street railway operating conditions in the district, Mr. Beeler offers a series of definite suggestions for making the system adequate to meet the extraordinary conditions in Washington resulting from the enormous influx of government workers during the past year. Mr. Beeler recommends ten measures for immediate relief from the intolerable conditions of street-car crowding and street congestion. Prominent among these are the skip-stop, loading platforms at various strategetic locations, double berthing, limitation of auto parking in the streets, one-way traffic on certain thoroughfares, rerouting, new extensions, and, finally, the “staggering” of the hours of business for private and government officers as a means of minimizing the peakload problem. Most of the recommendations were put into effect promptly, and with obviously beneficial results. The application of the skip-stop, it is estimated, has increased the speed of the cars approximately 15 per cent. Application of Mr. Beeler’s recommendations also affords opportunities for notable reductions in operating expenses. $7 Civil Service Progress in St. Louis.The efficiency board of St. Louis, Mo., has recently published two documents of interest. One contains the “rules of the efficiency board governing the classified service,” and the other gives a “description of the duties and classification of positions in the classified service of the city of St. Louis.” The latter is of especial interest because it presents a departure from the usual procedure in standardizing public employments. After the efficiency board had worked out a classification of the service and had defined the duties of pll the different positions it published the results in questionnaire form and sent them to employers of all classes for the purpose of ascertaining the prevailing rates of compensation and other conditions of employment of persons performing duties similar to those in the city service. The information thus obtained STILES P. JONES. is to be used as a basis for fixing the standard salary and wage rates and will apply to positions under the city government. It is interesting, also, to note that the efficiency board of St. Louis followed the New York plan of classification rather than the Chicago, or Jacobs plan. WILLIAM C. BEYER. 3r Standardization of Salaries in Massachusetts.-On January 2, 1918, the executive council of the state of Massachusetts transmitted to the legislature its report on the standardization of salaries in the state service. This report was prepared by a special committee of the council which had been engaged on the work for the sixteen months preceding. The detailed work in connection with the state departmental and institutional service as distinguished from the judicial and county service was done by the supervisor of administration. Unlike other reports on standardization of employments, this one does not embody the actual specifications of individual positions and groups of positions, but simply gives a sample specification to illustrate the method used. This sample specification and the classification of the service indicate that the New York plan of standardization has been followed as a model. It is noteworthy also that the agency by which the standardization program in Massachusetts has been undertaken is an administrative body other than the civil service commission, for the last two years have witnessed a decided tendency to make the department having to do with employment the standardization agency. A word should be said by way of commendation for the exceedingly lucid and non-technical manner in which the matter of this report is presented. * “Know Your Own Town, State, Country.”-Under this title, with the subheading “Prepare for Good Citizenship,” the Rhode Island Equal Suffrage Association has provided a set of eleven questionnaires, covering town, city and state governments, as well as the United States W. C. B.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 409 government, and including such topics as health and recreation, industries, taxes, ciation, 448 Butler Exchange, Providence, Rhode Island. public utilities, police and fie protection, charitable and educational institutions. “The purpose of this study course,” as stated in the preliminary circular, “is to prepare for good citizenship.” Obviously anyone who can answer 50 per cent of the questions is at least in possession of the knowledge which might make him a good citizen. It is perhaps too much to expect, however, that we patriotic, enthusiastic, lazy Americans should inform ourselves in detail upon matters so unessential as those relating to the protection we get from government, to the taxes we pay for maintaining that government, and to everything which surrounds us, including air, smoke, artificial light and the other appurtenances of civilization. Very admirable are these questions. Anyone actually interested can obtain the sheets at five cents each, or fifty cents per dozen, upon addressing the headquarters of the Rhode Island Equal Suffrage Asso* A Statistical Study of American Cities. -A comparison of various municipal conditions in thirty-six cities, made by the students of Reed College, Portland, Ore., under the direction of William Fielding Ogburn, professor of sociology, fills the some forty pages of “Reed College Record,” No. 27, December, 1917. Wage rates, cost of living, death rates, child labor, church membership, parks, pavements, school attendance, and illiteracy are some of the eighteen subjects for which numerical and graphical ratings are given. The statistics were taken from published sources and range in date from 1905 to 1918. A grand summary gives the rank of the thirty-eight cities. Professor Foster states in his prefatory note that “all western cities are in the first quarter, nearly all southern cities are in the last quarter, and most cities of other sections are in the middle quarters.” BIBLIOGRAPHY‘ Accounting KESTER (R. B.). Accounting-theory and practice. A first year text. 1918. 607 pp. diagrs. NEW YORK STATE. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL ACCOUNTS. Handbook of town administration and accounting for town officers. Prepared pursuant to Article 3 of the General Municipal Law, by Eugene M. Travis, Comptroller of the State of New York. 1918. 105 pp. Baths and Swimming Pools See also Public Health. ANON. Application of .ozone to the urification of swimming pools. (Bost,on R ed. and Surg. Jour., Mar. 21, 1918: 415.) FRANKLIN (W. S.). Bethlehem plan swimming pool. (Concrete Age, Apr., 1918: 15-18.) HINMAN (J. J.), Jr. The swimming pool and its operation. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: .305-311. illus.) Gives statistics showmg size, capacity, use and methods of maintennnce of 84 swimming pools throughout the country. WIREBAUGH (F. E.). Municipal bath houses. (her. Municipalities, Apr., 1918: 20-21.) ‘Edited by Mias Alice M. Holden, Wellesley Coilege. Charters DETROIT BUREAU OF GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH, INC. The new charter. 1918. 4 pp n substance the charier remains the same with useless material and glaring defects eliminated.” DETROIT. CHARTER COMMISSION. Proposed charter of the city of Detroit as adopted by the charter commission. [1918.] 163 pp. . The new charter for Detroit. A summary of its important provisions. [1918.] 15 pp. . CITIZENS’ CHARTER COMMITTEE. Twenty reasons for the adoption of the proposed charter. A catechism of ytions and answers regarding points in t e charter, or points left out, and why. May 10, 1918. Boston charters: development of responsibilityinthe Mayor. (Boston City Rec. Apr. 13, 1918: 287288.) NEW YORR CITY. Charter. Greater New York Charter, as enacted in 1897 and revised in 1901, as further amended by subsequent acts, down to and including the year 1917. With notes and references to judicial decisions relating thereto; to(Public Business, Apr. 6, 1918.) Submitted at the polls on June 25. -[7 pp.1, folder. HEALEY (W. C. S.).

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410 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW gether with appendices . . By Mark Ash. 4 ed..1918. 1773 pp. Thie is the first revlsion of this important work which has appeared since 1906, the date of the third edition. A valuable feature is the collection of appendices. City Manager Plan FREDERICKSBURG, VA. OFFICE OF . CITY MANAGER. Annual report bn 'the fiscal affairs of the City of Fredericksburg for the year ending December 31, 1917. 1918. 50 pp. port, City Manager Form of Government." ROGER (R. STUART). The city manContains among others an "Achievement Reager form of government. 1918. 4 pp. An address delivered before the Board of Trade of Ho ewell. Va., by the City Manager of Frederick* burg. $a. ROSA (C. D.). The city manager plan. (Municipality, Jan., 1918 : 13-18.) City Planning See also Housing. ALLEN (V. D.). Regulation of height of buildings [with discussion]. (Cleveland Engrg. Soc. Jour., Mar., 1918: 293-307.) CITY PLANNING CONFERENCE. Proceedings of the Ninth National Conference on City Planning, Kansas City, Mo., May 7-9, 1917. 1917. 314 pp. illus. Has papers on interurban passenger terminals, industrid terminals, street widening, traffic ways, treatment of water courses, park and boulevard systems, planning small cities, districting and zoning. building heiqhts. elastic streets, city plann.ing under war conditions. location of public buildings, etc. FRARY (I. T.). Suburban landscape planning in Cleveland. (Arch. Rec., Apr., 1918: 371-384. illus.) HOOVER (A. P.). Industrial citv Dlanning-a vital need for present and" fhure commercial development. Mar., 1918. 21-24 pp. Mar& 1918. Re rinted from Architecture and Building, HUBBARD (H. I.). and KIMBALL (THE* DORA). An introduction to the study of landscape design. 1917.. xxii, 406 pp., 36 pl., photographs, drawings. MANNING (WARREN H.). Planning the cantonments. The work of the American Society of Landscape Architects in their design. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: 331336. illus., plans.) OMAHA. CITY PLANNING COMMISSION. A city plan for Omaha. Nov., 1917. 88 pp. maps, photographs. UNWIN (RAYMOND). Nothing gained by overcrowding. How the garden city type of development may benefit both owner and occupier. 1918. 23 pp. illus., diagrs. Correction CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIETY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. COMMITTEE ON CRIMINAL COURTS. The forgotten army. Six years' work of the Committee on Criminal Courts. . . , 1911-1917, [by George Everson, Executive Secretary]. [1918]. 55 pp. Asto of its work for the clean intelligent and kindly a3minintration of our idferior criminal courts." DAVIS (KATHERINE BEMENT) . Shall the parole commission be abolished? 1918. 6 p , folder. (Woman's Municipal League orthe City of New York. Women and the City's Work, Jan. 8, 1918.) LEVINE (MANUEL). Conciliation Court of Cleveland. (Jour. of the her. Judicature SOC., Je., 1918: 10-16.) The Journal of the American Judicature Society is published bi-monthly from 31 West Lake St., Chlcago. MASSACHUSETTS. BOARD OF EDUCATION AND BUREAU OF PRISONS. Re OA on investigation re arding establiskng schools in county jaiE and houses of correction, Jan., 1918. 1918. 45pp. (House doc. no. 1255.) . COMMISSION ON PROBATION. Report on the methods of parole from county jails and houses of correction. [Mar., 1918.1 14pp. Common sense in prison management. (Jour. Amer. Inst. of Criminal Law and Criminology, Mar., 1918: 806-822.) PEACOCK (ROBERT). Juvenile delinquency. (The Child, Mar., 1918: 265282.) VANCE (W. R.). Minneapolis Conciliation Court. (Jour. of the Amer. Judicature SOC., Je., 1918: 16-23.) Education BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. Instruction in civics in New York City high schools. A statistical survey. [By Anna M. Michener.] Sept., 1917. 39 pp. (Mun. Research no. 89.) BURK (FREDERIC). Individual instruction vs. the lockstep system. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: 327-330.) OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. Physical education in secondary schools. A report of the Commission . 1918. 24 pp. (U. S. Bur. of Educ., Bui., 1917, no. 50.) LEVINE (A. J.). The Ettinger Plan of educat,ion of New York. (Jour. of Educ., May 9, 1918: 507-509.) REED (A. Y.). Newsboy service. A study in educational and vocational guidance. 1917. 175 pp. tables. (School efliciency monographs.) OSEORNE (THOMAS M .) See also Fire Prevention, Schools. COMMISSION ON THE REORGANIZATION This is a study of conditions in one city, Seattle but it contributes to the better understanding of a' nation-wide problem. Elections New Jersey. 1917. 349 pp., tables. BOOTS (R. S,). The direct primary in An important contribution to the subject of the primary system through its thorough analysis of actual operation and results in New Jersey.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 411 FORMAN (S.E )and SHULER(MARJORIE). The woman voter's manual. 1918. 180 p"This book is sent forth to meet the evident desire of the American woman to know moTe about her government. Its purpose is not to satlsfy that desire but to stimulate it."--Pre/ace. FREEMAN (H. H.). First proportional representation election in Kalamazoo. (Amer. City, May, 1918: 455, 457.) In February, 1918. the city of Kalamaroo adopted a new charter of the commission-manager type, including the Hare system of proportional representation for the election of the city commission of seven members. MILWAUKEE VOTER'S LEAGUE. Eighth biennial reports on common council, county board, and candidates before primary election, 1918. 35 pp. Fire Prevention and Protection CFUMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. Report on Fire Department equipment [of the City of New York; by the Committee on Insurance]. Apr. 4, 1918. [4 pp.] EVENING POST (New York). Fire prevention and control supplement. Apr. 26, 1918. 32 pp. illus. MINER (H. L.). Fire prevention and fire protection during construction. With notes on construction of fire cut-offs and installation of fire extinguishing equipment. (Quart., Nat. Fire Prot. ASSOC., Apr., 1918 : 375-392.) TOPPING (W. S.). Fire dangers of explosives and acids. (Fire Prot. Apr., 1918: 6-8.) UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Safeguarding the home against fire. A fire prevention manual for the school children of America. Prepared by the National Board of Fire Underwriters. [1918.] 91 pp. illus. Health Insurance AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR LABOR LEGISLATION. Health insurance. A positive statement in answer to opponents. (Amer. Labor Lea. Rev., Dec., 1917. 627695 pp.) A select, annotated bibliography. pp., 689-695. covers the literature which has appeared since June, 1916. . Problems and methods of legislative investigating commissions [with special reference to health insurance]. Round table conference. [Dec. 27-25, 1917.1 (Amer. Labor Leg. Rev., Mar., MASSACHUSETTS. SPECIAL COMMISSION ON SOCIAL INSURANCE. Report, Jan. 15, 1918. 178 pp. (Sen. doc. no. 244.) 1918: 85-107.) This report, which is concerned solely with health insurance. does not recommend theestablishment of a system of compulsory health insurance. It contains much interesting material. NEW YORK STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR. Health insurance: advantages to industry. Third report of the Committee on Health. 1918. 15 pp. -. Health insurance: discussion of bill endorsed by New York State Federation of Labor. Second report of the Committee on Health, Feb. 6, 1918. 20 pp. -. Health insurance: official endorsement [of bill pending in the Legislature] with first report of its Committee on Health. 1918. 16pp. Housing See also City Planning. ADAMS (THOMAS). Community development in wartime. (Landscape Arch., Apr., 1918: 109-124.) The housing problem part of the community problem; Industrial communities artificial in Character; The American opportunity: why not create new towns; The garden city aa an example of sound community development; The finance of a garden city; An opportunity for government enterprise. . Government housing during war. (Conservation of Life, Apr., 1918: 25-33. illus.) Gives some account and views of the new towns of Gretna and Eaatriggs, Scotland, developed by the British Government under the supervision of Raymond Unwin. ANON. Housing [in England] after the war; some current notes on salient aspects. (Town Planning Rev., Apr., 1918: 2 19-242.) . Local authorities and housing. Form and extent of state financial assistance [in England]. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Mar. 22, 1918: . State aid for housing. The government scheme at last. (Mun. Jour. [Londonl, March 22, 1918: 317, 319.) BUFFALO. HEALTH COMMISSIONER. Buffalo's housing conditions. [Report by F. B. Smering, Chief Sanitary Inspector.] (1918.1 6 sheets, typewritten. DES MOINES. HOUSING COMMISSION. Report. Nov., 1917. 64 p illus. ECLIPSE HOME MAKERS, fNc Eclipse Park .[Beloit, Wis.]. Preliminary information and general description of houses, with terms of sale. [1918.] 20 pp., plate, plan. illus. EVANS (EDWIN). The government housing proposals. (Mun. Jour. [London], Apr. 12, 1918: 395-396.) FORSTER (H. W.). Industrial housink [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Engrs . SOC. of Western Pennsvlvania. Dee.. 272-273.) 1917: 610-642.) GOODRICH (E. P.). War housing by rejuvenating blighted districts. (Landscape Arch., Apr., 1918: 125-132.) GROBEN (W. E.1. Modern industrial housing. 1918. 24 pp., plates. and engineers. village built b Marcus Hook,f'a. Published by Ballinger and Perrot, architects Refers especially to the industrial them for the Viscose Company at

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412 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW MAGNUSSON (LEIFUR). A modern industrial suburb. {Monthly Rev., U. s. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Apr., 1918: 1-25, plates. plans.) Describes Morgan Park, a new suburb of Duluth. which is owned and.operated by a subsidiary of the U. S. Steel Corporation. MOLITOR (JOHN). Housing in relation to health and morals. 1917. 8 pp. (National Housing Assoc. Pub. no. 41.) Copies may be purchased for 10 cenJs from the Association, 105 E. 22d St., New York City. PHILADELPHIA HOUSING ASSOCIATION. Housing in Philadelphia, 1917. Seventh annual report. 11918.1 26 pp. ST. PAUL ASSOCIATION. Housing conditions in the City of Saint Paul. Report presented to the Housin Commission of the. St. Paul Associationgby Carol AronoVICI. [1918.] 120 pp. illus. Proposes a housing ordinance and analyzes housing laws and ordinances in various cities and states. SMITH (H. A,). Facts and figures about some successful housing schemes. (Arch. Mar.,.1918: 72-74. Plans, illus.) Has reference to the work of the Open Stair STANDARDIZED HOUSING CORPORATION. The manufacture of standardized houses: a new industry. 1917. 31 pp. illus. VEILLER (LAWRENCE). Industrial housing. Pt. 2, The government's standards for war housing. Pt. 3, A development of group houses, Sawyer Park, Williamsport, Pa. (Arch. Record, Apr. and May, 1918: 344-349; 447449. illus., map, companies operating in New York City. plans.) . A privately financed housing development. (Arch. Record, May, 1918.) Lighting HARRISON (WARD). Fundamentals of illumination design. Pt. 1, Fundamental concepts. (Gen. Elec. Rev., May, 1918: 353-362. illus. diagrs.) ILLUMINATING ENGINEERING SOCIETY. Code of lighting school buildings. (Transactions, Apr. 30, 1918: 187-200.) LIVINGSTON (R. E.), History of manufacture of gas in New York. First introduced in city in 1823-today there are nearly fifteen hundred miles of mains. (Record and Guide, Mar. 23, 1918: SPC. 3, 40-41. illus.) MILLAN (P. S.). Lighting curtailment [with discussioni. Trans., "Illuminating Engrg. SOC., Mar. 20, 1918: 111-169.) Argues that curtailment of lighting can accomplish little as a coal-saving measure, and suggests other methods likely to be more effective. MILTOUN (FRANCIS). The working of the new gas r6j$me in Paris. Rates based on t,he principle of taking care of the little fellow-how the system works out,. (Amer. Gas Engrg. Jour., May 4, 1918: 420-421.) POWELL (A. L.). The lighting of New York City's new $3,000,000 garbage disposal plant. (Amer. City, April, 1918: 301-304. illus.) PRICE (G. M.) and TUCK (D. H.). Light and illumination in garment shops. 1918. 16 pp. illus. (Joint Board of Sanitary Control in the Cloak, Suit and Skirt and Dress and Waist Industries. Bul. no. 2, 1918.) May be secured from the Board at 31 Union Square. New York City, Rooms 907-915. Markets CALIFORNIA. STATE MARKET COMMISSION. STATE FISH EXCHANGE. First annual report. 1918. 52 pp. Mr. Edgar A. Forbes is secretary of the State Fish Exchange, which is a department of the State Market Commission. CITY CLUB OF BERKELEY. Municipal markets. (Berkeley Civic Bul., May 9, CLARK (A. L.). Direct from producer to consumer via municipal markets. (N. J. Municipalities, Apr., 1918: 113116.) Markets. COMMONWEALTH CLUB OF CALIFORNIA. Marketing. 71 pp. (Transactions, Apr., 1918.) 1918: 133-144.) The author is chief of the New Jersey Bureau of A consideration of marketin methods in relation to the high cost of living, inclufing three papers, respectively, as to municipal markets. retail delivery systems and rural auctions. The three subjects were extensively discussed in open meeting. CUMBERLAND (W. W.). Co-omrative marketing. Its advantages as exemplified in the California fruit growers exchange. 1917. 226pp. TALBOT (MARION). Ret.ai1 distribut,ion and marketing (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health. Mar. 1918: 208-211.1 A committee report which points'out some of the principal causes of food waste and recommends measures of prevention. UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. Suggestions for parcel post marketing, by L. B. Flohr and C. T. More. Apr., 1918. 20 pp. illus. (Farmer's Bul. 703.) Motion Pictures AVERILL (L. A.). The motion Dicture and child development. (Educ.' Rev., pt. 1, May, 1918: 398409.) ~ PENNSYLVANIA. STATF, BOARD OF CENSORS (of Motion Pictures). Report . . for the year ending November 30, 1917. -. Rules and standards. Act passed May 15, 1915. 1918. 20 pp. Municipal Engineering ANON. Municipal engineering in 1917. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Jan. 25, 1918: 57-81.) ress in England, but some reference is made aio ti American developments. The following topics are discussed: bridges; electricity supply; highways; housing; municipal buildings: refuse disposal; sewerage and sewage disposal: street lighting; town planning; tramways; water supply. 30 pp. Reviews principally the year's engineering rog

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 413 INSTITUTION OF MUNICIPAL .4ND COVNTY ENGINEER^ AND SOCIETY OF ENGINEERS (England). The status of municipal engineers. Joint committee’s important proposals regarding future appointments. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Apr. Municipal Government and Administration ADAM* (J. W.). The borough govern12, 1918: 319-321.) See also Charters, City Manager, Elections, Municipal Engineering, Public Service. ment in New York City. (MGdei City, Mer., 1918: 24, 38, 41, 43.) BENNETT (J. L.). Constructive publicity as an ally to the city in securing good municipal administrat,ion, with particular reference to methods (N. J. MunicipaMies, Mar., 1915’: 71-?2,91-92.) Address delivered before the 3d annual convention of the N. J. State League of Municipalitiea, Jan. 3, 1918. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, AKRON. Annual report to the Board of Trustees and contributing members. . . . January l? 1918. 18 pp., miineographed. MUNICIPAL EFFICIENCY. The work of the Citizens’ Bureau and its plans for future work. 1918. [I2 pp.] (Co-operative Citizenship, Bul. no. 9.) NEW YORK CITY. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LIBRARY. [War chests.] (Mun. Ref. Notes. May.22, 1918: 272-274:) Contains a short bibliosraphy on the subject and PAN-AMERICAN UNION. Municipa,l improvements in Latin-America. (Amer. City, Jan., Feb., Mar.. Apr.,May,-, 1918.) MILWAUKEE CITIZENS’ BUREAU OF a list of “war-chest” cities. A series of articles on Central and South American municipalities ublished through the courtesy of the Pan-American bnion. l?NION OF MANITOBA MUNICIPALITIES. Foiuteenth annual convention. held at Winnipeg, November 27-29, 1917. Proceedings. I1918.1 69,pp.. Municipal Ownership [Papers on municipal ownership. 1918.1 (Berkeley Civic Bul.. Mar. 19, 1918: 111-132.) The secretary of the Union is Mr. Robert Fake of Pipestone, hlont. CITY CLUB OF BERKELEY, Contents: ’Public ownership in Australia by Elwood Mead; Municipal ownership in San firancisco. by M. M. OShaughneeay: MuniciDal ownershi of the electric lighting system of Alameda by C. E. Hewes: Public OwnershiD Leanue of the East Bay cities. by L. B. Magoon; kepori of the Public Utility District Committee. Pavements See also Roads. ANON. Statistics on street and alley paving in American municipalities. Reports from 185 cities show that 38 per cent. of their highways are paved. (Engrg. and Contrachg, May 1, 1918: 426.) Some designs and constructional futures of modern brick CHURCHILL (F. A.). pavements. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 184-186. illus.) F~XMER (H.. J,). Considerat.ions affecting the design of pavement foundations. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 133134. illus.) MORGAN CAMPBELL AND NOLTE. The importance of inspection of paving materials. (Amer. City, Apr., 1918: 298-300.) REILLY (P. C.). Destruction of wood block Davement due to use of tar in the creosotk oil. 183-184. illus.) (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: TILLSON (G. W.). The design and construction of a granite block-pavement. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 177-180. illus.) WARREN (GEORGE C.). Municipal finance-its relation to pavement construction and renewals. (Amer. City, Apr., Pensions CARNEGIE FOUNDATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING. Current peiision developments. (Twelfth An. Rep., MASSACHUSETTS TEACHERS’ RETIREMENT BOARD. Legislation relative to the retirement system for public school teachers enacted by the General Court of 1917. 1918: 297-298.) See also Health Insurance. 1917: 87-100.) 1917. 7 pp. NEW YORK CITY. COMMISSION ON PENSIONS. Report on the pension funds of the City of New York. Pt. 111, A proposed retirement plan. . . . Report and Appendix I. 1918. 42 pp. Ports and Terminals MACELWEE (R. S.). Ports and terminal facilities [with discussion]. (Jour., Engs. Club of Philadelphia, Apr., 1918: 165-175, 208. illus.) YORK. The function and utility of free ports. April, 1918. 29 pp. MERCH.4NTS’ ASSOCIATION OF NEW Urges the creation of a free port somewhere on New York harbor. NICHOLSON (G. F.). The trend. of modern port construction [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Pacific Coast Assoc. of Port Authorities, 1917: 98-106.) PHELPS (W. E.). New York Central builds ~4,000,000 high-level freight termiiial at Cleveland . Has separate inbound and outbound houses 1262 feet long-how widths of buildings were determined. (Eng. News-Record, Mar. 14, 1918: 495-502. Power Plants ASHMEAD (D. C.). Future location of central heating stations. (Power, May 7, AZBE (V. J.). Economy of refrigerating power plants. (Power, March 19, 1918: 414-416. charts.) map, plans, illus ) 1918: 661-664.) Abstract of papex read before the St. Louis kssociated Engineering Societies.

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414 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July BROSSMANN (CHARLES). Practical measures for securing greatest economy in utility power plant operation. 11. Coal and the boiler. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 140-142.) The second in a series of six articles; the first ap peared in January. CROFT (TERRELL). Central stations. 1917. 332 pp. diagrs. Contents: Distribution-system nomenclature: Distribution loss and distribution loss factors; Maximum demand and demand factors; Diversity and diversity factors; Load factor, plant factor, and.connected-load factor; .Load graphs and their slgmficance; General principles of mrcuit design; Calculation and design of direct current circuits and of alternating current circuita; Transmission and distribution; Lightning protection apparatus; Automatic voltage regulators; Switchboards and switchgear; Charncteristics of stations; Adaptability of steam, internal combustion engine. and hydraulic prime movers; Steam electrical-energy-generating stations: Internal combustion engine stations; Hydro-electricstations. Cooperation of publicservice and isolated plants. (Power, Apr. 23,1918: 583-585.) Economy in the use of fuel in power station [with discussion]. (Jour., Boston Eoc. of 8ivil Engrs., Apr., 1918: 163-189. lans, illus.) WALKER (J. H.f: Central-station heating in Detroit. (Power, May 7, 1918: 646 -652. illus., plans.) Prices CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIETY, (New York City). COMMITTEE ON HOME Ecq; NOMICS. “Mymoneywon’treach. . . . The experience of 377 self-supporting families in New York City in endeavoring to make their incomes provide theessentials for healthful living. Apr., 1918. 22 pg MERCHANTS’ ASEOCIATION OF NEW YORK. Report of the Food Problem Committee, 2 ed. April, 1918. 36 pp. UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS. Retail prices, 1907, to December, 1916. November, 1917. 427 pp. (Bul. whole no. 228, Retail Prices and Cost of Living series no. 18.) -Wholesale prices, 1890, to 1916. ‘December, 1917. 285 pp. (Bul. whole no. 228, Wholesale Prices series no. 6.) Public Health EYANS (I. N.). PARKER (C. H.). Co ies may be secured from the society. 105 . 22d &., New York City. See also Baths. AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR PROMOTING HYGIENE AND PUBLIC BATHS. Journal, Vol. i. 1918. 96 pp. The corresponding secretary of the association is Mr. J. Wells Wentworth.21 Claremont St.. New York City. ANON. The pre-school age in its relation to public health. (Monthly BuI. N. Y. City Dept. of Health, Mar., 1918: . Typhoid in the large cities of the U. S. in 1917. Sixth annual report. 55-62.) (Jour. Amer. Med. Aasoc., Mar. 16, 1918: 777-779. tables.) GREENBERG (DAVID) and JOEL (I. D.) Health survey of Middletown, Connecticut. [1918.] 73 pp. NATIONAL COMMXWEE FOR THE PREVENTION OF BLINDNESS. Saving sight a civic duty. A demonstration by the Public Health Department of Buffalo of how a typical city conserves the vision of its future citizens, by Winifred Hathaway. December,.1917. 61 pp. (Pub. no. 13.) NEWSHOLME (ARTHUR). Nursing as an instrument of public health. (Med. Officer, Mar. 9, 1918: 77-78.) STATE CHARITIES AID ASSOCIATION (New York). A county at work on its health problems. A statement of accomplishment by the Dutchess County Health Association . Aug., 1916, to Dec., 1917, inc., by Joseph J. Weber. [1918.] 27 pp. illus. This county association has worked largely along the lines of public health education and public health nursing. UNITED STATES. PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE. The control of communicable diseases. Report of the American Public Health Association Committee on Standard Regulations appointed in Oct., 1916. 1918. 30 pp. (Reprint no. 436.) WENTWORTH (JEANIE WELLS). The hygiene of food. [1918.] 8 pp. Public Service ANON. Salaries of city officials and employes of first 19 . cities. Compiled by Department of Le Iative Reference, . Baltimore, My December, 1917. iB&timore Mun. Jour., Jan. 25, 1918: 3.) BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, AKRON. Report on standardization of salaries and grades for the City of Akron, with recommendations. Nov., 1917. 43 pp., tables, typewritten. CLARK (EVANS). Data on salary grades and living costs of New York City employees. Mar., 1918. 6 pp., typewritten. (Socialist Aldermanic Delegation, Bur. of Investigation and Research.) MASSACHUSETTS. CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION. Civil Service law and rules. Nov., 1917. 96 p OHIO. STATE &IL SERVICE COMMISSION. Standard specifications for tions in the classified service of the &% of Ohio. 1917. 254 pp. ST. Loms. EFFICIENCY BOARD. Classification and standardization and description of duties of positions in the clansified service of the City of St. Louis. 1918. 238 pp. See note of earlier edition in Reuiew for May, 1918, p. 310. This report contains the rates or The Committee‘s headquarters are at 130 E. 22d St.. New York City. Reprinted from the Journal of the AmeTican Association for Promoting Hygiene and Public Baths.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 415 ranges of salaries adopted by the Board, Apr. 16, 1918. Public Welfare AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. Social work with families. 1918. (ilnnals, May, 191s.) BYERS (JOHN). The problem of maternal and child welfare. (The Child, Jan., COLORADO. INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION. 1918: 169-177.) First report, August 1, 1915, to December 1, 1917. 1917. ,90 pp. Mr. Walter E. Schwed IS Secretarv for the Commission (Denver). ILLINOIS. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WELFARE. General information and laws effective July 1, 1917. Compiled by Edward J. Brundage, Attorney General. 1915. 272pp. MCLEAN (FRANCIS H.). Social problems in Rochester. 191s. 44 pp. tnbles. The abstract of a report on the Department of Charities. Copies ma he had from the Rochester Bureau of Munieipai gesesrch. NEW YORK STATE. STATE INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION. Proceedings of the Second Industrial Safety Congress of New York State, [held at] Syracuse, December 3-6, 1917. [1918.] 292 pp. Purchasing FAWCE'IT WALDON). Purchasing bv allocation. (Purchasing Agent, May, f918: 136-139. illus.) -TWYFORD (H. B.). The cost-plus plan of purchasing. (Purchasing Agent, Apr., 1918; 109~112:) The Durchaslne hbrary. (Purchasing Agent,. May, 1518: 147-150.) Recreation INDIANA UNIVERSITY. EXTENSION DIVISION. Vocational recreation in Indiana, 1918. Vocational recreation facilities and activities of 149 business establishments. 1917. 126pp. PLAYGROUND AND RECREATION AsSOCIATION OF AMEZICA. Year book [1917]. (Playground, Apr., 1918: 3-47.) Detailed information is presented as to supervised play and recreation in 628 cities. WORCESTER. BOARD OF PARKS AND RECREATION COMMISSIONERS. First annual report, 1917. 54 pp. illus. Refuse and Garbage Disposal of snow removal. 18 1918: 333-334.) of Engineers. UNITED STATES. FOOD ADMINISTRATION. Garbage utilization, with particular reference to utilization by feeding. Feb., 1918. 21 pp. Roads See also Lighting. RICHARDS (H. I?.). Methods and cost (Canadian Engr., Apr. Abstract of paper read before the Western Society See also Pavements, Traffic. ANON. County highway work prepared during 1917. Data furnished expressly for these tables by county highway officers in all sections of the countryamount, nature and cost of each kind of road construction of each county. (Mun. Jour., Apr. 20, 1918: 317-324.) Road work during 1918. (Mun. Jour., Apr. 20, 1918: 315-317 324.) BURLEY (GEORGE A.). donstruction plant and methods em loyed in building reinforced concrete roa& at Camp Custer, Battle Creek, Mich. (Mun. Engrg., May, 1918: 18C-182,) MOOREFIELD (C. H.). The design of public roads. 191s. 19 pp. diagrs. Separate from Yearbook of the U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1917, no. 727. RUTHERFORD (W. 0.) Using motor highways to meet the war emergency. (Amer. City, May, 1918: 417420, illus.) Schools BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. Report on a survey of the organization and administration of the public schools of Harrisburg, Pa. Feb.May, 1917, [1918?] 216 pp. merce. DETROIT BUREAU OF GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH. X report on the engineering and janit,orial service of the Board of Education of Detroit, in thirteen schools. March, 1915. 25 pp., typewritten. plans, tables. Los ANGELES. BOARD OF EDUCATION. SCHOOL HEALTH DEPARTMENT. Health supervisors in Los Angeles city schools. June, 1917. 46 pp. (Pub. no. 1.) NEW YORK SCHOOL LUNCH COMMITTEE. School lunches; a question and an opportunity for the city-and you. [1918?] 8-page folder. illus. This committee is maintained hy the New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor. A statement, in tabloid form, concerns the need for school lunches. their competition with pushcarts, what the children eat, what has been accomplished, and what it costs. See also Education, Lighting. Prepared for the Harrisburg Chamber of ComUNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Summer sessions of city schools, b W. S. Deffenbaugh. 1918. 45 pp. (Jul., 1917, no. 45.) Sewerage and Sewage Disposal Typical rules for operation of small sewage-work; should be placed in a tool house on premises where the inevitable "new" man may easily locate them. (Engrg. News-Record, May 2,1918: 875.) BARROWS (H. K.). Present tendencies in sewer construction and design. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 144-146.) FULLER (G. W.). The operation of small sewage disposal plants. (Canadian Engr., Mar. 14, 1918: 223-225.) Abstract from pa er read at a meeting of the New Jersey Sewage &orka Aeaoc., at Trenton, N. J., Feb. 15,1918. ANON.

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416 NATIONAL hlUNICIPAL REVIEW [-.I Considerations leading to recommendations for fine screens, sprinkling filters, humus tanks and sludge recovery as sewage disposal method for Indianapolis. (Engrg. and Contracting, Apr. 10, 1918: 368-352.) From a paper presented March 28th before the Indiana Sanitary and Water Supply Association. GREGORY (JOHN H.). Some points worth considering in the design of sewage treatment works. (Mun. Engrg., May, HATTON (T. C.). The activated-sludge process. Milwaukee investigations. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Engr., Mar. MEBUS (CHARLES F.). Specific suggestions on the design of Inhoff sewage settling tanks. (Mun. Engrg., Apr., 1918: 149151. diagrs.) MICHIGAN. STATE BOARD OF HEALTH. Pewage disposal, [by] E. D. Rich and F. G. Legg. Nov.. 1917. 24 pp. illus. (Engrg. Bul. no. 11.) 1918: 203-205.) 8, 15, 1918: 232-233; 254-255.) A non-technical discussion of the various methods of remol ing and treating seu age. MOORE (S. D.). Estimating contractor?' overhead costs in sanitary sewer conqtriiction. [Enere. and Contracting. _I Apr. 10,1918: i64-365.) Address delivered at the 30th annual meeting of the Iowa Ennineerinn Society. Feh. 1, 1918. NASMITI~ (G. G.) and MCRAY (G. P.). The fert.iliaing value of activated sludge. (Jour. of Indust. and Engrg. Chemistry, May, 1915: 339-344. illus.) PEAREE (LANGDON). Activated sludge and the treatment of packinphouse wastes. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Jan., 1918: 47-55.) TAYLOR (H. W.). Didnctive characteristics of inst,itutional sewerage. Design too often based on municipal practice. Data on quantity of sewage, variation in flow [etc.]. (Engg. News-Record, Apr. 2.5, 1918: 824-827. tables.) State Government and Administration SOCIAL SCIENCE. Procedure in state legislatures. 1918. (Annals, Supplement no. 1 to May, 1918.) BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. The stitt,e movement for efficiency and economy [by Raymond Moley]. Oct., 1917. 163 pp. (Mun. Research no. 90.) Contents: State, e5ciency and economy commissions; Suggestions of commissions regarding selection of public officers; Pro osals concernipng general administration; The bu8get; The admiistration of uhlic service functions; Resu1,ts and conclusions: Sibliography of efficiency and scientific management in government. CITIZENS' ASSOCIATION OF CHICAGO, Convention campaign opens. April, 1918. [8 pp.] (Bul. no. 40.) INDIANA. BOARD OF STATE CHARITIES. See also Elections, Taxation. AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND Poor asylums and their administzation [in Indiana]. (Indiana Bul. of Charities and Correction, Mar., 1918: 2-34.) NEW HAMPSHIRE. Manual of the Constitutional Convention of 1918, convened at the State House at Concord, June 5, 1918. Prepared and published under authorit of the Governor and Council by Edwin 6. Bean, Secretar of State [and] Hobart Pillsbury, Deputy Skcretary. 1918. 299 pp. NEW YORK STATE. COMMITTEE FOR STATE POLICE. Powers and territorv of the New York State Troopers. 1918. 40pp. illus. [Feb."28,j An unofficial account of the achievements of the New York State Police durinn their first five months of service. . UNIVERSITY. Scientific activities of the State of New York. (Jour. of the meet,ing of the Bd. of Regents, Jan. 31, 1918: 11-13.) A list showing the manv lines of scientific research and control coming &thin the regular work of the various %ate departments. boards.and commissions. SCHURTZ (S. B.). The state public service commission idea. [1918.] 19 pp. -4ddress before the League of Michigan Municipalities July 1917. An attack upon the present system 'of stite regulation of public utilities, and a demand for regulation by municipalities. Copies may be secured from the author, 312 Murray Boulevnrd, Grand Rapids. Mich. Street Railways DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. PUBLIC UTILITIES COMMISSION. Street railways in t,he District of Columbia. 1918. 277 pp., maps. (65t.h Cong., 2d sess. Sen. doc. no. 107 _I. ., MASSACHUSETTS. Report of the Street Railway Investigation Commission on the problems relating to the street railways of the Commonwealth. Feb., 1918. 423 pp., maps. (Sen. doc. no. 300.) . Statutes. An Act to provide for the public operation of the Boston Elevated Railway Company. 1918. 14 pp. (House no. 1442.) Traffic and operation, Springfield Street Railway Company, Springfield, Mass. .4pr., 1917. 117 pp., maps, charts. A report made to the Company by Mr. Richey, Electric Railway Engineer, Worcester, Mass. SHONTS (T. P.) The new traction problem. 1918. 28 DD. RICHEY (ALBERT S.). The problem growihg out of congestion due to rapid growth of urban populations. Groundwork for an argument for increased fares. Haa particular reference to New York City. New York Sun of Mar. 10, 1918. Reprinted from tbe SMITE (C. E.). The United Railways. (Jour., Engrs.' Club of St. Louis. Mar.Apr., 1918: 88-132.) An analysis of the street railway situation in St. Louis, bypne who hadeharge of the recent valuation of the United Railways property. Killing the goose. An expert's view of the rate raise plan. WILCOX (DELOS F.).

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 417 117-123. ) A Reprinted from the Newark News. Has reference to the aoolication of the Public Service Railway Co. for an increase in trolley fares. Taxation and Finance BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. The New York City budget. Aug., 1917. 154 pp. (Mun. Research, no. 88.) See also Pavements. Contents: Description of the New York City budget New York City budget procedure: Form of the budget; History of development of the form of the New York City Budget; Comments and criticisms, by department heads, by Board of Aldermen, by the public. CALIFORNIA. STATE BOARD OF EQUALIZATION. Provisions of political code governing taxes for state purposes, in effect May11, 1917. 1917. 41 pp. . Revenue laws, in force on the first day of Jan., 1918; and citations from decisions of the Supreme and Appellate Courts affecting revenue laws. 1917. 534 PP. CITIZENS’ RESEARCH LEAGUE OF WINNIPEG. Local taxation-the problem in Winnipeg. The argument for a provincial income tax. By Arch. B. Clark. 1918. 11 pp. (Bul. no. 11.) the League on Feb. 28, 1918. CUYAHOGA COUNTY (New York). AUDITOR. Rules and principles with land and building values controlling the 1917 “ community msessment” of Cuyahoga County. [1918.] 35 pp., plates. illus. NATIONAL TAX ASSOCIATION. Addresses and proceedings of the eleventh annual conference, held at Atlanta, Nov. 13-16, 1917. 1918. 431pp. NEW YORK TAX REFORM ASSOCIATION. Double taxation and listing system for personal property proposed by city administration. Mar., 1918. [4 pp.] (Bul. no. 577.) NEW JERSEY. An Act concerning municipal and c0unt.y finances. Approved March 28, 1917 [and] March 4, 1918. 1918. 27 pp. (Chap. 192, P. L. 1917 as amended by Chap. 242, P. L. 1918.) . STATE BOARD OF TAXES AND ASSESSMENT. Laws affecting taxation of the session of 1918. 1918. 108 pp. PITTSBURGH. MAYOR. Mayor’s exhibit accompanying departmental estimate for budget of 1918. 1918. 13 pp. Consists mainly of tables showing the receipts and expenditures of the city government during the years 1912-1918, grouped according to organization units, objects purchased. fuoctiona of government, etc. RHODE ISLAND. LEGISLATURE REFERENCE BUREAU. Dates of assessment of taxes in the several states. JBul. no. 3, Apr. 1,1918: 17-23.) An address delivered at the annual meeting of Known as the Pierson Budget Act. SASKATCHEWAN. MINISTER OF MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS. Taxation in the urban municipalities of Saskatchewan. A reort to the Government of the Province of E askatchewan, by Robert M. Haig. 1917. TRAVIS (EUGENE). The financial obligations of New York [State]. (State Finances, Apr. 1918: 1-6.) UNITED STATES. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. List of references 01) taxation of intangible property, with special reference to a capital tax. Apr. 24, 1918. 16pp., typewritten. WISCONSIN. TAX COMMISSION. First annual report on the statistics of municipal finances; for county fiscal years ending on or before Dec. 31, 1916; for city fiscal years ending on or before April 30, 1917; for town and village fiscal years ending March 31, 1917. 1917. 118 pp. -. The Wisconsin income tax law, with explanatory notes. 3d ed. Dec. 1917. 65 pp. WOMAN’S CITY CLUB OF CHICAGO. The city’s present financial situation and some available remedies. (Woman’s City Club Bul. Jan., 1918: 1-8.) Torrens System REAL ESTATE BOARD OF NEW YORK. Essentials of New York land title registration (Torrens Law). A study of the legal processes that must be followed and the conditions that must be considered to secure and preserve a constitutional law. Mar., 1918. 11 pp. Traffic BROWN (C. C.). Traffic laws and highway maintenance and construction. (Mun. Jour., Apr. 20 and 27, 1918: 325326; 344-345.) DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. PUBLIC UTILITIES COMMISSION. Report on the Washington traffic situation, by John H. Beeler. Section 1, Jan., 1918. 59 pp. blue prints. Traffic study in Pittsburgh. City’s sharp changes in grade and the natural barriers around its business district make transportation roblems difficult-traffic and industriar surveys help to suggest remedies-elevated and subway line proposed. (Elec. Ry. Jour., May 4, 1918: 842-846. ma s. diagr.) &tract of an official report. SYRACUSE. GRADE CROSSING COMMISSION. Report on grade crossing elimination in the City of Syracuse, and report of B. J. Arnold, consulting engineer. 1917. 101 pp., 10 maps. illus. Vital Statistics New York City during 1917. Mar. 2,1918: (362-363.) 48 PP. [PITTSBURGH. TRANSIT COMMISSIONER.] BULKLEY (L. D.), Cancer death rate in (Med. Re,

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418 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW DUBLIN (L. I.). The mortality of childhood. 1918. 25 pp. Reprinted from the Quarterly Publications of the American Statistical Aasociation, March, 1918. MALLET (BERNARD). Vital statistics as affected by the war. (Jour., Royal Statistical SOC., Jan., 1918: 1-36.) Water Works ANON. Water works operation statistics. Information contributed by superintendents in about 400 cities arranged in tabular form-no chemical a pliances used in trench work-freezing anathawing of hydrants, mains and services. (Mun. Jour., May 4,1918: 365374,377,) . Water works operation-distribution system. (Mun. Jour., May 11 and 18,1918: 388-392, 411-414. tables.) BREWER (BERTRAM). Rate revision in municipal works. (Jour., N. E. Water Works ASSOC., Mar. 1918: 1-9.1 BURNS (C. S.). Economic considerations in municipal engineering designs. (Engrg., and Contracting, Apr. 10, 1918: 366368.) distribution systems. CADY (F. L.). Some methods and results of filtration at Providence water works. (dour., N. E. Water Works ASSOC., Mar., 1918: 21-38. illus.) AND PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS. Fourth annual report, Dec. 1: 1915, to Nov. 30,1916. [1918.1 91 pp., diagrs. All but about 20 pages.01 this report are devoted to water works service,.wztb numerous tables showing delivery consumptlon. revenues, bacteriological and chemich analyses, etc. MATTE (. P. T.). Methods and results of water waste elimination in Oak Park, Illinois. (Amer. City, May, 1918: 392396. illus.) SIMPSON (JOHN). Extension of water mains. Powers and obligations of municHas particular reference to the planning of water JERSEY CITY. DEPARTMENT OF STREETS ipalities and private water companies to extend water mains-determined by reasonable needs of community. (Mun. JOUT., May 4, 1918: 363-365.) WILCOX (W. F.). Watering and unwatering an industrial plant and its relation to the public water supply. (Mw. Engrg., May, 1918: 206-209.) Women, Employment of CONYNGTON (MARY). Effect of the war upon the employment of women in England. (Monthly Rev., U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat., Apr., 1918: 204-217.) GOLDMARK (JOSEPHINE). Some considerations affecting the replacement of men by women workers. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, April, 1918: 270-276.) KELLEY (FLORENCE). The war and women workers. (Survev. Mar. 9. 1918: _I 628-63 1 .) With list of bills pending in the New York State Legislature whlch affect the labor of women and children. KNOEPPE (C. E.). The problem of women in war industry. Will women he needed in industry? When will they be needed? (Industrial Management, May, 1918: 385-387.) MONKHOUSE (0. E.), Theemployment of women in munition factories. (Scientific Amer. Supplement, May 4, 1918: Paper read before the Institution of Mechanical SAPOSR (D. J.). Substitution of women for men in industry in New York State [with discussion]. (New York State Industrial Commission, Proceedings of the Second Industrial Safety Congress, Dec., SWARTZ (NELLE). “Help wanted.” The employment of women by transportation companies in New York City. (Survey, Mar. 23, 1918: 677-678.) 282-283.) Engineers. England. 1917: 193-204.)

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NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION Home Rule in Maryland.-The legislature of Maryland at its 1914 session proposed an amendment to the state constitution providing for a limited grant of home rule to the counties and to the city of Baltimore, the primary purpose being to relieve the legislature of the burdens and complications of local legislation. The amendment wm adopted by the people at the November election, 1915. With reference to Baltimore, it provides that on demand of the mayor and city council or on petition of not less than 20 per cent of the registered voters of the city, arrangements shall be made for the election of a charter board of eleven members. Nominations for members of the board may be made by the mayor and city council or by petition of not less than 5 per cent of the registered voters of the city. In case no more than eleven candidates are nominated, their names shall not be printed on the ballot, but they shall constitute the board. At the same election provision shall be made on the ballot for a vote for or against the creation of a charter board. If the popular vote is favorable, the board is given six months in which to prepare a charter, which, if adopted by the voters at the next general election, shall become the law of the city, “subject only to the constitution and public general laws” of the state, and shall automatically repeal all inconsistent local laws. Amendments to any home rule charter may be proposed by resolution of the mayor and city council or by a petition of not Iess than 20 per cent of the registered voters and shall be submitted to popular vote at the next general election when they may be adopted by a majority vote. Having once adopted a charter in accordance with the amendment, the city will ips0 fato come into possession of the constitutional grant of home rule powers: and thereafter the legislature is forbidden to enact any local law on any subject covered by the express powers which have been granted to the city; but the legislature alone is authorized to enlarge and extend these powers. Prior to the adoption of the home rule amendment in 1915, the legislature was aa free in its control over the city as it was “with respect to all corporations existing for like purposes in the state.” 1 The home rule amendment provides that the power to make changes in sections 1 to 6, inclusive, of article xi, of the constitution, “when expressly granted as hereinbefore provided,” shall be transferred to the voters of the city to be exercised in accordance with the other provisions of the amendment. Since the power to make such changes has not yet been expressly granted by the legislature, the city is unable to alter those features of its government which are prescribed in the conskitution, e.g., the bicameral council, election of members of the council by wards and councilmanic districts, and the qualifications, term, salary, and method of electing the mayor. Prior to the election of 1917, the requisite number of signatures were secured to a petition for the authorization of a charter board and to petitions for the nomination of eleven able and representative men for membership on the board. The petitions were circulated by a committee of the citywide congress and awakened at the time little interest. Nevertheless, at the November election, 1917, the proposition for the creation of a charter board wm carried by a vote of 29970 to 16547; and, since no opposing candidates were in the field, the eleven nominees for the board automatically constituted the authorbed charter board. The chairman is HenrybD. Harlan, twenty-five years chief judge of 1 Niles, Maryland Constitutional Law, 320; Bdtimore City v. Gorter, 93 Maryland 6. 419 6

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420 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW the supreme bench of Baltimore; and the other members are: Alfred S. Niles, an ex-judge, a lecturer in the law school of the University of Maryland, and author of “Maryland Constitutional Law”; Edgar Ahn Poe, a former attorney-general of the State; J. Kemp Bartlett, a prominent lawyer; Dr. John H. Latane, professor of history in the Johns Hopkins University; William H. Maltbie, a public-spirited lawyer; Charles E. Falconer, one of the city’s leading business men; Dr. Charles O’Donovan, a physician; A. H. Hecht, secretary of the city-wide congress; David Bachrach, a radical reformer and single-taxer; and William J. Ogden, an ex-state senator. The first concern of the board has properly been to secure home rule powers for the city by submitting a charter that would probably be adopted at the polls; it has in consequence been averse to introducing radical innovations which might endanger the success of the charter and of home rule. As indicated above, the board is without power to change the governmental framework of the city and it will not undertake any administrative reorganization. In resubmitting the present charter practically without change, it will, however, incorporate in it an adequate provision for the merit system. From the beginning of the sessions of the board the advisability of adopting the merit system has been agitated by the newspapers, a number of prominent local supporters and opponents of the system were given hearings, and the plan agreed upon by a majority of the board, although it has not yet received its final formulation, seems certain to be endorsed by the electorate. The board closes its labors in May and the charter will be submitted to the voters in November. * Boston Charter Amendments.-There have been several important amendments to the Boston charter act of 1909 (chapter 486). The first amendment was in 1910, when the bonds for rapid transit were exempted from the provisions of the law requiring all loans of money to be financed on the serial loan basis. The next amendment was in 1911, which provided for the use of the premiums obtained from the sale of bonds for the reduction of the total , amount of bonds issued. Another amendment, passed in 1912, provided that when the appointment of a head of a city department had been certified to the civil service commisBion and was awaiting approval by that state board, if any charge was imputed to the nominee involving a crime, a misdemeanor, or act of dishonesty, the commission was required immediately to inform the nominee in writing of the charge and of the fact that he had a right to a hearing, and that at this hearing he could be represented by counsel and was to be given full opportunity to explain or refute the charge. The source of the information was not to be divulged, unless the civil service commission so voted. In 1914, the date of the municipal election for mayor as well as for the city council and school committee was changed from the first Tuesday after the second Monday in January to the sixth Tuesday after the state election. Under the 1909 law the election generally took place in the second week of January and under the changed law it takes place the second week in December. By the same act the number of signatures of registered voters putting in nomination a candidate for Mayor was reduced from 5,000 to 3,000, and the number for candidates for the city council and school committee was reduced from 5,000 to 2,000. The same act also restricted the issue of nomination papers to 300 for any one candidate for mayor and 200 for candidates for the city council and the school committee, and were only to be issued to candidates upon their request in writing. In the present year the term of office of the mayor of Boston was fixed for 4 years and the holder of the office made ineligible for reelection for a succeeding term. The provision in the 1909 law, ch. 486, sec. 46, providing for the recall after two years of the mayor was repealed.’ JOHN A. DOWLING. 1 The Shorf Ballot Bulletin, New York City, in commenting on the latest amendment to the Boston charter said: ”The philosophy underlying this change is interesting, but why if the mayor is a good

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 421 The New Jersey Commission for the Revision and Codification of Laws Relating to Municipalities, created by the 1916 legislature, which rendered a report to the 1917 legislature, as a result of which a so-called home rule bill was passed, was continued by the 1917 legislature. The purpose of continuing the commission was threefold: 1. That they might continue the work of revising and codifying the statutes of the state relating to counties, as well &S other statutes relating to governmental functions of all municipalities. 2. To study the operation of the bills theretofore reported by the commission. 3. To report a bill providing that salaries paid by counties should be fixed and regulated by local agencies, rather than by application to the legislature. The very valuable report rendered by the cornmission to the 1917 legislature was even more valuable because of the revision and codification of the statutes relating to municipalities than for the merits of the bill which resulted from the report. The work of the commission which, in the words of Mr. Edward F. Merrey, one of the members of the commission, was chiefly for the purpose of revising and COdifying the vast number of statutes relating to municipalities, was most thoroughly performed and resulted in paving the way for a proper approach to more complete home rule whenever that may be found possible. The report of the commission to the 1918 Legislature has likewise been successful, and valuable, in clearing up the confusing and conflicting statutes relating to counties. The legislation resulting from both reports has worked out as planned and has resulted as expected in a great reduction in the number of bills introduced in the legislature. However, the commission found that the statutes relating to counties, although not as numerous as those relating to muone, should he not he retained-good officials are none too plentiful. If he is a ‘bad one’ don’t reelect him. It is another attempt at government by :epression instead of government of responsible power.” nicipalities, did not lend themselves, as easily to codification. The following statement from the report of the commission shows something of their problem as the commission saw it: Good county government requires that there should be a governing body with full control over the various departments of the county. This cannot be accomplished in New Jersey without an amendment to the constitution. Our present constitution provides for a number of county officials with power to expend the county funds independent of any direct control and ,without responsibility to anyone. The board of chosen freeholders, the present governing body, which is responsible to the people of the county for the raising of funds and the expenditures of the county’s money, has not proper control over such expenditures. In many respects the county is not an independent corporation, but merely a division of the state government. The commission felt that it was not within the sco e of its work to revise the laws relating to tiis phase of county activity. Such laws cover matters which should be under state rather than county control. The commission directed its attention principally to the revision and codification of statutes conferring powers on boards of chosen freeholders. The bills prepared by the commission were Senate Bills Nos. 17 to 34, inclusive. These were all passed with the exceptions of Nos. 20 and 23, both of which were relatively unimportant, so that, in general, it may be said that the entire work recommended by the commission was passed. Eleven of the bills passed are repealers and greatly clarify the statutes relating to counties. In addition to this much desired end, among the advantageous features of the laws as paased are: 1. Provision for a system of county lanning, by which it is made possible to Eave all the municipalities within a county, and adjoining it, co+rte in the hying out of roads and bo evards, and in the betterment and systematic development of the county. 2. One of the bills made several amendments to Chapter 152, Laws 1917, the result of the report of the commission to the 1917 legislature. Among the more im ortant of these amendments is one wl%h rovides for a change in the procedure reP. atmg to the assing of ordinances. It abolishes the ifferent methods of proce

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422 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW dure under all other statutes and fixes one method of procedure for all municipalities. Another provides a referendum in the question of fiving salaries of officers of municipalities. A referendum is also provided on the question of fixing the hours of service of police departments. There is also provision permitting municipalities to join with counties in doin certain work. Another amendment rovicfes a method of procedure in appeals &om assessments and awards of damages for local improvements. While both the 1917 and 1918 reports of this commission have resulted in much immediate good in clearing the New Jersey code of the confusion and complexity previously existing in the statutes relating to municipalities, the chief good wi11 come later. The way has been opened for laws that the municipalities sorely need and which the work of this commission has made more nearly possible of attainment. * New Jersey Legislation Mecting Municipalities.-At last New Jersey has local aption on the liquor question. This is a measure that, after years of importuning of the legislature from many quarters, the 1918 session has seen fit to pass. While perhaps not the most important of the laws affecting municipdities enacted by the legislature just adjourned, it is the first one of importance to appear in the new volume of the statutes. It is Ch. 2. The act authorizes municipalities, by popular vote, at general or special elections, to prohibit the sale of liquor within their boundaries. (Pertinent to the liquor question it may be well to note that the 1918 Legislature of New Jersey took no action toward ratifying the federal prohibition amendment.) Already several municipalities are planning to hold elections soon and a few have already voted on the question. The result of the vote in at least half of those that have voted has been to make their municipalities dry. An important health and sanitation measure is Ch. 23, Laws 1918, which requires those in charge of water purification and sewage treatment plants to be examined and licensed by the state department of health. C. H. ANDERSON. Municipalities are authorized to buy and sell food and fuel during the present war and for six montb thereafter. Ch. 53, Laws 1918. This act supersedes Ch. 8, Laws 1917. Police powers have been conferred upon members of fire departments by Ch. 129. The motor vehicle law relative to signals for slowing, stopping, turning or backing of vehicles has been amended by Ch. 141. Additional requirements to those just enumerated are bells on horses drawing sleighs and regulations for lamps and signals on bicycles. An act of very considerable importance from the standpoint of city planning, has been passed by the 1918 New Jersey legislature. It authorizes governing bodies of fist and second chss cities to create building zones. New Jersey has two cities of the first class and thirty-four of the second class. Ch. 146, Laws 1918. As a war measure the tenure of office of municipal employees entering the military or naval service of the United States, has been extended. Ch. 151, Laws 1918. Another health measure is found in Ch. 155 of the 1918 session laws which authorizes municipalities to expend money for dental clinics for children of school age. After a year's experience with a department of municipal accounts, which department was created as a result of the work, and the legislation resulting therefrom, of the commission for the survey of municipal finances, it was found that, in the interests of efficiency, the powers of the commissioner of municipal accounts should be enlarged. This has been done under Ch. 266, Laws 1918. This act is an amendment to Ch. 154, Laws 1917. The amendment gives the commissioner of municipal accounts supervision over the financial affairs of municipalities and counties, including the annual budget. This enlsrged scope of authority is reeommended by the commission that investigated the affairs of Jersey City, and from the conditions found in the department's examination of sinking funds and the careless methods employed by 80 many municipalities it would seem that a duly consti

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 423 tuted state official with proper authority will prove a valuable safeguard of the taxpayer’s interest. In addition to finding it desirable to give the commissioner of municipal accounts more powers, it has also been deemed wise to place more responsibility upon the municipal officials in charge of accounts. Accordingly Ch. 267, Laws 1918, requires all auditors of public accounts to be registered with the commissioner of municipal accounts. Such registration will serve as a means of state control over the auditors of municipal accounts, by requiring their reports of audit to be filed with the commissioner of municipal accounts. In an amendment to Ch. 154, P. L. 1917, the commissioner is instructed to examine such report, and can proceed to investigate any irregularities. A companion act to the one just mentioned, is Ch. 268, Laws 1918, which requires an annual audit by a registered accountant of finances of counties and municipalities with ratables in excess of $3,000,000 and the publication of same. C. H. ANDERSON. * City Manager Notes.-Grand Rapids, Mich. Manager Gaylord C. Cummin has resigned as a result of interference upon the part of his commission in certain of the administrative departments. He is succeeded by Fred H. Locke, formerly the director of the public welfare department. Judging from the comments in the Grand Rapids papers, trouble had been brewing for some little time. Mr. Cummin issued an ultimatum to the effect that he would resign if the commission changed the method of operation of his departments, on the grounds that he did not care to assume responsibility for the results produced by an organization which was altered without his consent. The commission, disregarding the challenge, made certain changes at the time of passing the budget and the manager’s resignation resulted. Mr. Cummin has been recognized as one of the leading men in the city manager profession. At the Detroit convention last November he was elected president of the City Managers’ Association. He has had a rapid rise. His first experience under the commission-manager regime was as city engineer under Manager Henry M. Waite at Dayton, Ohio. He was appointed manager of Jackson, Mich., in 1915 at a salary of $5,000, this was increased the next year to 86,000, .then to $7,500 and the Grand Rapids position has paid $10,000. Mr. Locke, the new manager, receives t~ salary of $4,000. Roanoke, Va., has adopted a commission-manager charter by vote of 1,102 to 368. The first election under the new charter was held June 11. Manistee, Mich. Phillip H. Beauvak was appointed manager of Manistee, Mich., May 1 to succeed Charles E. Ruger who had served since the commission-manager plan was adopted in 1913. Mr. Beauvais has behind him a long record of achievements as an engineer and had just resigned the position of superintendent of construction of Manistee’s half-million-dollar break-water. He is a personal friend of Col. Waite, Dayton’s first city manager. AEpena, Mich. Harrison G. Roby, formerly manager of Alpena, Mich., is now stationed at Quantico Marine Barracks, Va., in charge of the construction of a water supply, with the rank of senior lieutenant. Charles T. Park has been appointed city manager to fill the vacancy at Alpena. Winchester, Va. Arthur M. Field, city manager, has been given a leave of absence for the period of the war and will be connected with the engineering department, bureau of industrial housing in Washington. Thomas J. Trier, assistant city manager, will assume the duties of city manager. El Dorado, Kans., has had the unique experience of changing from a quiet country town of 3,500 population to a hustling city of 18,000, almost over night, as a resuIt of the development of the oil fields. The commission-manager plan has allowed rapid adjustment of municipal machinery to cope with this unusual development. Bert C. Wells, the city manager,

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424 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW has been in charge of the departmental reorganization and construction of improvements made imperative by this rapid growth. El Dorado furnishes a splendid example of the efficiency permitted by the new plan. St. Augustine, Fla. Winton L. Miller, who resigned as city manager in March, is now connected with the American International Shipbuilding Corporation at Hog Island. He has been succeeded at St. Augustine by Eugene Masters, who served temporarily as city manager when the plan was first adopted at St. Augustine, prior to Mr. Miller’s appointment. He was at one time mayor and has had long experience in city affairs. Towanda, Pa., a borough, has created the position of borough manager by ordinance. William T. Howie has been appointed borough master. Crystal Falls, Mich., adopted a complete commission-manager charter MP rch 11 and the commission has appointed J. H. Sanders as city manager, at a salary of $2,400. Mr. Sanders was superintendent of the electric light and water departments. Grosse Pointe Shores, Mzch., a village, a residential suburb of Detroit, has appointed as village superintendent H. N. Kennedy. Mr. Kennedy succeeded Gerard Alan Abbott who has been promoted to Birmingham, Mich., as manager of that city. A. L. Sloman has resigned as city manager of Albion, Mich., to enter the national army. Other appointments. A. P. Marsh to succeed H. L. McDuffie as manager at Madill, OMa.; H. A. McKee at Otsego, Mich.; T. F. Older, Royal Oak, Mich.; 0. 0. Johnson, Three Rivers, Mich. J. Hinman has resigned.as manager at Hanford, Cali. Hanford “tried out’, the manager plan by virtue of an ordinance, for a period of six months and Mr. Kinman’s report furnishes interesting reading. J. R. Kneebone, manager at Beaufort, S. C., has resigned to answer the “call to the colors.” No appointment has been reported as yet. HARRISON GRAY OTIS. Constitutional Revi .ion in Illinois.-An advisory referendum on the subject of calling a constitutional convention in Illinois will be voted upon at the general election in November, the recent session of the legislature having taken steps to that end in view of the inadequacy of the present constitution and the present and prospective needs of the people. In his inaugural message Governor Lowden said: The time has come for a new state constitution. The constitutions framed since the Civil War, including our own, havd not been limited to those things which properly constitute the fundamental law of the state; but have contained many matters which are properly the subject of legislation. Legislation always depends upon existing conditions, and conditions change. A constitution which seeks to legislate will inevitably be outgrown. Tbs is our situation today. Therefore I strongly urge prompt adoption by the general assembly of a resolution calling a constitutional convention. Among the changes that have been most generally urged are: a shorter ballot; unification of Chicago’s 21 local governments; greater control of local affairs for cities; revision of the state’s taxation system; reorganization of the machinery and procedure of the courts, to provide for more effective co-ordination in their work and for lessening the law’s delays; greater elasticity in the process of amending the state constitution. Other proposed changes relating to more widely controversial subjects than these have been widely discussed in recent years. In the view of the Citizens’ association of Chicago, “It will be the duty of the convention carefully to consider which controversial matters are worthy of being submitted to popular vote. We believe that the non-controversial part of the new COUstitution should be submitted as one entity and that the controversial propositions should be submitted to the people in the form of separate proposals so that each may be voted upon separately.” In a striking bulletin dated April , 1918, the Chicago citizens’ association sets forth the steps that have thus far been taken and the reasons for them. To revise the constitution the people must act three times: first, to call the constitutional con

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 425 vention; second, to choose the delegates; third, to ratify or defeat the constitution. A non-partisan state campaign organization has been formed under the chairmanship of Hon. Orrin N. Carter, chief justice of the Supreme Court of Illinois. * Federal Supervision of Philadelphia Police.-The war has created a new situation in our cities which has resulted in the federal government exercising a control over the police department of our cities that bids fair to have far-reaching influence. The failure of a number of administrations to enforce the laws with regard to disorderly houses and the illicit sale of liquor has resulted in direct “interference” as it is called by some, and “control” as it is called by others, of the police force. In Philadelphia, Captain William B. Mills, the efficient head of the traffic squad, has been given control of the police under the supervision of Lieutenant-Colonel Charles B. Hatch of the marine corps of the navy department. In a statement Colonel Hatch refuszd to say that the government has “commandeered” the police force in the full meaning of that word. He said, however, that the government had determined to clean up the city if the police could not do so. He said that in addition to the police judges in Philadelphia, sixteen enlisted men would continue to operate with the secret service men in checking up vice conditions. He said: “Captain Mills has had military training and I believe he will clean up the city. Mayor Smith gave me his word of honor that Captain Mills will not be interfered with and that he can promote and demote men as he sees fit. I told Captain Mills that he is acting for the government and that I will back him in everything he does as long asheisnotinterferedwith. . . . Iam acting for Secretary Daniels and he is not desirous of taking control of the police here out of the hands of the municipal authorities. We intend to see, however, that young men in the service are protected and that evil resorts are wiped out. I believe that conditions at present are good, and all we want to see is that they remain good. Our investigators will keep in constant touch with the situation, and our reports will go to Washington.’’ rc: Municipal Ownership Defeated in Tacoma.--On April 2 and April 16, the people of Tacoma voted on proposed bond issues for the purchase by the city of the property of the Street Railway system of the city and for the acquisition of an additional power site whereon to erect another plant with the view to increasing the amount of electricity available to the city for light and power purposes. More specifically, the fist proposal voted on at the primaries April 2 was the purchase of the street railway system for five million, two hundred thousand dollars or so much thereof as might be necessary. This was defeated by a vote of 11,255 to 3,479. One occasion for voting on this question at the present time was the fact that certain franchises would expire during the next twelve months and the car service is now totally inadequate, due to several causes, among which are the great increase in population, itself a result of industrial growth, and the fact that so many men are leaving the service of the street car company to go into ship-building and other better-paying, war-time industries. The street car company had petitioned the public service commission for the privilege of raising its rate to 6 cents fare, which is contrary to the present franchise agreements. The cwe went to the Supreme Court on the question of whether or not the public service commission had the power and the Supreme Court decided it had not. There is in Tacoma already one municipally-owned car line serving the tide flats, including the largest lumber mills and numerous shipyards. The other proposal ww a bond issue of four million dollars for an additional power site and this was defeated by a vote of 11,611 to 2,909. We already own a municipal light and power plant at La Grande, Wash., about 35 miles southeast of here, and I believe the people were convinced that an auxiliary steam plant at most was needed. JOHN B. KAISER.

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426 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July The Dayton Health Program.-Under Dr. A. 0. Peters, successor to Dr. A. L. Light, the health program of Dayton is being carried forward along most progressive lines. Two notable achievements have been made during the past five months. Under Dr. Peters’ leadership, a Pasteurization ordinance has been passed, by the city commission, which will become effective in six months from the date of passage. Under this ordinance, all milk sold in the city of Dayton must either be pasteurized, or must be secured from tuberculin tested cattle, and must reach a fixed bacteriological standard. The splendid program in child conservation began in April and will continue all through the summer months. Through the co-operation of the division of heaIth, in the welfare department, and the visiting nurses association, of the city, and a large corps of prominent women of the city, 1,230 babies, ranging in age from three months to two years, were examined, by a corps of physicians and nurses, and scored, during the last week in May. The highest number of babies ever scored before in Dayton, at one time, was 322. The 1,230 mothers have received the score sheet, giving the entire medical examination of each baby. Prizes in war saving certificates were given to about thirty of the best babies of the city. A series of stereopticon lectures was given in various parts of the city, as well as in the welfare department. The newspapers gave large publicity to this program. Dayton has never had before anything so comprehensive in child conservation as wm secured during this campaign. * St. Paul’s New Financial Program.For many years St. Paul has been issuing tax levy certificates of indebtedness to raise the necessary money over and above the known receipts to run the city, these certificates being paid out of the taxes of the succeeding year. This system always leaves the city one year behind the time, and necessitates paying a large sum of interest. A simple way to have put the city on a cash basis would have been to double the taxes for one year, but this WM considered impolitic and therefore impractical. The following plan was, therefore, proposed and voted upon affirmatively by the voters on May 7. In making up the budget each year an additional amount is to be added which shall not be less than four per cent of the next preceding tax levy and the council is to include this in the budget for each year. This amount when collected from taxes shall be kept separate and distinct from all other moneys and invested in tax levy certificates of indebtedness. In lieu of this the council may at any time by a four-sevenths vote issue and sell serial bonds drawing a rate of interest not exceeding 5 per cent, one series becoming due and payable each year and the last series not later than twenty years from the date of issue, to an amount which, added to the tax levy certificates already purchased from money set aside, will equal the city’s indebtedness for current expenses. These two methods were provided in the charter amendments for the reason it did not seem desirable at present to float bonds to the amount of $4,000,000, but that in order to make a start in getting on a cash basis at once the sinking fund plan would be adopted for the duration of the war, and then aa soon &B conditions permitted the bond plan would be adopted. * Cleveland’s Higher Street Railway Fares.-Cleveland no longer holds its proud position at the head of low street railway fare cities. Its demotion comes about aa the resdt of three successive revisions during the past six months. The latest increase in fare went into effect April 9. The present rate is the highest allowed under the Tayler franchise, four cents cash, seven tickets for 25 cents, with one cent charge for transfer. It is predicted by the operating authorities that not even this rate will be adequate to meet the growing cost of operation, pay the interest return upon capital, properly maintain the system and assure good service. In such event the company’s only remaining recourse will be to ask the city

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 427 council to amend the franchise to allow subsequent revisions of fare whenever necessary to meet the increased cost of operation. There have been four changes in fare since the Tayler ordinance went into effect, March 1, 1910, the first a reduction, the next four increases. The latest raise in the rate of fare in CleveIand puts Columbus at the top of the list, of low fare cities, with a rate of eight t.ickets for 25 cents, 3i cents per iide, with free transfers, as against 3$ cents in Cleveland, with a one cent charge for transfer. STILES P. JONES. * The St. Paul Public Library is governed by the commissioner of education assisted by an advisory board consisting of representative of each ward in the city (appointed by him), together with the superintendent of schools, principals of the high schools ex-ofkio, and a teacher selected by the whole body of teachers in the public schools. Neither the commission nor the librarian is satisfied, however, with this form of board and some change is likely to be made whenever the charter is revised. Recently there was formed a library council consisting of the heads of library departments, which has to do, however, only with the internal Library economy. A board of representatives of scientific and other societies to advise with the librarian with regard to the services of the library and to assist him with the preparation of the book budget has been organized. * Welfare Officers of New York Police.A new sphere of police activity in New York City has recently been assigned to Captain John McGrath. He has been assigned to a welfare bureau, consisting of crime prevention officers. These members of the force are required to prevent juvenile delinquency by reporting such youngsters to their parents and taking necessary action to improve their home surroundings, to check truancy by taking boys on the streets (luring school hours to the nearest public school; to exercise close supervision over such licensed places as poolrooms, moving picture theatres, junk dealers and second hand dealers where criminals congregate and to assist convicts released on parole in obtaining and retaining honest employment. These crime prevention officers attached to the welfare bureau are not expected to make arrests. Their work is preventive and educational and not repressive and correctional. The statistics of the welfare bureau show that its activities have been remarkably successful and this success has been due largely to the ability for work of this kind displayed by the officer assigned to organize this Bureau. LEONHARD FELIX FULD. * Municipal Finance and the War.-One of the most urgent problems before American cities to-day is the re-arrangement of their finances on a war basis. The year 1917 showed a decided curtailment in the sale of municipal bonds. In January of that year there was a notable rise in the municipal bond market,’ but February showed a decline: owing to the uncertainty resulting from the severance of diplomatic relations with Germany. The outbreak of war furthered this feeling and the decline continued for the most part throughout the year. November reports of the “Bond Buyer” stated that values in that month reached the lowest point in twenty-five years. In January, 1918, they went even lower.3 And yet the demands for municipal bonds did not cease, owing fist to the safety of the securities and secondly to the fact that they are tax exempt. This feature has caused some resentment in Washington4 and doubtless would be changed were it not Chat Congress lacks the authority to levy taxes on bonds of states or their political subdivisions.5 I Weekly Bond Buyer. .hnuary, 1917. * The Bond Buyer, February, 1917. a Ibid.. Monthly reports and summary for 1917. 4 Editorial in Weekly Bond Buyer, November 10. 1917. 6 Ibid.. See. of War McAdoo before Am. Bankers‘ Assn.; Report Public Service Securities Comm. of Invesfment; Bankers’ Assn. of America. December 5, 1917.

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428 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July In order, then, to prevent municipal bonds from competing with loans of the Federal Government, some action is needed to limit municipal borrowing. The Governor of Indiana, for instance, sent out a letter asking that cities and counties refrain from issuing bonds except for refunding purposes and where needs were for war purposes. The success of this appeal is shown in a statement made before the investment bankers’ association in Baltimore, November, 1917. Mr. Wade of the Fletcher National Bank of Indianapolis there reported that, whereas the bond houses of Indiana usually had several millions of dollars of Indiana municipal bonds, they owned at that time less than $300,000 of such bonds, and stated that by co-operation 75 per cent of municipal financing could be eliminated. Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo, addressing the American Bankers’ Association in Atlantic City last fall urged that the bankers of America study the question of limiting unnecessary expenditure of cities for public works and improvements until after the war. The result of this request was the appointment of a committee which reported the advisability of establishing a financial priority board to assist the government in passing upon new security issues.’ Much of the good of such a board would depend on influence exerted upon local officials since legal pressure could not be used. In its investigations the committee conferred with Mr. Basil R. Blachett, Sec. British Capital Issues Committee, which had charge of the problem of domestic finance in England. That country has practically reduced issues to government loans, but the United States cannot so easily attain such startling results since the English government is not hampered by state governments, and [urther, England could secure new capital-through the United States. Many of these suggestions have been embodied in the war finance and capital issues committee bill recently passed by Congress. The suggestions of the Lamont com1 N. Y. Tnbunc. January 13, 1918. mittee (organized by the American Bankers’ Association) as to curtailment of municipal finances, well express the duties of American cities: It is obviously impossible to suspend all public improvements. Such public financing as may be required for sanitary development and improvement, dock improvements (in many cases subserving the government’s interests), temporary financing in anticipation of taxes and certain refunding operations must continue. But the general scope of them should be made to conform to the necessities of the general situation; and in point of time any bond issues by local governmental bodies should be uided so as to avoid conflict with Federaf bond issues. R. G. BLAKEY. * War Bonuses for Municipal Employes. -On April 12 of this year, the board of West Chicago park commissioners adopted an order granting a war bonus to the low and moderately paid employes under its jurisdiction. By the provisions of this order, extra compensation was allowed to common laborers and to all other regular employes whose monthly rate of pay did not exceed $150. The amount of this extra compensation varied from 6 per cent to 10 per cent of the worker’s total earnings during the quarterly period ending March 31, 1918, the lower paid employes receiving the higher percentage rate of bonus. This action was taken in order to afford some measure of relief from the present high cost of living and yet not effect any permanent increaae in salaries and wages at a time when economic conditions are abnormal. The war bonus idea is not entirely new. It has already gained wide vogue in municipalities and other branches of government service in Europe and has been adopted by many private employers in this country. In February of this year the board of public education of Philadelphia began paying its teachers a monthly bonus of five dollars in addition to their regular pay. The board of West Chicago park commissioners, however, seems to have made the 6rst application of the war bonus idea in this country to municipal employes other than teachers.

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19183 NOTES AND EVENTS 429 A few important questions are raised by the introduction of the war bonus into our public service. A bonus of this kind is granted by the employer as a gratuity to which the employe can lay no claim on account of his services, and the employer may at any time withhold this gratuity without violating any formal obligation whatsoever. Does not this smack somewhat of paternalism? Is not the employe, in effect, made the recipient of charity? Can he be as self-respecting a public servant under such conditions as he would be if all his compensation was assured him as a matter of his own right? Will he be as efficient? Is it fair deliberately to underpay an employe and then to make up the difference by means of a gratuity? Is the return to pre-war economic conditions enough of a certainty to become the basis for important changes in public policy? Why would it not be better to work out a basic standard of living and then to make wage adjustments in accordance with the changing cost of this standard? These are questions that ought to be considered before we launch definitely upon a wide application of the war bonus policy in our public service. WILLIAM C. BEYER, * Portland, Oregon, in Business.4ne of the city commissioners of Portland is preparing an amendment to the city charter making it possible for the municipality to go into any business, his theory being to check in this way any tendency to profiteer in the necessities of life. He has already been instrumental in establishing a municipal fish market, about the constitutionality of which, however, there is a question. He has also in mind a municipal fuel yard. 1: A Cleveland Division of Markets.4n March 1 the Cleveland council by ordinance created a new department to be known as the Cleveland department of parks and public property. One of the sub-divisions will be devoted to markets, in charge of George Samman as commissioner, who is the federal agent of the bureau of markets in Cleveland. 1: New York’s State Ice Comptroller.The New York legislature has passed an act providing for the harvesting and storage of ice on the Hudson River, to regulate the manufacture and sale of artificial ice, and appointing former Governor Benjamin B. Odell as state ice comptroller, empowering him to contract for the storage during 1918 of ice to be harvested during the recent ice season. The act prohibits the manufacture of artificial ice in New York City, on Long Island and in the counties bordering on the Hudson River up to and including the counties of Albany and Rensselaer. 11. POLITICS 1 Youngstown’s After Graft. William F. Davis and William F. Mehlo, members of the Youngstown city council, were sentenced in the Mahoning county common pleas court to indeterminate terms in the state penitentiary, ranging from one to ten years, for accepting a bribe for their support of proposed municipal legislation. The court also ordered the two men removed from office. In announcing sentence Judge Klinger gave the prisoners at the bar a stinging rebuke, declaring they and their kind a greater menace to free lUniesa otherwise indicated, the items in this department are prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff. institutions than the German army. He declared it was because of such perfidy in office, as theirs, that the public loses confidence in a republican form of government and that they were unfit to enjoy the privileges of freedom. Mehlo and Davis also had been indicted for soliciting a bribe but they were acquitted of this charge. Judge Klinger toM them that although they had been acquitted of the soliciting charge he believed them guilty. The court denied them a new trial and ordered them held on a $5,000 bond, each, while they carried their demand for a new trial to the court of appeals.

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430 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Five other councilmen, Harry Hogue, Hugh Best, David Shermer, D. J. Morgan and F. P. Galvin, were indicted on the same charges at the same time and are yet to stand trial. Their cases were set for hearing the week of June 10. Sherman, Mehlo and Davis were also indicted for soliciting a bribe for council’s support of bridge plans favored by a traction company. Shermer when brought to trial on this charge some days ago, was discharged by the court who upheld the demurrer of the defendant’s counsel that it would have been impossible for the councilman to commit the crime charged &s the bridge matter was an affair that could not legally come before council. Similar indictments against Mehlo and Davis were automatically quashed as a result of this decision. The seven councilmen, constituting a bare majority of the twelve members of the Youngstown city council were indicted April 2, following their arrest a few days previous. The indictment charged that they had jointly solicited a bribe of $3,500 to enact a franchise ordinance sought by the Workmen’s Transit company, an $100,000 concern but a short time incorporated, seeking the right to operate jitney cars in the city streets. At the request of the local court the chief justice of the Ohio supreme court was asked to assign an outside jurist to hear the cases. Judge William Klinger of Lima, was appointed. Of the indicted men Mehlo, Hogue and Davis were serving their second terms in council. Morgan and Best had been elected to fill vacancies but a few months previous, while Galvin and Shermer, the latter twice indicted, had taken office but ten weeks before their arrest. All of the indicted men are wage earners and had made campaigns as friends of the workingmen. The transit company from which the two convicted men attempted to get $3,500, was organized to give better service in the industrial districts and workingmen were heavy subscribers for its stock. * A Triumph for the Short Ballot and for Civil Service Reform.-The recent selecRALPH L. KLINE. tion of the auditor of Los Angeles County, California, will be viewed with the greatest satisfaction both by the supporters of the merit system and by those interested in untangling the meshes of county government generally. Custom has decreed that county as well as city and state uditors should be elected by the voters directly. The fact that the largest votegetter might be a saloon keeper, or a local boss equally ignorant of the accounting knowledge which a private organization would require in such an officer, seemed unimportant, and the auditor was thought in some mysterious way to be able to protect the “interests of the citizens” because he wm “responsible directly to them.” Moreover with the hopelessly complex problem presented to the voter by a ballot of seventy to a hundred names, what assurance could there be that the official selected would possess any more of devotion to the real interests of the public than of expertness? Los Angeles County (unfortunately still separate from and overlapping Los Angeles City) in 1913 adopted a charter which took radical steps to end this sort of thing. Only supervisors and the District Attorney and Sheriff remained elective. The auditor was placed in the classified Civil Service! No change was made in the personnel of the office by the charter, the incumbent being permitted to continue to serve after the expiration of his elected term “during good service.” In the summer of 1917 irregularities amounting to several hundred thousand dollars were discovered in the county finances. The auditor was absolved from any criminal intent, but the impression prevailed in many quarters that the situation could have been prevented if an experienced accountant had been auditor. Finally the incumbent waa removed. The selection of the successor was up to the county supervisors who were required to choose from the three highest on ah eligible list certified by the civil service commission. The problem of the latter body was difficult. Not only must it find men qualified to install and operate an accounting system for the disbursement of

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 43 1 nearly $~O,OOO,OOO annually, but the successful candidate must be a person who would command public confidence. The method of selection adopted by the commission under the able administration of F. E. Doty, the secretary, was such as to obtain both of these ends. A committee of well known and respected citizens was asked to take charge of the examination. On this committee served the president of the Pacific Electric railroad, the vice-president of the Edison company, a certified public accountant, and five prominent business men. The result was a distinct and striking demonstration of the value of the competitive method. From the large number of applicants for the influential and remunerative position, three men of the highest qualifications were selected, all of them of extensive financial experience, and admittedly good executives. H. A. Payne, the acting director of the city’s efficiency department since the resignation of Dr. Jesse D. Burks, won the highest standing-90.66 per cent-and was on May 13 unanimously appointed by the supervisors. The new auditor had been research accountant of the city for four years. Before coming to California he was assistant auditor of one of the largest mail order houses in the world, and had had other commercial experience. So far as known to the writer this is the first time in the history of the United States that any county has selected its auditor by means of competitive examination. It is safe to say that other counties will not be long in following the example. It is a triumph for the short ballot and for civil service reform. SEWARD C. SIMONS.~ * A Socialist Mayor Vetoes Purchase of Liberty Bonds.-Mayor Hoan of Milwaukee vetoed the resolution which provided for a subscription of %5OO,OOO towards the second Liberty Loan on the part of the city. His reason was that the city had no legal authority to invest its money in any other manner except that prescribed by ‘Former secretary, Municipal League of Lon Angeles. the city charter; he stated, however, that if the common council would go on record in favor of having a bill drafted for the legislature to legalize the purchase, and for another bill to be drafted providing that any loss which might ensue would be assessed against the war profiteers, he would have no objection to the proposed purchase. At the counciI meeting at which this veto was considered one of the non-socialist aldermen submitted a resolution for a legislative bill to legalize the purchase later; an amendment was proposed by a socialist alderman providing for a bill to be drafted for the legislature “to legalize the purchme of said bonds, and also to provide a method by which an accrued tax or other revenue measure may be introduced in the legislature for the purpose of avoiding the necessity of directly taxing our citizens to reimburse the city, but by which any deficit created by purchase of said bonds will be met by revenue obtained from profits made by persons or organizations since the war, which profits are in excess of those made by said persons or organizations prior to the war.” The amendment was lost 10 to 26 and the original resolution to legalize the bond issue was adopted 25 to 11, with 11 of the 13 socialists in the council voting in opposition, one socialist voting with the majority and one being absent. On the final question on passing the resolution over the veto of the mayor the vote was 24 to 12, all socialist aldermen present voting in the negative. Inasmuch as a vote of 25 was necessary to pass over a veto the plan to invest in the bonds was defeated. During the previous Liberty Loan drive the socialists also opposed the purchase of $5O,OOO worth of Liberty bonds, but the non-socialists had a sufficient number in the council to override the veto. W. J. BOLLENBECK. ?1: Ousting Socialist Aldermen.-The two Socialist members of the Cleveland city council have been ousted for violation of rules of the council and for disorderly conduct. The reason for this drastic procedure was the refusal of the Socialists to

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432 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW approve the resolution introduced in the council, endorsing the creation of a war service league in Cleveland, to assist in the collection of funds for war relief purposes. The city charter provides that the council can “expel any member for disorderly conduct or violation of its rules, after the delinquent member shall have been notified of the charge against him, and been given an opportunity to be heard.” Three charges were filed: lst, disorderly conduct; 2nd, violation of an unwritten rule of the council; 3rd, interference with the prosecution of the war. A formal hearing was called, witnesses for both sides were present, and the council, by unanimous vote, with the exception of the two Socialists, expelled the two Socialist members on the grounds above stated. They appealed to the court of common pleas for an injunction restraining the council from the enforcement of the order, but the lower court held that they were guilty of disorderly conduct. In discussing the question-what constitutes disorderly conduct, the court held that the ordinary interpretation could not apply in this instance, and that the refusal of the Socialists to approve the resolution, was disorderly conduct. The case has been appealed to the higher courts. Alderman Smith of Toledo waa impeached for disloyal statements and, having been found guilty by the council, his seat was declared vacant and his successor chosen. A correspondent states that this result was due chiefly to an inflamed public sentiment and a very intense patriotic fervor on the part of the Liberty Loan salesmen. “An interesting feature,” writes the same correspondent, “is that Mr. Smith’s removal made it possible to remove the balance of power from the hands of the Socialist members.” Chicago, as will be noted elsewhere in the department, handled the matter much better, defeating all the candidates for aldermen who were tainted with disloyalty. 5 Dayton’s Scandal.-Early in May the Dayton papers contained stories to the effect that a grand jury waa investigating the head of the department of public safety. The jury eventually handed down two indictments against the head of that department, charging larceny and graft. When the case came to trial on the first count the state’s witnesses failed them absolutely and after lunch the state attorney requested that a verdict be returned in favor of the defendant, which was promptly done. On the second count the prosecution produced no witnesses whatever, claiming that they could not have them ready, and the judge promptly dismissed the case. In commenting on this conduct the Dayton News, which is Governor; Cox’s paper and has always been strictly partisan, had these editorial comments to make under the head “Rascality Collapses” : and larceny indictment returned against Fafety Director James was not the result of a frame-up, perhaps it was merely the outcome of an effort made by super-innocent minds to establish the degree of relationshi between certain circumstances which .gap ned to “present themselves” for consigration. There is a yellow smear all over this attempt to put the brand of the thief upon a reputable citizen and an efficient public official. That the case was nolled in court, owing to the inability of the prosecution to produce any evidence against Mr. James, is not a sufficient indication. He is entitled to a public apolo from every one who had any part in t% particular attempt to expose him to public contempt. The bribery charge, like the charge of grand larceny, has failed for lack of evidence, and, very properly, has been thrown out of court. From the beginning to the end of these proceedings it has been apparent that somebody was endeavoring to use the machine of public justice for the satisfaction orpersonal spite or for some other rascally purpose. The News congratulates Mr. James on the complete collapse of the effort to besmirch his record. Just what is back of this prosecution local correspondents are unable to say, but they state that it was clearly someone’s intention to embarrass either the city government or the head of the department. If the

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 433 Municipal Elections in Tacoma.--On April 16, a new mayor and two members of the council were elected in Tacoma. Major C. M. Riddell a prominent attorney and chairman of our County Council of Defense, was elected mayor over A. V. Fawcett, who had been mayor for four years. The chief issue was the improvement in the Health Department of the city which is under the personal direction of the mayor. Quarantine measures had become so slack that the city was virtually threatened by a quarantine on the part of the military authorities at Camp Lewis. Matters have decidedly improved, however, and the Health Department is now being thoroughly re-organized under competent medical officers. Mr. Fred Shoemaker, who resigned as city controller to run for the city commission, was elected by a splendid vote and was assigned to the position of commissioner of finance. Mr. Shoemaker is a Harvard graduate who has had postgraduate training in municipal government, an expert public accountant, and a man who for eight years was in charge of the municipal auditing for the Federal Government in the Philippines. Mr. H. Roy Harrison, formerly secretary of the Central Labor Council, and a proprietor of a local restaurant was elected to the commission also, and assigned to the position of commissioner of public works. Mr. Harrison is a young man, wide awake and alert, and goes into office with the confidence of the people. The holdover commissioners are F. H. Pettit, commissioner of public safety, and Mr. Hamilton F. Gronen, commissioner of light and water. JOHN B. KAISER. (1? Chicago’s Municipal Election.-The chief issue in Chicago’s municipal election on April 2 was not a local one but that of loyalty. The municipal voters’ league urged the defeat of all anti-war adherents and the voters followed this advice. 111. JUDICIAL DECISIONS Limited Town Meetings in Massachusetts.-A decision from the supreme judicial court of Massachusetts that the provisions of the bill for a limited town meeting form of government for certain towns in the commonwealth would be unconstitutional was presented to the General Court on May 16, 1918. This matter of the growth of New England towns and the methods by which they were solving their problems was covered in an article in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi, no. 1, January, 1917. Brookline had adopted the limited town meeting form of government, and some thirty towns, planning to follow Norwood, had petitioned the legislature for an enabling act to allow them to adopt the town manager form of government. The question submitted to the court by the legislature was, “Has the General Court, under the constitution of the commonwealth, power to pass a general law enabling such towns as may adopt its provisions to substitute for the town meeting form of government, in which every qualified voter of the town may participate, a form wherein the town meeting shall consist of a certain percentage of of the voters elected aa town meeting members, so called, by the voters at large?” The answer of the court was in the negative. The ruling of the court is of special interest to the residents of Brookline, inasmuch as they have just such a form of limited town meeting as that proposed in the bill that was before the legislature. It is possible therefore, that some of the acts of this limited town meeting for the past two years may be questioned under this ruling. This is the second set-back which the towns of Massachusetts have had in the past two years in their attempt to adopt more efficient and up-to-date government, Last year the legislature passed an act to give Winchester a manager form of government (which was subsequently defeated by vote of the town) but referred to a recess commission the petitions of all

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434 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW the other towns which had agreed on the thousand inhabitants, nor unless it be Winchester bill for their best method of with the consent, and on the application procedure. This new opposition probably of a majority of the inhabitants of such halts for this year at least the long-contintown, present and voting thereon, purued effort of the overgrown towns to subsuant to a vote at a meeting duly warned stitute some form of government to relieve the crowded conditions of their town ha& and the antiquated methods of their departmental organization. The decision of the court is based on Article 2 of the amendments to the constitution providing for the establishment of municipal or city governments in any corporate town, with the proviso “that no such government shall be erected or constituted in any town not containing twelve and holden for that purpose.“ The court did not rule the principle of the limited town meeting to be unconstitutional but only the manner in which the procedure was possible. This technicality is one which could be removed, and has been removed by other towns, in instructing their selectmen or some special charter committee to proceed before the legislature for the special form of charter desired. EDWIN A. COTFRELL. 1 IV. MISCELLANEOUS Ten Years of City Planning.-The tenth National Conference on City Planning was held by the American City Planning Institute in St. Louis, May 27 to 29. The new cities, either created or being created by the Federal Government, naturally formed the chief topic of the entire convention. These are either the cantonments,’ some of them with popu-. lations of 75,000, or the industrial towns, leaping up in regions to which the suction of war industries is drawing vast numbers of industrial war workers. At the conference in Kansas City a year ago, a resolution was adopted directing President Frederic Law Olmsted, to offer the services of the institute to the government. The president’s address was a report of the result of the offer. Member after member of the conference has had his services drafted in the creation of these towns. The resulting influence promises to be enormous. In fifteen months the cause of town planning and of housing has been advanced more than fifteen years of peace would have advanced it. President Olmsted seems to have regarded the direction with regard to the offer of the services of the institute to the government, as a personal call, and at great personal sacrifice he has given practically his entire time to the work. A ‘See NATIONAL MVNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii, p. 139. resolution was unanimously adopted, putting on record the appreciation by the Institute of his public spirited action. The determination of the institute to see to it that the best that haa been done elsewhere shall be equalled in this country resulted in calling upon Thomas Adams, city planning adviser to the Commission of Conservation of Canada, for an important address on “City Planning in the Allied Countries During the War.” The high standard set by England was well presented for emulation in America. On motion of Lawson Purdy, president of the National Municipal League, a resolution was also passed, urging the government to adopt the principle of developing war towns as units, instead of buying individual lots here and there; in the latter case no adequate and self-sufficient townplan could be carried out. Two sessions, one on zoning and the other on blighted districts, presented closely interrelated subjects. Proper zoning will either prevent blighted districts or greatly reduce the evil effects of the blight. Of course, zoning is not the “fool-proof” portion of the city planning machine and speculation may still cause the usual results of inflation when the bubble bursts. A number of topics local to St. Louis, 1 Director, Buranu of Governmental Research, Ohio State University.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 435 but with varying application throughout the United States, were presented. A tour of the city demonstrated the truth of Thomas Adams’ assertion that European garden suburbs are not superior to American garden suburbs for the well to do, and the St. Louis “Places” were referred to as proof; but, said he, “your problem is to get the same provisions for health and amenity into the neighborhoods where dwelI the wage-earners.” The United States today is endeavoring to do that thing. What happens in the next year, indeed, in the next six months, in the creation of war industrial towns, will decide the measure of the success of the endeavor. The report on the city planning work that has been executed in the cantonments, and of the similar work under way in war suburbs and war towns, led naturally to the problem of the work to be done on the cessation of hostilities in four or five years, -perhaps sooner, perhaps later. A rhum6 of the activities of the British Ministry of Reconstruction was presented ; it showed eighty-seven committees at work on various phases of the problem such as agriculture, commerce, finance, etc. Four of these committees have to do with housing and town planning. The American City Planning Institute adopted the following resolution: WHEREAS, it is evident that when. the war is over. many problems of re-adlustment will need to be solved; and WHEREAS, the British Government, foreseeing similar difficulties, has appointed a Ministry of Reconstruction; be it Resolved, that the American City Planning Institute, in convention assembled, urge upon the President of the United States the early consideration of such questions and the appointment of some offirial body to deal with the matter. Another resolution urges the preparation and adoption of municipal and state plans for improvements to be prosecuted immediately on the ending of the war. It was pointed out on the floor that the preparation and adoption of such plans requires more than a year, as a rule, and an equally long time is taken by the legal processes necessary to acquire the ground or public rights of way upn which the 7 improvements are to be placed. If, therefore, no action is taken before the war ends, public work will not be available for months afterwards to relieve problems of non-employment that may be caused by the return of millions of soldiers and the slowing down or closing of war industries, throwing more millions of men out of work; their places have already been occupied, many of them permanently, by women. Even though a good deal of work has been held up by the war, it ki at least doubtful if that will provide means of employment in sufficient measure to prevent suffering during the period of readjustment which we all foresee. WHEREAS, changed induqtrial conditions after the war may necessitate the starting of vast public works, and such improvements require time for maturing adequate plans, be it Resolved, that the American City Planning Institute urges on the Governors of the various states and the Mayors of the various cities that the planning of such work be undertaken at this time. ANDREW WRIGHT CRAWFORD. * American Federation of Arts.-The meeting of the American Federation of Arts in Detroit, on May 23 and 24, waa remarkably well attended. Hardly a session scored less than 200 persons present. The program was shot through with war topics, including “Working Men’s Houses in Industrial Centers,” “Mobilizing the Art Industries,” and “Art as an Americanizing Force.” William B. Stratton of Detroit chose, as the medium of the first subject, views of the “delightful” wartowns, Well Hall, Gretna and East Riggs, built by the English Government since the War began. The object was to produce efficiency in war industrial workers by securing healthy surroundings, charm in environment and opportunity for recre ation, thus increasing contentment and reducing that labor turn-over, the counterpart of which has been so costly in America since the war began,--costly both in money and in delay in getting results. The convention adopted the following resolution : WHEREAS, the Civic Art of the United States will be vitally affected by the stand

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436 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July ard set in housing and in town planning by the Federal authorities, Resolved, that the American Federation of Arts in Convention assembled, commends the interest already shown in this direction by the Federal authorities and urges as respects any permanent building to be erected that it establish in all such work a hi h standard for housing workers, equal to &at in force in any other nation. A large part of the program was taken up with the discussion of art in industrial work. The promise of America in this respect was physically demonstrated by a visit to the Pewabic Pottery. The convention met in the arts and crafts building, which is, in itself an exhibit of the advance that is being scored by American art in many directions. The thought was voiced on the floor that America has now reached the stage where Europe has much to learn of America. This is true in civic as well as in industrial art and in the fine arts. Monsieur Jacques Gr6ber of Paris is preparing a book on American suburban architecture, as examples fdr Frenchmen. In their park systems, European cities are as far behind American cities, as they are ahead of them in their water-fronts-but Rio Janeiro is the best, or one of the two best, of all. The report of the secretary, Leila Mechlin, is always one of the features of the Federation’s conventions. There is, however, more than a feature. Each has marked a milestone in the steady advance westward of the interest in and appreciation of art. In the last ten years, more than ten cities in the middle west have opened art museums, those in Minneapolis, Cleveland and Toledo being especially beautiful examples of architecture. The federation keeps a score of travelling art exhibitions on the road, reaching over 100 citiw in the course of a year. An impreseive story of the influence of such work was presented by a speaker from Washington state, who told of the first visit of one of these exhibitions to his town. Robert W. De Forest was reelected president, Charles L. Hutchinson, vicepresident and Miss Mechlin, secretary. Mrs. John W. Alexander, Andrew Wright Crawford, Charles L. Hutchinson, H. W. Kent, Miss Florence N. Levy, Elihu Root and Joseph E. Widener were elected to the board of directors for terms of three years. * Organized Women and Civics.-The Fourteenth Biennial Convention of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs wm held in Hot Springs, Arkansas, from April 13 to May 9. It was preeminently ~II the nature of a war service conference and the attendance was surprisingly good considering the stress of present conditions and the interest of the audiences was intense. The eleven departments of work, literature, art, music, civics, civil service reform, education, home economics, public health, social and industrial conditions, legislation and conservation, each presented noted speakers to the main program whose messages bore particularly on the special work of that department under war emergency conditions. Among these speakers were Miss Julia C. Lathrop of the Children’s Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor; Dr. Jessica B. Peixotto, executive secretary, Child Welfare Department, Woman’s Committee, Council of National Defense; Dr. Alonso E. Taylor, U. S. Food Administration; Dr. J. Lawrence Erb, School of Music, University of Illinois; Mr. Dudley Crafts Watson, director, Art Institute Milwaukee; Jane Addams, Hull House; Helen Fraacr, National War Savings Committee, England; Surgeon General Rupert Blue, U. S. Public Health Service; Dr. Theodore Gerald Soares, University of Chicago: Honorable Jeannette Rankin; Richard Henry Dana, president, National Civil Service Reform League; Mrs. Cora Wilson Stewart, chairman, National Illiteracy Committee; Mr. Herbert Putnam, librarian of Congress; Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, president, National Education Association; Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, chairman, Woman’s Committee, Council of National Defense. Numerous conference programs were held by the various departments where there waa discussion of the more specific hes of work. Among department con

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 437 ference program speakers were Mrs. Herbert C. Hoover, Miss Jean Gordon of New Orleans, Mrs. Edward MacDowell, Jens Jensen, president, Friends of our Native hdscape, Charles Lathrop Pack, president of National War Garden Commission, Dr. Ellis P. Oberholzer, secretary of Pennsylvania State Board of Censorship of Motion Pictures. The civics department centered ,its work upon Americanization, Liberty Bond campaigns, the community survey, the motion picture problem, clean-up campaigns, and the better organization of civic n-ork in municipality and state. A resolution was passed by the civic conference and board endorsing the movement for a public citizenship day in every community on July Fourth of each year and urging the women’s clubs to work for it. Surveys of the motion picture field had been made by the women’s clubs in Illinois, Michigan, Rhode Island, South Dakota, New York and Arkansas and others are in progress. A resolution endorsing legal censorship of motion pictures and pledging efforts for the same was unanimously passed by the convention. * The Socialist Aldermanic Delegation Bureau of Investigation and Research.The seven Socialist members recently elected to the New York City board of aldermen have organized a bureau of Investigation and research to assist them in the performance of their legislative duties. The functions of this bureau we four fold: It furnishes, first, a centralized and systematized agency for legislative research. The std of the bureau conducts a wide investigation into each subject upon which any one of the seven aldermen desires to introduce legislation. A summary of the bureau’s findings in each instance is placed at the disposal of the Socialist delegation and all others who may be interested. As a means to this end the bureau maintains a library of city reports and other documents bearing on its work. The bureau is also a bill-drafting agency for the Socialist delegation. On the basis of this investigation and research the bureau prepares a draft of each proposed measure which it submits to the seven aldermen as well as to those best informed on the subject in question for their citicism and suggestion. In this work the most expert advice is sought and followed by the bureau. It aims to make each measure not only in form but in substance stand every test. The staff of the bureau in the third place forms a sort of vigilance committee on city legislation. The files of the office contain a complete record of all the public activities of all the members of the board of aldermen. The vote of every alderman on every measure, and a list of all bills for which each member is responsible, is recorded in the bureau’s files. Apart from this more specialized vigilance the staff keeps in touch with the latest developments in all departments of the city government. The last but not the least of the bureau’s functions is publicity. One of the staff is specially assigned to this work. His duties are to rally favorably public opinion for each measure introduced by the delegation and to focus this sentiment where it will accomplish the most, on committee chairman, public hearings, etc. He is charged further with the work of securing fair and adequate notice of the delegat,ion’s activities in the public press. The Socialist aldermen believe that the work of the bureau is such that every socialist legislative group in the country will eventually be equipped with this weapon of legislative efficiency. The quality of their faith may be judged by the fact that each member of the delegation contributes to its support out of his aldermanic salary. Evans Clark is director of the bureau. Mr. Clark graduated from Amherst in 1910, took his post graduate work at Harvard and Columbia, and previous to his acceptance of his present position wu for three years instructor in politics at Princeton University. Mr. Clark has also been an associate editor of the Utilities Magazine. Charles Solomon acts as

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438 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW t July executive secretary. Mr. Solomon was secretary to Congressman Meyer London during his first term and has been active in the Socialist movement for many years. f Community Luncheons.-The San Francisco chamber of commerce recently held a community service week, holding a luncheon each day, to each one of which a certain section of its membership was invited. These promoted a more direct contact between the members and headquarters and gave to the members a conception of the many different kinds of service which the chamber could render to the membership if they availed themselves of the opportunity afforded. It also was designed to impress upon the members the idea of community services in war work and the obligation of every one to stand ready to render service when.ever called upon. One sixth of the memvbership was invited each day. The total attendance was 3,565 or 62 per cent of the .chamber’s membership. A leaflet entitled “Community Service Week” has been published by the chamber giving interesting details concerning the meeting. It constitutes an important document in effective community work. * k Brooklyn Merger.-The new Brooklyn chamber of commerce came into existence on February 6, 1918, through the merger of the manufacturers’ and business men’s association and the civic club. Thc former has been in existence twenty-three years and the latter was organized in April, 1915, by the consolidation of a comparatively new organization known as the city club of Brooklyn and a somewhat older organization known as the Brooklyn league formed in 1897. John B. Creighton is the business manager of the new chamber. f A Research Bureau’s War Service.-In these days of multiplied and multiplying municipal and voluntary war activities, it is highly essential that there should be a co-ordinating center, at least 80 far as information regarding them is concerned. ‘The Philadelphia Bureau of Municipal Research is supplying this coordination in that city, having established a pavilion manned by a paid staff of intelligent young women and located at the crossings of the two principal streams of foot traffic. This information booth acts as a clearing house and directs inquirers to the proper sources when it is not able to answer inquiries directly. Among the most usual topics of inquiries are the following: war gardens, war organizations, home service, food economics, war legislation, enlistment. employment, housing. (e National Municipal League Prizes.“County Government in the State of 1918 Baldwin Prize contest. The prize was awarded to Harris Berlack, Harvard 1920, with honorable mention of the essays of Maurice Hitchcock MerriI1, University of Oklahoma: T. Henry Kuta, Harvard; Benjamin Fisher Pollock, Harvard; and Charles Frederick Zukoski, Jr., Harvard. The judges were H. S. Gilbertson, secretary of the National Short Ballot Organization, and Prof. W. B. Guthrie of the College of the City of New York. The Portland National Municipal League prize was awarded in 1918 to James Watson Gantenbein, the subject being “City and County Consolidation for Portland.” The judges were Prof. F. W. Catlett and C. J. France, both of Seattle, Wash. , 1’ was the subject assigned for the f Manager Reed of San Jose Resigns.Thomas H. Reed, who has been city manager for two years, has resigned. Manager Reed had previously been a professor of economics at the University of California, and had maintained a bureau of municipal experts. He had been employed, by public subscription, to draft a city manager charter for the city, for which he received $l,OOO. When the voters approved the charter the council selected Reed as manager at a salary of $6,000 a year. The immediate circumstances preceding the resignation were the small majority 3,352 to 3,211, given against an ordinance which would have limited candidates for the managership to

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 439 those with a five years’ residence qualification. This was opposed by manager Reed. The administration’s request for an increase of 15 cents in taxes was voted down, and a measure to increase the salaries of policemen and firemen, opposed by the administration, was approved by the voters. The city manager’s resignation was accepted to take place on or before -4ugust 1, 1918, and he was granted a ateen-day leave of absence, dating from May 31. The city engineer, assisted from time to time by the individual members of the council, will transact the business of the city manager’s office in his absence. In his letter of resignation, manager Reed say: My primary motive in accepting the position of city manager was to play a part in the establishment of the city manager form of government in this country. I have now seen the success of the city manager form of government demonstrated by its accomplishments in San Jose, and doubly proved by the persistent opposition of those political elements whose control of this city it has effectually displaced. No man has ever been so fortunate as to lead in the moral cleansing or political regeneration of any community without becoming a shining mark for ridicule, abuse and misre resentation. I expected nothing else, an: I would be prepared to go on with the struggle here indefinitely were it not that circumstances beyond the control of the Eanager and council have made it certain that further sacrifice on my part would be futile for reasons fully explained in the accompanying stat,ement. Furthermore, continued controversy with my fellow citizens is peculiarly intolerable to me in the critical situation in which our beloved country now stands. I have, therefore, made final arrangements to return to the University of California and to take up actively again the practice of law with my former associates, the firm of Haven and Athern in San Francisco. In a statement of the situation of finances accompanying the resignation, manager Reed says in part: The past two years have given ample proof of the validity of the princi les underlying the charter of the city of !an Jose. Centralized power and responsibility, modern financial methods and the merit system of appointment have produced, as was expected by the advocates of the new charter, an honest and economical administration free from the taint of partisanship. The work of the health department has been made vastly more effective than ever before in the history of the city. Even the strongest critics of the administration admit that the fire department is better than it has ever been, and the results in the low percentage of loss from fire prove this fact beyond the peradventure of doubt. Our parks, streets and buildings have been maintained in an improved condition, and may he favorably compared with any period in the past. The methods of the police department have been modernized. The city is now in a cleaner condition morally than ever before. We no longer have a single open house of prostitution. and our last saloon has gone. Public utilities, especially the street railway company, have been brought to fulfill all their obligations to the city. The indebtedness of the city is less and the tax rate less than it was two years ago. The fact that $23,000 clear balance existed in the treasury December 1, 1917, a situation previously unheard of, demonstrates that economy has kept pace with energy in the present administration. Whatever financial emergency arises in the future can be met in the light of the full facts supplied by our modern accounting system instead of groping in the dark as would have been the case under the old methods. After referring to the increased costs of operations and salaries due to the war the statement continues : Not onIy have we had to face the conditions produced by the war, which affect the city as they do every other business concern, but the people of the city of San Jose have im osed upon us other difficulties for whicR the city administration is no wise responsible. On the 1st of January by reason of a popular decision, which I, myself, consider to have been wise, saloons ceased to exist in Sail Jose. San Jose is undoubtedly a cleaner and better city as a result. The benefits of the non-saloon policy, however, have not found their way into the city treasury, and we are running the city this year upon a revenue $40,000 less than last year because of this change. For this year this loss of revenue has in part been taken care of by the $23,000 balance resulting from our economy and care of the year preceding. * * * There are two ways in which the situation created by the votes of the eople can be met. The first of these is gy reducing the expenditures, which means that the city must discharge employees or re

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440 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW frain from doing work that has been contem lated. Tie other method of meeting the situation is by an increase of income. All ossibility of such an increase by taxation R as been eliminated by vote of the people. The only recourse open that can help this or next year’s situation is a system such aa obtains in Fresno of business licenses levied upon the merchants and other business men of the city. Either course will bring criticism that will be unjust because it will be undeserved. You will necessarily be involved in a kind of controversy especially irritating to broad-minded, patriotic men in this hour of the nation’s supreme emergency. Into this situation you have been forced by the indifference of the public and the machinations of a few selfish politicians who need assume no responsibility for their conduct. * Robert W. Speer; City Builder.-When Robert W. Speer, mayor of Denver, died, May 14, the city lost the most enlightened and capable executive that ever guided its destinies. Previous to his first election as mayor in 1904, he had held office in various capacities, both municipal and federal. At that time the adoption of the “home rule” charter opened the way to a new rhgime, although the path lay through a tangle of legal and political difficulties. His administration gradualIy brought order out of chaos, and a united city came into existence. Mayor Speer was a Democrat, at first with a partisan tendency, but his ever present care for the welfare of the community, and his close attention to the problems of municipal government, led him to realize that politics can have no place in the plans of a city builder. In 1908, on the initiative of the business men, he reluctantly again became a candidate, and was reelected for a second term. Towards the end of this period he decided to return to private life. Then a spasm of so called reform, semi-political in character, aided by an unscrupulous press which had not been able to control him, foretold a coming storm. A reform administration was elected, which lasted one year. It was succeeded by a commission form of government, which lasted until 1916. By that time Denver had learned to estimate at its true worth the ability and integrity of its former L mayor, as well as the danger of hasty legislation. In response to a genuine and widespread call, he consented to enter the field for a third time, provided he could do so under an amended charter that placed the chief authority in the hands of a mayor, with all officers except the auditor and elections commission appointed by him, and with greatly extended powers safeguarded by the initiative referendum and recall. This met with the emphatic approval of the electors, and in May, 1916, Robert W. Spear again became mayor of Denver. The two years that have since elapsed have been marked by rapid progress in all directions. The .amended charter provided for a non-political administration with economy and good service as its aim and purpose, and further provided “that all appointments be made solely upon merit and ability.” Mayor Speer fulfilled this intention, both in letter and in spirit. In his fist administration he gave evidence of his desire to see Denver become a model city, and he surrounded himself with a group of men who cordially co-operated with him, and remained his firm friends to the end. Civic beauty, became a passion with him, and social betterment made an equally strong appeal as the years passed by. To cite the great civic undertakings that will always be associated with his name, would be superfluous-it is sufficient to say that he found Denver a provincial town and left it a modern city. That he died a comparatively poor man must not be forgotten. His dauntless courage, sympathetic nature, personal loyalty, the purity of his motives and his executive skill, formed a combination as rare as it was worthy of admiration. HENRY READ. 1: Resignation of Dr. C. C. Williamson.In the resignation of Dr. C. C. Williamson, librarian of the Municipal Reference Library of New York, to accept the position of statistician with the Americanization Survey of the Carnegie Corporation of New York City, the field of municipal science and the library field both lose a

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 441 highly efficient worker. The position of librarian in charge of a special library requires qualifications of an exceptional character to obtain for the library a large sphere of usefulness. This is peculiarly true of a municipal reference library which covers a wider range of interest and a larger number of technical fields than other special libraries. By courtesy, intelligence, and energy Dr. Williamson made the municipal reference library helpful to thousands of city employees of all classes, as well as to the public-to the recruit striving to pass his entrance examination, to the junior employee seeking to master his new duties and to win advancement by study, to the expert seeking to keep informed of the progress made in his profession by reading important new books and contributions to periodical literature. His printed weekly “Notes” were of especial value because of their timeliness and helpfulness,-qualities which are none too common in bibliographical publications. His time wm always at the service of any employee, irrespective of rank, who had a problem which the Librarian could assist in solving,-and there were few problems which he could not assist in solving. Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr., Dr. Williamson’s successor is a graduate of Cornell University, subsequently studying at the Sorbonne and in London. After newspaper experience in New York he became in June, 1915, a member of the editorial staff of the American City, and later was appointed research manager for the American City Bureau, which position he resigned to become municipal reference librarian. * “ Addison L. Winship, for twelve years the efficient secretary of the Boston city club and one of the largest contributing factors to its upbuilding, has resigned to become a vice-president of the National Shawmut Bank, Boston. In commenting on Mr. Winship’s retirement, the Boston Advertiser pointed out that during the years he had been civic secretary of the club, it had been a wonderful influence in bringing the various elements in the complex life of that metropolitan community into better mutual understanding. “He has had much to do with guiding this work and the achievements accomplished afford him and his friends a he retrospect.” The Boston Post said editorially that Mr. Winship “had practically created the role of civic secretary and developed it with immense energy, diplomacy and a fine ability that was as sincere as it was effective.” * Walter L. Fisher of Chicago has been appointed representative for the Great Lakes district (extending from Buffalo to Duluth) of the ship building labor adjustment hoard having jurisdiction over wages, hours and other labor conditions in the ship yards having federal contracts. This hoard was formed under an agreement between the navy department, the American Federation of Labor and the Emergency Fleet Corporation. * Wendell F. Johnson, editor of the Toledo City Journal, has been appointed acting director of the Municipal Research Bureau maintained by Toledo University. Professor W. M. Leiserson, director of the bureau, has been granted a leave of absence to undertake a study of methods of Americanizing immigrants for the Carnegie Corporation. W. M. L. * Anthony Pratt, at one time secretary of the old Detroit Municipal League, is acting secretary of the Los Angelmunicipal league, of which Seward C. Simons who is now in the aviation service, waa secretary. * Andrew Wright Crawford has been appointed field secretary of the American Civic Association, with offices in the Stephen Girard Building, Philadelphia. Mk Eleanor E. Marshall will continue as executive secretary. * Judson King, secretary of the National Popular Government League, has been canvassing North Dakota in the interests of the initiative, referendum and recall under the auspices of the Non-partisan League.

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442 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July Julia Lathrop, director of the Children’s Bureau of the federal government, was elected president of the National Conference on Social Work. f Edward T. Paxton, who has been in charge of the bureau of municipal research and reference at the University of Texss under Professor Herman G. James, haa resigned to accept B place with the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research. cls Professor Herman G. James, of the department of government of the University of Texas, and an associate editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, has accepted work with the war camp community service. 10 H. S. Gilbertson, executive secretary of the National Short Ballot Organization hm been made captain in the National army and attached to the intelligence bureau of the general staff. In the same bureau with Captain Gilbertson is Captain Henry T. Hunt, former mayor of Cincinnati. cls Henry G. Hodges has resigned as secretary of the Cleveland city club to enter business with his father in Philadelphia. In commenting on his resignation, The City which is the weekly bulletin of the city club, referred to the fact that during his term of office 483 new members had been added to the club. Charles S. Findley has succeeded Mr. Hodges as secretary of the Cleveland city club. f Richard S. Childs, vice-president of the National Municipal League and secretary of the National Short Ballot Organization, has been appointed associate director of housing in the war department. He will represent that department in its dealings with the labor department’s housing bureau. This gives him a large opportunity to put into practice his special housing ideas which he has recently been advocating. 10 John F. Putnam, formerly director of the Milwaukee citizens’ bureau of municipal efficiency, is now attached to the emergency fleet corporation in Philadelphia, as is W. J. Bollenbeck, secretary of the voters’ league of Milwaukee. W. B. Holton, Jr., of the San Francisco bureau of governmental research is also with the same corporation. f Sedley H. Phinney has been elected secretary of the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research, succeeding Robert E. Tracy, now director of the new research bureau in Indianapolis. Mr. Phinney is a civil engineer with degrees from the universities of Rochester and Wisconsin. f C. W. Roberts, secretary of the Henderson, N. C., chamber of commerce, has been elected secretary of the southern commercial secretaries association and of the North Carolina commercial secretaries association. * Mayo Fesler, who has been secretary of the Cleveland civic league for eight years, has resigned to aasume the secretaryship of the recently organized Brooklyn chamber of commerce formed by the merger of the manufacturers’ asaociation and the civic club of Brooklyn. Before going to Cleveland Mr. Feder was secretary of the St. Louis civic league.

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THE 1918 ANNUAL MEETING NEW YORK, JUNE 5-6, 1918 Held in conjunction with the War Time Economy Conference, the twenty-fourth annual meeting of the National Municipal League was singularly interesting and auspicious, interesting because of the program and of the spontaneity of the discussion; auspicious because of the action taken to enlarge the scope of the League’s activities. The eleven recommendations of the survey committee were approved and forwarded to the Council with a recommendation to put them into effect as speedily as possible. Here are the recommendations as approved: RECOMMENDATIONS OF SURVEY COMMITTEE 1. The personnel of the Council and of the Executive Committee should be more frequently changed. 2. Committees of the League should be given greater assistance and encouragement in their work, by supplying them with investigational service, and publishing their reports. 3. Separate and more commodious offices should be provided for the League’s secretary and assistants. 4. An editorial and research secretary should be appointed to whom will be assigned all the editorial duties now performed by the executive secretary. 5. The REVIEW should be changed: a. By making it a monthly instead of a bi-monthly magazine. b. By improving its typographical appearance. c. By changing its name. d. By popularizing the reading matter contained in it. 6. A committee on publications should again be appointed to give closer and more critical supervision to the editing of the volumes printed in the National Municipal series of books. 7. A special committee on annual conference should be appointed to work out a plan governing the arrangements to be made between the League and local committees for the holding of the annual conference. 8. Regional conferences might be arranged by the League in co-operation with local civic and commercial associations. 9. The League should develop its informational service by printing and distributing pamphlets and other reports, thus becoming a vigorous leader and advocate of governmental reforms, rather than a passive observer and critic. 10. An annual budget should be prepared and the League’s accounting methods improved. 11. Plans should be developed for increasing the membership and raising an additional income of at least $10,000 to meet the cost of the proposed increased service. The report of the survey committee has been printed and will shortly be mailed to all the members. It is based upon a detailed study of the League’s records and upon the questionnaire which was sent to all the members of the League and upon a special, detailed study by the members of the committee. The report was not designed to be a “praise document,” but an appraisement of the work of the League, and of the possibility of extending its usefulness to meet the increased demands which rapidly changing conditions are making upon us. The discussion of the recommendations was of the most encouraging sort and while there was division on several points, there was substantial unanimity with regard to the importance of the work that had been done, the work to be done and the usefulness of the League in both connections. At the Wednesday morning session the usual business was transacted including the election of the following officers and council for the ensuing year: REPORT OF THE NOMINATING COMMITTEB President-Lawson Purdy, New York. Vice-PresidentsRichard S. Childs, New York. *Westmoreland Davis, Richmond, Va. *Morton D. Hull, Chicago, Ill. *Otto Kirchner, Detroit, Mich. *W. D. Lighthall, Montreal, Canada. *New members. 443

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444 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Meyer Lissner, Los Angeles, Cal. A. Lawrence Lowell, Harvard UniOliver McClintock, Pittsburgh. J. Horace McFarland, Harrisburg, Pa. Charles E. Merriam, Chicago, Ill. Charles Richardson, Philadelphia. L. S. Rowe, Washington, D. C. *Albert Shaw, New York. *Mary K. Simkhovitch, New York Secretary-Clinton Rogers Woo*, Treasurer-George Burnham, Jr., Philacoum.1versity. City. Philadelphia. delphia. *Claude H. Anderson, Princeton, N. J. Charles W. Andrews, Syracuse, N. Y. M. N. Baker, New York City. W. P. Bancroft, Wilmington, Del. *Charles A. Beard, New York City. Alfred Bettman, Cincinnati, Ohio. Charles J. Bonaparte, Baltimore, Md. *H. L. Brittain, Toronto, Canada. *Allen T. Burns, New York. John A. Butler, Milwaukee, Wis. *Fred W. Catlett, Seattle, Wash. Harvey Stuart Chase, Boston. *Edwin A. Cottrell, Columbus, Ohio. Caroline Bartlett Crane, Kalamaaoo. *Frank P. Crunden, St. Louis, Mo. George B. Dealey, Dallas, Texas. Albert DeSilver, Brooklyn, N. Y. *Henry D. Faxon, Kansas City, Mo. Mayo Fesler, Cleveland, Ohio. William Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Ind. *D. Frank Garland, Dayton, Ohio. ‘William W. Grant, Jr., Denver, Col. Albert Bushnell Hart, Cambridge, Mass. *Herbert Harley, Chicago, Ill. A. R. Hatton, Cleveland, Ohio. *John B. Kaiser, Tacoma, Wash. *William Kent, Washington, D. C. *Robert D. Leigh, Portland, Ore. William Bennett Munro, Cambridge. ‘Harrison G. Otis, Auburn, Me. Robert Treat Paine, Boston. J. W. S. Peters, Washington, D. C. Bessie Leach Priddy, New York City. Thomas H. Reed, San Jose, Cal. *Frank S. Shaw, Des Moines, Iowa. *New members. *George C. Sikes, Chicago. Howard Strong, Minneapolis. Theodore F. Thieme, Fort Wayne, Ind. *William E. Upjohn, Kalamaaoo, Mich. Lent D. Upson, Detroit, Mich. A. Leo Weil, Pittsburgh, Pa. Lionel Weil, Goldsboro, N. C. *Addison L. Winship, Boston. The secretary presented an extended review on “Preparedness for War and Peace,” and Hon. W. L. Ransom, counsel for Public Service Commission Number 1 of New York City gave a highly illhating address on ‘I The Municipality and the Public Utility in War Time,” which will be published in a subsequent issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW. The franchise committee reported through its chairman, Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, and the committee on county government through its chairman, Otho G. Cartwright, of White Plains, N. Y. Mayo Fesler, Cleveland, presented the report of the survey committee. At the joint luncheon of the National Municipal League, the Governmental Research Conference and Association of State Muncipal Leagues, held at the Greenwich House, where all the sessions of the League were held under most hospitable and delightful auspices, the subject for consideration was “The War Time Work of Civic Organizations.” Lucius E. Wilson, the director of the American City Bureau acted as toastmaster, opening the session with a highly instructive address on “The Relation of Civics and Commerce.” The other speakers were C. H. Anderson, secretary of the League of New Jersey Municipalities; Harrison Gray Otis, city manager, Auburn, Maine; Winton L. Miller, formerly city manager of St. Augustine, Florida; L. D. Upson, director of the Detroit bureau of governmental research; Miss H. Marie Dermitt, secretary of the civic league of Allegheny county; W. J. Donald, secretary, chamber of commerce, Niagara Falls, N. Y.; LeRoy E. Snyder, director, Rochester bureau of municipal research. An article summarizing these addresses *New members.

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19181 ANNUAL will be published in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW. At the afternoon session, Otto Kirchner, president of the Detroit bureau of governmental research and a vice-president of the league acted as chairman, the meeting being a joint meeting of the three organizations named above. The general subject of this meeting was “HOW Shall We Head Off Bolshevikism in American Cities.” For the purposes of discussion the committee on program gave “Bolshevikism” a special meaning of its own, namely, dangerous unrest--“a tendency to disregard the established political mechanism in efforts to secure results by unlawful short-cuts. “In other words, what things should we do to set our house in order so as to make government so responsive, effective and obedient that the shortest and easiest way to get social and economic progress will be by way of lawful and orderly governmental action? “A municipal government that is tied hand and foot with red tape and complex charter limitations in the hands of a tight political ring which capital can easily control, gives considerable excuse for the kind of impatience that wants to kick the whole fabric of society into the discard.’’ The speakers at this session were Thomas H. Reed, city manager, San Jose, Cal.; Prof. Augustus Raymond Hatton, Western Reserve University; P. W. Wilson, M.P., London, England; Frank Dilnot, London, president, Association of Foreign Press Correspondents in United States; A. Leo Weil, Esq., president, voters’ league of Pittsburgh’; George Everson, executive secretary, committee on criminal courts, chanty organization society of New York; Richard S. Childs, secretary, committee on industrial housing, An interesting letter from It. P. Farley, of Baltimore, bearing on the same subject,was read. The ten-minute rule which was adhered 1 Mr. Weil’s talk was a summary of an address entitled, I’ An Awakened Social Conscience. The Interests’ Best Preparation for Post-War Conditions ” copies of which can be had from Mr. Weil at his address. Frick Building, Pittsburgh. Pa MEETING 443 to at both the luncheon and afternoon sessions worked out most satisfactorily. Concerning the afternoon session, Dr. Charles A. Beard of the New York bureau of municipal research declared it to be one of the most profitable he had ever attended anywhere. In welcoming the several organizations at the luncheon, Mrs. V. G. Simkhovitch, the director of Greenwich House, explained, by request, the scope of the community work being done under its roof and likewise described at length the details of an ordinance in which she is interested, designed to bring home the government of the city more directly to the people. It was a happy thought that led the Council to meet under such hospitable auspices. Greenwich House has done remarkably successful community work and the League and allied organizations had all the advantage of meeting in the midst of a great city but away from the distractions of business. At the same time they were in close contact with the teeming population of a representative section of this metropolitan city. On Thursday evening there was a joint dinner of the delegates to the Conference on War Time Economy, the National Municipal League, the Governmental Research Conference and the Association of State Municipal Leagues, at the City Club of New York. President Lawson Purdy of the National Municipal League presided, delivering his annual address on “State and Local Governments in the Light of War Necessities.” The general subject for consideration by the speakers was “New Duties of City ,and State Governments in War Times.” This was given a pretty broad definition and a very great latitude was allowed the speakers, but it was generally agreed that it was a profitable occasion. Those who spoke were: Major Bascom Johnson, U. S. R., Commission on Training Camp Activities, War Department; Otto Kirchner, Esq., president, Governmental Research Conference; Thomas H. Reed, city manager, San Jose, California; Prof. Augustus Ray

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446 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July mond Hatton, Cleveland, Ohio; H. H. Freeman, secretary of the Kalamazoo charter commission. The opening session of the National Conference on War Economy was held at Columbia University and the others at the Astor House. Among the questions discussed were: Executive Leadership in a Democracy; Financing Local Governments; The Government as Employer; The New Era in Budgets. The proceedings of this conference will be published by the Academy of Political Science, of which Dr. Samuel McCune Lindsay, Columbia University, is president. GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH CONFERENCE The fourth annual meeting of the Governmental Research Conference was held in New York, June 5, 6 and 7, in conjunction with the meeting of the National Municipal League and the National Conference on War Economy. It is perhaps stretching the facts slightly to speak of this as the fourth annual meeting, but the organization of governmental research agencies goes back to a small meeting held in Dayton in November, 1915, which was followed by a meeting in Springfield, Mass., in November, 1916, where a temporary organization called the Association of Governmental Research Agencies was effected. This in turn was supplanted by the Governmental Research Conference (of the United States and Canada), formed in Detroit in November, 1917. The New York meeting was probably, in respect of tangible results, the best meeting so far held by the governmental research agencies. It was entirely lacking in spectacular features, but was marked by a spirit of cordial co-operation and earnest purpose to work for more effective results in the field occupied by the members of the Conference. The first meeting was held at Greenwich House, Wednesday morning, June 5. It would perhaps be better to say “the first meetings,” because three round table discussions were under way at the same time, one on “ Municipal Accounting and Finance,” under the leadership of Robert James Patterson, of the staff of the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research; one on “Street Cleaning” under the leadership of James W. Routh, of the staff of the Rochester bureau; and one on “Public Health,” under the leadership of Dr. Carl E. McCombs, of the staff of the New York bureau. These conferences discussed questions of interest in their particular fields, and one at lea& resulted in the formation of a committee that may be expected to function as an active agency for co-ordinating the work of all members of the GovernmentaI Research Conference. This was the group which discussed “Accounting Problems.” The accounting conference was welI attended. There was a lively discussion concerning the classification of accounts for municipalities, looking forward especially to the establishment of a standard classification of accounts for all cities, and the adoption of a simple form of balance sheet and operating statement which should have a nomenclatyre that would be easily understood by the man in the street, with a statement of &airs that would more closely resemble commercial forms. To this end a standing committee was appointed, composed of the following members: Chairman, L. A. James, of the Ohio Institute for Public Efficiency; Herbert R. Sands, of the New York bureau of municipal research; M. George Lawton, of the Rochester bureau of municipal research; Henry Steffens, of the Detroit bureau of governmental research, and Mr. Patterson. Several meetings of this committee were held during the three days of the conference, and

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19181 GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH CONFERENCE 447 the work is to be continued during the year, both by correspondence and conference. The subjects discussed by the group interested in public health were as follows : 1. The possibility of training physicians for public health work by actual service in the health departments. 2. The training of nurses for public health service by actual field work in municipal health departments. 3. Survey of hospital and clinic facilities, with special reference to facilities for the care of indust(ria1 diseases and venereal diseases. 4. Infant mortality prevention and its importance in the national defence program. 5. Food protection and conservation from the standpoint of public health. The following are important things that it was felt a municipal health department can undertake: (a) The physical examination of food handlers for the purpose of eliminating from contact with food those who are suffering with communicable diseases. (b) The thorough inspection of meat at slaughter, so that all health dangers from disease contaminated meat may be eliminated. (c) The elimination of the fly nuisance as it concerns the transmission of diseases in food. (d) Supervision of the cleanliness of workers in food establishments, with particular reference to their use of toilet facilities. The group that discussed engineering problems was small, illustrating a fact which has been familiar to most persons interested in the governmental research field, that so far public works and engineering questions have been somewhat subordinated by most bureaus of governmental research to other interests, especially accountancy. It is interesting however, to enumerate the subjects discussed by the engineering group, as showing the special engineering activities of municipalities which are being recognized as legitimate fields for the interest of research agencies. These subjects included the following: 1. Contract vs. municipal garbage collection and disposal, 2. Contract vs. municipal street cleaning. 3. Methods of snow removal. 4. Organization of street cleaning. 5. The location of public markets. 6. Municipal participation in improvement construction(a) Competition with contractors for work. (b) Municipal purchase and supply of materials of construction. 7. The possible curtailment of street cleaning work because of the war. Wednesday noon, June 5, the Governmental Research Conference joined with the National Municipal League and the Association of State Municipal Leagues at a luncheon at Greenwich House, at which Mrs. V. G. Simkhovitch, director of Greenwich House, presided at the head of the table, exemplifying the charming hospitality for which Greenwich House is noted. All of the speakers at this luncheon laid emphasis upon the necessity of keep ing civic agencies actively in the field during the war. In various ways reference was made to specific work done by civic agencies that contributed directly to the efficiency of the nation for the carrying on of the war, by strengthening the forces “behind the lines” in the home communities. The point was also made that civic agencies had an important work to do in helping to conserve all of the moral and physical resources of the nation, not only for the prosecution of the war but for the reconstruction period that must follow. Wednesday afternoon the Governmental Research Conference joined with the National Municipal League and the Association of State Municipal Leagues in a discussion presided over by Otto Kirchner. Two other general discussions were held by the Governmental Research Conference, the first on Friday morning, June 7, following the business meeting of the Con

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448 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July ference, and the second, Friday afternoon. In the first discussion there was an interesting consideration of questions of bureau management, under the leadership of Dr. Horace L. Brittain, managing director of the Toronto bureau of municipal research. The Friday afternoon discussion was presided over by R. P. Farley, formerly executive secretary of the Winnipeg Citizen’s Research League, now of Baltimore. This discussion was led by Colonel LeRoy Hodges, secretary to the governor, Richmond, Va., who spoke of the “Use of Specialists in the War and Afterwards,” and from that topic the discussion went through several fields of great interest to men engaged in governmental reseajch work. One of the points discussed was that ever fruitful source of speculation (which has not yet produced many concrete and practical suggestions)-the necessity of promoting, by education and propaganda, widespread popular appreciation of the service that can be performed by specialists and by such agencies as were represented in the Conference. It was recognized that, without popular approval, movements for more efficient government will continue to be abortive, as so many have in the past. Friday noon the delegates to the Conference had luncheon at Greenwich House, as guests of the New York bureau of municipal research. There was no discussion following this luncheon, the guests being welcomed quite simply by Dr. Charles A. Beard, director of the New York bureau of municipal research, who assured them of that organization’s desire to be of genuine service to all agencies in the governmental research field. The discussion of Friday afternoon was concerned with problems of public employment, under the leadership of Dr. D. C. Sowers, director of the Akron bureau of municipal research. There was also some discussion of the problems of university bureaus,--one of the more important questions that must be worked out by the executive committee. A short business meeting of the Conference was held Friday morning. Questions of classes of membership were considered, especially as they relate to citizen agencies which are interested in efficient government and which yet cannot be considered as exactly within the class represented by bureaus of municipal and governmental research. It was finally decided that the chair should appoint a committee of three members to co-operate with the secretary to dispose of the question of new members, and Mr. Kirchner, president of the Conference, who was in the chair, appointed Dr. Beard, Dr. Brittain and Dr. L. D. Upson. It was also decided that the Executive Committee should be requested to appoint a committee of five, to act just prior to the next meeting of the Conference for the nomination of candidates for office for the then ensuing year. The Conference reelected the present officers. These comprise the following: President, Otto Kirchner (President of the Detroit bureau); Vice-President, Bruce Cornwall (President, San Francisco bureau); Secretary and Treasurer, Leroy E. Snyder (Director, Rochester bureau); Assistant Secretaries, Robert T. Crane (Professor of Political Science, University of Michigan); and Gertrude E. Woodard (Secretary, Bkau of Government, University of Michigan); Trustee, Frank L. Olson (Director, Bureau of Municipal Research of the Minneapolis Civic and Commerce Association); Trustee, R. P. Farley (formerly Executive Secretary Winnipeg Citizens Research League). The Executive Committee is composed of the president, the vice-president, the secretary and treasurer, and the two trustees. LEROY E. SNYDEE.