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National municipal review, September, 1918

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National municipal review, September, 1918
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National municipal review
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National Municipal League
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Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1918
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
Alice M. Holden Herman G. James
W. J. Donald Howard Lee McBain
C. C. Williamson
VOLUME VII
January, 1-130
March, 131-236
May, 237-337
July, 339-448
September, 449-544
November, 545-655
PUBLISHED FOR THE
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE
BY
THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H.
1918


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. VII, No. 5 September, 1918 Total No. 31
Ordinarily the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW should be in the hands of members and subscribers within a week of the first day of the months of publication, to wit, January, March, May, July, September, and November. The extraordinary conditions of the last six months, however, have resulted in numerous delays. If the magazine is not received by the 15th of the month of issue, the Editor will be greatly obliged if a postal to that effect is sent to his office, 70S North American Building, Philadelphia.
THE BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE ANNUAL CONFERENCE
INTRODUCTION
- BY CHARLES A. BEARD1
A MERICA is the land of organizations and annual conferences and so it is a poor and unnatural American who does not belong to many societies and who has not to his record many national conventions. The writer of this introduction pleads guilty to having done his full duty in this line of citizenship. He has heard enough papers, learned and otherwise, and listened to enough discussions from the floor, illuminating and otherwise, to entitle him to the crown of wild olive. With all proper respect to other associations and conferences he is compelled to record, out of sheer thankfulness of spirit, that the Bolshevik session of the National Municipal League annual meeting held in New York city last June, was the most informing and entertaining affair that it was ever his privilege to attend in the course of nearly a quarter of a century of peregrinations.
Usually there are two or three good papers at every conference, but even the most seasoned sinner expects to be bored to distraction by all the others. Indeed by continuous loitering in the lobbies with old companions in arms he usually misses the good things with the bad. But the Bolshevik session, having piqued the curiosity of both conservatives and radicals, attracted a large audience at the outset—an audience which was not only retained but, marvelous to note, steadily augmented.
For the purposes of the session Bolshevikism was defined as a “ dangerous unrest—a tendency to disregard the established political mechanism in
1 Director, New York Bureau of Municipal Research.
449


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
efforts to secure results by unlawful short cuts. ... A municipal government that is tied hand and foot with red tape and complex charter limitations in the hands of a tight political ring which capital can easily control gives considerable excuse for the kind of impatience that wants to kick the whole fabric of society into the discard.” The question to which the speakers were invited to direct their attention was “What things should we do to set our house in order so as to make government so responsive, effective, and obedient that the shortest and easiest way to get social and economic progress will be by way of lawful and orderly governmental action.”
It would be invidious to comment on any of the addresses or the speakers. Suffice it to say that there was a representative group of thinkers. The East and the West met. Pittsburgh was heard from. The British Empire furnished three men of whom those who speak the English tongue may well be proud. Though none on the program directed their attention specifically to the question in hand, yet curiously enough it will be found on careful examination of their papers that all of them were talking to the point—even more effectively than most academic logicians who march with stately tread from.q. e. d. to q. e. d. The topic itself was a sign that we are passing from the consideration of mere political machinery to the purposes for which it is created, from the discussion of institutional abstractions to the content of institutional life.
Only one of the scheduled speakers failed to render an account of himself, Edwin A. Rumball, who could, it is well known, have said something worth while if Providence or forgetfulness had not prevented him from attending the meeting. Two other men on the program, who were unable to come, nevertheless added to the value of the meeting by putting their views on record in brief letters which are included in this collection. One paper, read at the conference, is not included in this sheaf, namely the address by Dr. Hatton on proportional representation in Kalamazoo, but happily that has already been published in full in the July issue of the National Municipal Review.2 Whoever turns to it will find an intensely human document, illuminating in every line, showing withal how possible it is for an acute observer to clothe in living flesh the rattling bare bones of political science. The remaining papers are here published seriatim as presented to the conference.
THOMAS H. REED3
1 am somewhat embarrassed at having to start this discussion this afternoon; because, although I was advised by wire some time ago that Mr. Woodruff expected me to speak upon this subject, he did not advise
2 See National Municipal Review, vol. vii, p. 339.
3 Mr. Reed has been city manager of San Jos6, California, which position he has resigned to return to his academic work at the University of California. (See National Municipal Review, vol. vii, p. 438.)


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me in the limited space of the night letter as to what he meant by Bol-shevikism. I puzzled my brain over it all the way from San Francisco, until I finally got into a state of mind in which I gave up in despair endeavoring to figure what I might say; because I could not fathom the exact nature of the subject.
Now, I was greatly relieved when I discovered the way in which Bol-shevikism had been interpreted upon the program; because it leaves me free to talk about certain things that I know about. We are talking about Bolshevikism this afternoon as a dangerous state of unrest which may, in the critical situation of the United States at the present moment, come to the surface and overthrow the institutions which we are endeavoring at the present time to maintain by force of arms. An effort of a portion of the community to secure, by self-help or by some other means, a slightly greater measure of democracy than they now enjoy, may result in overturning all democracy; and that is a situation which, essentially, no people can afford to tolerate. We have begun a contest with the German Empire which has to be won; and we cannot allow any interference with that main purpose. After that is achieved, we can talk all the rest of it out—all the rest of the questions—if we win. If we don’t win, we will be Prussianized, to begin with; and we might as well not talk about the evolution of democracy in the future.
Now, naturally, as a person engaged in the actual administration of city government under the new city manager plan, I am going to speak, in the few brief words I have to say upon this subject, from the point of view of one who is interested in the mechanism of government. If what I have to say appears to be unduly emphatic upon the side of mechanism, you will understand that I realize that mechanism alone cannot solve our problem; that there must be impulse and force—the spiritual force, if you want to put it that way—behind the mechanism, if the mechanism is to work properly. On the other hand, it is highly important in these times that we have a mechanism of government that will work smoothly and efficiently for the purpose of securing the essential results which the great majority of the people desire. It is highly important that, at this time of all times, there should be no waste or lost motion. Everything should be done to supply the machinery best adapted and intended to its purpose. We cannot afford to delay. If we do, we are likely to find ourselves lying in the ditch long before we have realized the danger of our situation.
THE CITY MANAGES FOEM OF GOVERNMENT
And I may be pardoned if I say a word about that plan of government, because I have been a city manager. Parenthetically, let me say, I can’t claim to any particular courage. I enjoyed being made a city manager. It pleased me greatly, and it hasn’t taken any courage on my part to keep on being one; perhaps because I have a hide like a rhinoceros. I


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am going to quit being a city manager and go back to the University of California to talk on the theory of government some more, after the first of August of this year. But I have had two years’ experience with the city manager form of government; and I do not hesitate to say that it is the best device for the government of any city which has yet been worked out. I feel this to be true irrespective of the size of the community; it may be big or little. The city manager form of government essentially is simply nothing but the focusing of all power and responsibility in the hands of a single executive head; and there is no place in this world where a single is not better than a multiple head, so far as obtaining results in action are concerned. A five-headed man is a very interesting thing as a biological phenomenon in the side-show of the circus; but he is no good as director of the executive policy of a great community. A single head In an army, a single head in a city, and a single head wherever you need a head at all, is the only system.
Futhermore, the city manager is not only the head, but he is a responsible head. He has to report to a body of councilmen, who are more or less long-headed business men. It makes the manager keep his feet on -the ground to have to report to such people. He has to expose his plans and lay them on the table, and it is a great thing for plans to have to be exposed and laid upon the table. It takes the crotchets and the turns and the twists and the peculiarities of one’s personality out of them and makes them really plans.
The scheme works. It is effective, from the democratic point of view, because the people know exactly on whom to lay their finger when anything goes wrong. And we have got to have that kind of government, if we are going to get away from Bolshevikism. We must have a government which the average man in the community believes is responsive to his will—a government everyone knows is on the level; and if we have got that, we don’t need to worry very much about the thing from that standpoint.
We have got to take the government to the people. We have been trying to do that in America for the last ten or twelve years. Through the long history of progressive movements we have been striving to get government back to the people. But something has got to be done in these days. We must get the people back to the government.
In the first place, the people almost exclusively are interested in winning the war. They don’t take an interest in the affairs of the local community, as they ought to. In our own little city of San Jose, every man who stands for anything, who has any weight or influence or power, or any ability to judge of the merits of the municipal administration, is giving all the time that he can spare to war work of some kind or other. That leaves the old gang opportunity—the chance to slip in unawares into the control xif the situation, a thing which, from the political point of view, is


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absolutely undesirable; but which, on the other hand, is difficult to avoid, when the real people are so continuously giving their attention to another proposition.
INTEREST IN GOVERNMENT?
Now, sometimes the people don’t want to know about their government—they don’t in peace times. We have in our San Jose charter a lot of provisions about the publicity of the budget. You have to have copies of the budget on file in the office of the city manager, and print abstracts for general distribution. I had a copy of the budget on file in my office last year for six months, and there was but one citizen came in to look at it; he turned over one page, spent three-fifths of a minute in the examination of the budget, and went out. There wasn’t another soul examined it. When we came to distribute the printed copies of the abstract, which were worked out according to the best of modern systems of accounting to throw light upon the transactions of the city, you couldn’t get fifty people in San Jose to apply for a copy of it. You couldn’t cram them down their throats, or oblige them to read them.
Therefore, to have good government in the United States we have not only got to have good mechanism; we have not only got to have a system that will work; but we have got to bring the people back to the desire to run that mechanism. There has got to be, in these days as there has been at times in the past, the same kind of an appeal to the people, the same kind of propagandism, the same kind of preachment, the same kind of moral argument addressed to the conscience and the heart of the people, to induce them to perform their civic duties. No mechanism can automatically bring it about; and it seems, sometimes, as if all our efforts to reproduce that civic conscience, or a civic consciousness if you want to put it that way, on the part of the people, were unavailing; because they don’t seem to have any more of it now than they did before. That perhaps is what makes the problem of politics interesting.
MR. P. W. WILSON4
I am only visiting this country; and, therefore, I take no part in what may be described as American politics, and what I say must be taken rather as applying to Great Britain.
I am not quite sure whether we wish to “head off” unrest in Great Britain. It is much more important, I think, to remedy the unrighteousness which is the cause of unrest. I am not, also, quite certain whether we put the same meaning on the word Bolshevik in Great Britain that you do here. I rather agree with the President of the United States, who, in a message which had a great effect in England, associated himself in sympathy with the Russian revolution. That freedom of opinion in
4 Former member of the British Parliament.


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England has not meant any relaxation, whatever, of war effort. You may take it as certain that no country in the history of the world has ever done more or sacrificed more than Great Britain has done and sacrificed during the last year for the cause of liberty.
Professor Reed, in his most interesting speech, said that every job should be run by one man. America is, of course, a country of presidents. We are a country of committees; the British Empire, which has not been entirely without effect on human history, was built up on committees. We prefer, on the whole, discussion to dictation; on the whole, we like to have all sides put; and that shows how difficult it is for one man on one side to express any opinion upon the affairs of a nation on the other side; because the genius is usually so different. I do not in the least doubt that your plan is right for yourselves; I am equally convinced that the cabinet or committee system is right for us.
ENGLAND A SOCIALIST COUNTRY
Of course, England is very rapidly becoming a socialist country. I suppose that, in the matter of representation, we shall have 400 labor candidates at the next election. We have in the present government the most extreme socialists, right in the very heart of the governmental system.
The Chairman: You mean in the cabinet?
Oh, yes, in the cabinet; and, broadly speaking, all through the parties. Liberalism, conservatism, and labor, all are committed to socialism as an economic policy. At the present moment, the practical ownership of the post-office, the telegraphs, the telephones, the railroads, the ships, many of the war factories and the coal mines is vested in the state—I say the practical ownership. The reason for that was, that we absolutely had to adopt the most efficient form of government in our economics. It was impossible for us to go on any system which permitted waste or inefficiency; and the industrial output of England per head has gone up very largely, since we adopted that policy, even though we sent away five million men to the war—half our wage earners; and the first effect of the state interfering in industry was to sweep away trades-union regulations and adopt American machinery; for which, if I may say so, we paid a very good price!
We have found that workingmen, although they are getting much better wages than they did before the war, respond to the argument that they are putting in their toil for the state and the nation rather than for any private employer. And therefore, very largely, private employment in England today is a fabric which is preserved for purposes of convenience; and even the food is served out now, very largely, by the state.
Among other things, I may mention one fact, the post-office, which is an enormously important department, employing three or four hundred


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thousand people, and with a revenue of $150,000,000 a year, and with other functions of distributing superannuation allowances and soldiers’ allowances. That entire department is run by a secretary who receives, if I remember rightly, $12,500 a year. A single railway in England to-day pays double that salary to its general manager. I suppose that under the whole co-ordinated system, under the state, we will find plenty of people ready to work on a comparatively low salary with, of course, a promise of a retiring allowance and, what counts for a great deal with us, a knighthood at the close of a distinguished career.
England’s problems, educational
The problems which we have to face very carefully are educational. In one sense America is a younger country than we are—-in everything except brains. You develop your brains earlier than we do. Our educational birthday was 1870; and, therefore, we sit at your feet in the matter of all the higher accomplishments. But there is no use educating the people if you leave them with the old social conditions; it is no use refining the child’s mind, if you send him back into the old type of house or tenement where he was living. In this, I am not saying anything about your housing, which has always been most comfortable—I have lived in the right part of New York!—but in England we shall probably spend, after the war, any sum up to $500,000,000 on our housing—rural and urban. It rather depends upon what our workmen charge per hour, or per minute, which is now, I think, the more usual way of reckoning. That housing will be in the hands of the state, or the municipalities,—one or the other. The municipality is working out this system, and the state will help to finance it.
Of course, we have, broadly speaking, a minimum wage throughout the country—for everybody, that is, except my own profession! But then, I don’t do any work that can be seen—it only goes on inside! And we shall be extremely careful with demobilization, to apply the scheme through the labor exchanges which we have all over the country, so preventing the soldiers being thrown onto the scrap-heap when they come back. Your system of pensions after the Civil War contradicted fifty years ago our system of taking the soldier, using him for the defence of the country, and then sending him back into the workhouse.
I am sure my ten minutes must be up; but there is only one thing further: with regard to representation, we are adding, I suppose, six millions of voters—indeed more nearly eight millions—to our register. A very large number of them are women. That, broadly, is how we are going to deal, as far as possible, with social unrest. The state must have a very clear conception of a democracy when it demands, as we are demanding, what would amount to an enrolment of 12,000,000 men here. With us, every family in the country has its soitow, and its anxiety, and


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its burden. A great many questions are being asked as to the meaning of the state, the rights of the state, the duties of the state; and I feel, myself, that in every country in Europe to-day, without exception, the state is on trial. The state I repeat, is on trial; and we in England, with a great freedom of opinion and a great freedom of expression—perhaps with more than some of you may think advisable—are doing all we can now to bring the state into closer relations with the human needs of the people as a whole.
MR. FRANK DILNOT5
I have followed, with considerable attention and pleasure, as I and others always do, the remarks of my old friend and fellow countryman, Mr. Wilson; but my attention has been united with some curiosity as to the relevance of his general remarks as to how we shall head off Bolshevikism in American cities; because, so far as I understand his mood of gentle humor, it has been to demonstrate that England is a Bolshevist country and will, henceforth, enjoy all the advantages, in an extended degree, of that delightful method of government.
It is true, he has adroitly dealt with the matter so as to offend no susceptibilities; but he cannot deceive one who has seen him in public work for many years in the old country. With regard to Bolshevikism in England, may I venture on one personal word; and that is to say, that I was associated for some years with the labor movement in that country. I was selected as the editor of their daily paper, “The Daily Citizen,” and have had personal association with the leaders, especially Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. John Hodge; and I venture to take issue with my friend on a specific point or two; because I rather think that he may have conveyed what to me are, not quite adequate expressions with regard to one or two phases. I disagree with him fundamentally with .regard to the progress of what may be called socialistic legislation and administration in England.
THE CONSERVATISM OF BRITISH LABOR
I have told you of my association with the labor movement. I am a Liberal in politics; but I say soberly, although I do not expect all my friends in England to agree with it, that the labor interests in the cabinet of England and in the ministry are among the bulwarks of conservative legislation and administration in our country. I say that deliberately.
The Chairman: Would you say that of Mr. Arthur Henderson?
Certainly. I know him; he is a friend of mine.
There has lately been published a program—some parts of it impractical, other parts very visionary, but all very advanced; and Mr. Henderson indeed, had a great deal to do with it; but I would ask you to look, for one moment, at the facts with regard to our country, and 5 London, England.


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not only at the theories. The labor movement of England, is, I think we can say certainly, the most powerful labor movement in the world. In its organization it comprises somewhere approaching 4,000,000 persons, who, in their respective unions, are united together, and who exercise an enormous influence on the government of the country. There- are three or four of the labor leaders in the cabinet; there are a half dozen in the ministry; and the Federation of Trades-Unions, which is the heart and soul of the labor movement, has, by suggestion, by criticism, by formu-lative proposals, had a great deal to do with the molding of legislation during this past ten years or more.
But amid that 4,000,000 people there is not a handful—well, it may be a few thousands, amounting to a handful—of what we understand, and what this program understands, as Bolshevists. The steps which have been taken to forward socialist legislation or administration, have been taken with a slowness which would seem a tortoise pace to this swifter country. They have been thought over for years; they have been gradually taken into the programs of the other parties; and the theoretical programs—the visions for the future, which, perhaps, Mr. Henderson’s book to some extent indicates, are not practical programs in the sense that they are actual immediate legislative projects. Some parts will become assimilated; other parts remain as signposts for the future. The whole story of the labor movement in our country is that of slow progress, of gradual assimilation of ideas by other parties, and the slow accretion of aims, one by one, into the fabric of the constitution. That is the story of the labor movement in England. It is a very wonderful story. It is hard to realize the difficulties they have had to encounter in the last fifty years; it is a slow and more or less educative movement, which is entirely apart from, and is the chief enemy, of that Bolshevikism about which we hear so much in a number of countries.
Some of the leaders were, in their early days, I am quite sure, rather violent in their expressions; but it is very remarkable that—to see how responsibility, even as the executive heads of their unions, has induced a slower judgment, perhaps a more conservative one; and how their voice in parliament has made them—well, let us say, as conservative in action as it is possible for British statesmen to be. No wild Bolshevist has a place in authority. He leaves off being a Bolshevist when he is put into office.
bolshevikism: an attitude of mind
Bolshevikism—I am not now alluding to the English variety with which Mr. Wilson has dealt so exhaustively—seems to me to center around an attitude of mind. I heard, with a great deal of interest, the remarks of Professor Hatton, who, to me, seemed to touch the heart of the matter. Before you can deal with Bolshevikism, you have got to know what it is. Bolshevikism as I understand it, is the creed of certain groups of people


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whom you find in all countries. They have a mental twist. Some of them are enthusiasts; some of them are moved by very excellent motives; some of them by motives not so excellent; but they all have a mental twist. One phase of it is their aversion from authority; I don’t mean governmental authority—but any kind of authority—though when they get into power, they have no such aversion to authority. They resent and they rebel quite seriously against any kind of direction. They are not perhaps very powerful by themselves alone. When however, they have a field to work in where there is discontent, a legitimate discontent, through poverty or bad conditions—then they have a very wide field for action which, to put it mildly, does not make for the general welfare. That is my general conception.
I have been in America only eighteeen months, but as an observer perhaps I may respectfully suggest some ways to avert this cult, or creed, or danger.
THE QUESTION OF LANGUAGE
It seems to me for America one of the first points to-day to handle is the question of language. Those who accept the responsibilities of citizens of this great, free and wealthy nation, should accept fully the responsibilities which that relation brings to them; and although language may seem a small thing to many, the one tongue among a people introduces a unity not merely of expression but, in some directions, of thought, of impulse, and adds enormously to the general unity of the community. A foreign language, however excellent it may be in its own country, brings with it certain shades of thought—merely from association, it may be, but which are not to be disregarded in a great country in which millions of its inhabitants are directly or perhaps a generation back, from other nations.
I would suggest, secondly, that there should be a very systematic and extended effort to get the cities—the young people—to take an interest, a vital interest, in studies affecting local government; because interest in local government leads to interest in the national government. How that can best be done, you are much better able to say than I am; although I know something about it in my own country. There are not only practical things affecting economics, and administration, but ideals as well'; enthusiastic work springs from high ideals. Real work can only be done by those who feel a very deep and profound interest in it.
NEED FOR REPRESENTATION
Another point which was touched upon by Professor Hatton is, that there should be a wide opportunity for the introduction into the government of those classes—I speak now of what I know in our own country— who in years gone by have not had a great share in government. Labor should be drawn on. When you have an aspiring laboring man and you


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find him a man of character and capacity holding maybe advanced views, give him a chance to enter into the government of the community. You will find that it works out for the advantage not only of his own constituents, but also for the advantage of those he doesn’t profess to represent at all.
The final point is, that among all these great, vast masses of millions of people here, many of whom are but a generation old, you should never cease the great work of implanting the spirit of love of their country upon them; because in that is the greatest bulwark against Bolshevik progress. People who come here should learn that Americanism—wrhen they become American citizens—must become a sacred thing to them. They may have affections for the land they have left; their children may "have imbibed that; but, after all, they are Americans. When they become imbued with the spirit of regarding their citizenship not merely as an obligation, but almost as a religion—when that spirit becomes the possessing spirit over all sections of the country—you won’t have much bother about Bolshevikism in any part of the United States.
A. LEO WEIL6
I can only skip from one high place to another in the ten minutes allotted to me. Municipal leaguers have learned these many yearn, that our greatest opposition, or better stated, the least sympathy, in the movements we initiated was encountered among those elements of the community from whom we would naturally have anticipated co-operation and assistance. Let us call them the “interests,” not in any evil sense, but as embracing the captains of industry: the manufacturers, the financiers, etc., of each community. Whenever and wherever advances in municipal government, experiments in social betterment have been launched, the interests were either openly opposed or dishearteningly complacent. I have no time now to inquire why, or to explain. We know to-day that after the war there can be no return to conditions prevailing before this war. We know that the taking over by the government of the railroads, the practical control of industry, the administration of fuel and food by the government has brought about a public sentiment that will leave its impress and will have to be reckoned with when the war shall have ended.
LABOR LEARNING ITS POWER
We know that labor—and when I say labor, I mean that even larger element of the community which does not work with the hands, but sympathizes with labor, the masses, have learned their power, their indispensability to every activity, of war or peace. We knew in 1914 the
6 President, Pittsburgh Voter’s League. Mr. Weil’s address has been printed in pamphlet form and copies can be had upon application to him.


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danger that confronted this country; we knew it in 1915; we knew it in 1916. What did we do? What preparation did we make, until we were thrown into the midst of war? What preparation are we making now for that struggle, that contest which is to come when the war will have ended? Looking at history, we find that the great political parties of this country have arisen out of the issues or have been brought about by the clash of arms; and isn’t it manifest now, that the post-war contest is going to be between labor and the masses,—for want of a better name to designate the then political party—on the one side, and capital or the interests, on the other.
COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION
What preparation can be made for that coming contest? It is this, remove the antagonisms by getting together, by the interests on the one hand becoming aroused to their social obligations to the community and the community on the other hand recognizing the importance and the necessity of the interests in the working out of the community’s welfare. Neither can get along without the other. Why not get along together, consulting together, working together? This is no utopian dream. There were movements on foot to introduce this plan in at least one great industrial city when the war stopped the movement.
Great captains of industry had approved the plan and promised their co-operation and support. One part of this plan provided for a committee to consist of every interest in the community—capital, labor, education and the arts. They were to consider and plan for the city. The great industrial and financial, as well as educational and artistic organizations, were to loan their experts in working out this plan, looking forward perhaps twenty or a hundred years and having regard to the physical, financial, moral and intellectual development of the city and its people. I have no time for elaboration. My ten minutes have run. Such a getting together of all the elements would do much to arouse the social conscience of the whole community, and this public sentiment after all is the only protection we have under our system of government against the extremes of radicalism or of reaction against capitalism or Bolshevikism, against the evils of selfishness by whatever name it may be called.
MR. GEORGE EVERSON7
It is my part to discuss the administration of the criminal court as it is connected with the topic of the afternoon. Until I came here, I had a vague idea of what Bolshevikism is; and I sat here hoping to get a more intelligent idea of it. And I will be frank to say, that I am more confused now than at the beginning; but I’m convinced that it is something bad,
7 Executive secretary, committee on criminal courts, Charity Organization Society of New York.


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that we are supposed to fear, which may come along and cause us a great deal of trouble; and therefore we have got to stop it; and it is my duty to tell you how to stop it in the court administration.
In the public mind the picture of the court generally is a murderer up at the bar, and a counsel pleading for him; the jury are there asleep, or half asleep; and all sorts of people sitting around weeping. That is a spectacular trial; and there are very few of them. If you want to see the courts of New York city, you go to the inferior courts. There are 250,000 people of New York city who go through the courts each year. They are mostly the poor, the misguided and the unfortunate. I suppose there are a million people affected by the cases that come in the courts— through their relatives and families.
The Chairman: You mean in the criminal courts.
THE INFERIOR CRIMINAL COURTS
Yes, the inferior criminal courts of the city. The courts are the right hand of the city administration. If they do not support the city departments and the police administration the orders of these departments are of no value. If a police order goes out to suppress this, that or the other thing, or to arrest people for this, that or the other offense in a public health campaign or for seditious utterances, the police’s hands are absolutely tied if the men are brought in before the judge and the judge discharges them and gives the police a calling down. The courts are the right hand of the law. If the regulations of the city departments, the health department, the labor department, are violated, it is the business of the inspectors to bring these people into the courts. If the violators are turned out, these great departments fall down in their administration, but, aside from that, the courts are most important institutions in New York in that they handle such a vast number of the poor and the unfortunate and the ignorant. They are the courts of the poor.
It is strange to say, but may be said with truth, that there are a great many of these people, largely foreigners, that get their only contact with the American government through these courts; therefore, if these courts are not just they go away with the idea that the American government is an unjust government; so these courts must deal justly and rightly if our institutions are to survive and to have any respect in the minds of these people. They are also of educational value; and if the courts are dignified, and well manned, and well organized, and the people receive courteous and just treatment, it is an education in the dignity and solemnity of our institutions. They can be made great American institutions. A very large number of foreigners come into the courts that have to be spoken to through an interpreter. These interpreters can speak in I don’t know how many different languages and assist the court in the way of interpretation. In spite of their great versatility in language it is often


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necessary to search the town for one who can speak some particular dialect. Therefore, if these courts are to do anything in heading off this Bolshevik-ism that we are talking about, they must first be intelligent; then they must be kindly, they must be fair and they must be helpful.
NEED FOR A NEW SYSTEM OF COURTS
In the most of our American cities the courts have sort of grown up out of justice-of-the-peace courts. There has been no idea of any attempt at. sitting down and working out a system for a great city, or semi-great city, or for a city of 100,000; the courts are mostly simply a sort of patchwork of the old justice-of-the-peace courts. Politics, which ten years ago were the controlling interests in the city, made it very difficult for the courts. Because lawyers and judges are very conservative, you cannot expect reform to come from within—it must come from without. In New York city, reform has come from without. It has come from without through, the work of citizens who have awakened public sentiment, who have put their idea of office administration and organization into the courts and have practically reorganized the administration of the courts of the city.
In most any community where you want to reorganize your courts you can’t simply go and preach about it and say that the courts are rotten;: you have got to have them fixed over. But you have got to get down to brass tacks and run out a rotten administration—see that you get some people interested in it and awaken public sentiment and go to it and get. it done.
It is the prime essential to have a body of intelligent citizens become interested and work for administrative changes. It should be their business to study the courts, suggest changes for the better and enlist the public interest in the clean, honest and kindly administration of justice in the courts of the poor.
MR. RICHARD S. .CHILDS8
The committee on new industrial towns has its eye on one of our social, problems which has a bearing on the subject of the afternoon.
Boiling it down to its last analysis, the social problem is essentially one-of securing at the same time and place, high wages and a low cost of living. It is an economic fact, with some fluctuations and limitations, that high, wages are apt to carry with them a high cost of living—at any rate, are apt to cany along high rents. In a community where wages are high, you will find that rents are higher than they are in a community where wages are low. In other words, rents are largely determined by the paying capacity of the people of the neighborhood. And, as rents come partly from land values, that leads us, in the end, back to the unearned, increment which follows the flow of population into new territories.
Secretary of the Committee on New Industrial Towns.


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For example, we know that if we provide sewers in a certain locality,, you can assess the cost of those sewers against the land, and do this equitably and reasonably. In this city we could have built the subways by assessment on the land benefited and still left to the landholders nine-tenths of their profits. A great many other benefits of human progress adhere to the land values. If for example, New York city created a municipal market that reduced the cost of food for people who lived within a reasonable radius thereof, the neighboring landlords would urge that as one of the advantages of their properties—one of the reasons justifying such and such an enlarged rental for an apartment.
One of the forms of human progress that is capitalizable by land owners, is high wages. When the government builds the big shipyards along the Delaware river, the back country feels the effect, and realizes that here in this region men can get good jobs at high wages. Land values feel the effect; rents feel the effect. I know of two manufacturers in that part of the country that have been attempting for some time to buy land for the housing of their workers on an adequate scale; and I think a year or two ago it would have been possible to find any amount of cheap agricultural land, favorable for the purpose; now it is almost impossible to find a parcel that is loose. Prices are up. There is a land boom now. It is related that certain landlords near one of our great new shipyards recently advanced rents that were already absurdly extortionate. The workers pleaded that they could not afford the new rentals. “Oh yes, you can,” said the landlords. “ We’ve heard that your wages will go up next month. ” It is said that in Detroit, when Mr. Ford made that spectacular increase of wages in his great plant, Detroit real estate felt the benefit. It would seem reasonable to believe it. Certainly, if there is a sudden and large increase of wages, or of demand for employment, or a cure of the unemployment problem, in increasing ratio it results to the benefit of the land values; which is another way of saying, after all, that rents, not only for the housing for workers, but for the housing of their purveyors, the grocer and the meat man and the rest, will go higher, too.
England’s radical solution
Now, then, England has found a most remarkable and radical method of giving at one time and place high wages and low rents. It had to be a radical solution—it was a radical solution. Several hundred thousand English workers now are living in towns that have been built by the government on land that was purchased at pre-war values, regardless of the fact that the development of the great munition plants in those neighborhoods had caused a boom in land values. Nevertheless, they ignored that boom and that temporary war value, and retained the right to take additional land adjacent to the new villages that they built, at the prewar value. Furthermore, by law they limited landlords, and prevented


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them from raising rents. The result is, that there are now several hundred thousand British workers living adjacent to the munition plants, where they can get good wages, who, nevertheless, are not being charged on the basis of an unearned increment of the land values adjacent thereto, but are being charged there on a basis of costs—the cost of the land at the pre-war value, and the cost of the housing. That procedure was the final, and, indeed, the only effective solution of the great difficulty with the labor turnover which England had experienced. As a result of finding that solution, England, to-day, is turning out an overwhelming munitions output; and the statesmen of England say that they could not have maintained any such output from their munition plants without solving the housing and living problems by some such radical method.
In this country we have an appropriation of a hundred million dollars for housing shipyard workers and munition workers; and the Washington authorities are now spending that money and building towns. The first and most important of those towns is now being built for the workers of Camden, for a population at first of about 5,000 and presently of 12,000 people, all on one tract—a tract of land which, a year ago, was known as the Cooper farm. That village when completed will be owned by the government—more accurately, it will be owned by a corporation capitalized by the government through the loan of some 80 or 90 per cent of the necessary funds. It will still be under government control, in effect. The town will be completed presently with the first 907 houses, which are now being built—beautiful little houses, all in colonial style, by Electus D. Litchfield, a prominent architect of this city, with its own commercial center, a complete municipality with an ideal town plan, and all public utilities, and a permanent limitation on the profits to the company which operates it all, of 5 per cent a year.
In other words, the workers will enjoy boom wages without the corresponding burden of boom rents.
To perpetuate that condition, is the object of our committee.
RICHARD P. FARLEY9
A WINNIPEG PRECEDENT
It seems to me that Bolshevikism or any equivalent of it is the natural and logical result of Romanoffism. The outbreaks in Russia are only what might be expected from the regime of corruption and tyranny which for so long existed in Russia, and while it would be unsound to suggest any single and universal cause for industrial unrest in the United States where conditions are so utterly different from what they are in Russia, nevertheless there is a strong probability that where there is anything in the States which may generally be described as Bolshevikism, it is
9 Formerly of London and Winnipeg; now educational secretary of the Baltimore alliance of charitable and social agencies.


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due to something corresponding to Romanoffism,—to be more explicit, to corruption and industrial tyranny. A recent experience in Winnipeg may be of some interest. A few weeks ago the firemen in that city went out on strike, their slogan being the right to have a firemen’s union. Inasmuch as the trouble was not settled by the city council, the workers in the city public utilities and a large number of other labor unionists went out on sympathy strike. The city council at first took the attitude that under no circumstances would they countenance the formation of a labor union of firemen. As soon as there appeared a danger of a general strike a large and representative meeting of citizens was held at which it was unanimously agreed to support the action of the city council. From this meeting a committee of 100 was formed which represented mainly capital in the shape of industrial and manufacturing interest, with a sprinkling of disinterested people. This committee of 100 were asked to confer with the two parties to the strike. After sitting in constant session and conferring with both parties a sub-committee of the committee of 100 presented a unanimous report and set of recommendations to their full committee. The report was accepted by the full committee and in turn by the strikers and the city council. What is important to notice is that this report granted practically all of the strikers’ demands, and I was assured by several active members of the committee that the more they heard the case of the labor unions the more it became clear that the real faults have lain with the city council, although naturally in this as in most quarrels there was some blame to be attached to both sides. The fact that an independent committee of this kind which certainly at the outset was not biased in favor of labor should come to such a conclusion is remarkable. It seems to me that if the machinery already established by the federal government is not sufficient to deal with unrest of the kind in question, it might be helpful to have independent and representative committees such as that appointed in Winnipeg, which, while not having any legal authority, could make impartial inquiry and present independent recommendations which would have a, fair chance of being generally accepted.
FREDERICK L. ACKERMAN10
As the affairs of the week develop I find that the urgency of housing ship workers prevents me from being present at the discussion of the topic “How shall we head off Bolshevikism in American Cities?” This is a tremendously important subject; for I take it for granted that Bolshevikism means substantially restlessness of men raised to the nth degree— or chaos. I interpret the phrase: “How shall we head off ... ”
as meaning,—what conditions must obtain in order that there be no
10 Mr. Ackerman is a New York architect now connected with the Emergency Fleet Corporation.
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occasion whatsoever for the growth and the development of restlessness of men? Or in a broader sense, “How can we lead the rational life?”
THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE HOMES
If all factors of the complex question be eliminated, except that which, relates to that phase of interest concerning which I am asked to speak-we have this simple answer. Provide adequate homes in an adequate environment for every man, woman and child in the U. S. A. This expresses, in a word, the goal toward which a certain phase of British social politics was directed in the pre-war days: this is the goal toward which England is striving during the days of this great world conflict; this is the basis of the program of action through which she sought to attain the maximum production of munitions of war to support her vast armies at the front; it was this program conceived in war and phrased in terms of the future which has made vivid to the British workman that the sacrifices of the war were not to be made in vain,—which actually developed maximum production and brought into being that magnificent expression of integrated social and industrial purpose which it was my privilege to experience during my visit last fall.
Within this field of interest, expressed by the phrase “ physical environment,” the “heading off” of Bolshevikism means, not the thwarting of rational purposes in men, not the repression of rational instincts and desires, but rather the adequate provision for the expansion and development of life in an environment which will not thwart nor stifle nor crush the social, the spiritual or even the wholesome animal instincts in men.
The swelling tide of discontent which we witnessed in the Western World before the days of the conflict had its root in the condition that the modern community, the modern city, is at bottom an artificial development. All of our talk about leaving the development of our physical environment,—the town, the city, the nation, to “natural laws” is sheer nonsense. Their growth and development results from action based upon irrational conceptions; and we attempt to direct their growth by statutory rulings and laws based upon social and economic fallacies. By our feeble remedial measures we have tried to curb the evils; but the restlessness of men within them grows apace.
Here is a problem for science, for the expert; but the aims of science and the vision of the expert must be expanded if the aims of a rational life are to be attained.
A LIBERAL PROGRAM OF HOUSING AND TOWN PLANNING
What we must have—and right speedily—is a “liberal” program of an action within a field popularly expressed by the phrase housing and town planning which will make it vivid to the men who live in the cramped quarters of the tenement or the slum or the utterly inadequate social and


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physical environment of the “factory towns” or the “industrial area” that life in a democracy contains a clearly defined hope,—not that a man or his son may some day become president of the United States or a captain of industry or even a multi-millionaire,—but that he or his son who labors may, in the days to come, live a rational life in an environment which will neither blight nor utterly depress.
In our scheme of education we hold out the former hope—but not the latter; and to the millions, therefore, who live in our slums and our tenements and our sordid industrial towns the education which they receive is but a taunt.
Here is a problem—a real problem—a problem which must be solved; for if we fail, that discontent of men of which we heard the mumblings in the days before the war, will be with us again. That element which was merely restless has measured its strength in the days of war and sooner or later it will try its hand. Let us hope that its first attempt will be no less worthy than that which we see expressed in the program of the British Labor Party.
THE USE OF COLLECTIVE CAPITAL AND INCREMENT
To head off Bolshevikism in American cities, therefore, is not to thwart nor curb, but with a “liberal” open mind to attempt to grasp the aims of the mass of men and to train ourselves to make their aims vivid and tangible. And to make those aims vivid and tangible means that in our cities there shall be no slums, no sordid tenements, no congestion. And this means that the huge increments of land values which result from the growth of the community must be conserved for the benefit of the community. It means that credit, collective capital, shall be organized and used equally for the advantage of those who consume as well as those who produce. It means that the state must project its cities along rational lines to the end that men may lead rational lives within them.
To talk about “heading off Bolshevikism” before we “head off” the increment of land values which squeezes the mass of men into more and more inadequate quarters—before we turn this increment to a proper use, or before we “head off” the use of credit for the sole benefit of the speculation in jerry built houses and tenements,—before we provide that our collective savings represented by state credit and the vast sums controlled by our huge loaning institutions be used equally for the benefit of those who consume and those who produce; or before we “head off” by constructive legislation the development of the slum, the congestion of population, the sordid insanitary towns,—in a word, to seriously propose that we attempt to “head off” Bolshevikism before we head off the forces which render our environment a sterile waste of buildings, is not an act of intelligence to say the least.


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NEW RELATIONS OF CITY AND STATE GOVERNMENTS
BY LAWSON PURDY 1 New York
I HAVE been asked to speak to the National Municipal League on the relation of the national government to the states, the relations of the state government to counties and cities, and the counties to the towns and cities.
I was brought up in my early days to feel that home rule, that is to say, the. doing of all things political by the smallest possible unit, was vital to the welfare of the nation. I feel just that way still, and yet we cannot in these days fix upon any particular unit as the sole unit for all governmental functions. Conditions have so changed that the proper unit of government has changed with those changing conditions. A good many, I think, still worship the idea of local self government and resist the changes which are inevitable, instead of guiding those changes and planning such powers for local government that the old advantage of home rule shall not be lost.
If you will think back a moment over the well known history of the development of this country, you may see exactly what I mean. When the country started every community was an economic entity, practically sufficient unto itself; and until after the Civil War new towns were planned on the verge of civilization that were still practically sufficient unto themselves. That made for a very great strength in the country from the point of view of self sufficiency. You cannot crush a country where each town can live on its own resources. It had enormous value in the education of our people.
TRAINING FOR GOVERNMENTAL SERVICE
Our governmental institutions of late years have lost in efficiency because of that concentration of governmental powers locally, but I am not sure but what they have gained still more in the education of our people. I believe we all take pride in the fact that our selective service law, a new idea to this country, was framed in a few weeks, and over night was put into execution, and in the main has been well administered. I believe the underlying cause of the good administration of that law is the fact that in every town of the United States there are men who have been trained to perform governmental functions. I have become acquainted more or less with a good many men throughout the state of New York who have been town supervisors, who have been town assessors, who have been town trustees, who, in one way or another, have carried on local self government in this state. Nowhere can one say that that 1 Annual address, President, National Municipal League.


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government has been in a high degree efficient government, but it has had enormous influence in training the citizens of every one of the nine hundred fifty towns in the state of New York.
When it became necessary to find some 13,500 men from 4,500 small units throughout the United States to administer the selective service law, there was material all over the United States in every community from which to select the men to perform that duty. It seems to me that it must be the fact that that is due to the kind of government that we have had in these United States.
From New England we had the town as the unit of government. From the south we had the county, with larger powers, and those two forms have spread westward, the county form perhaps being more prevalent throughout the states west of the Alleghany Mountains. The state of New York is sometimes said to have obtained all the evils of both, and if you will examine the chart of county government in New York produced by the Association for Improving County Government, or by the Short Ballot Association, I think you will believe the story.
DISSATISFACTION WITH OLD UNITS
It is no longer true, however, that many functions of government now necessary because of the complexity of our economic life can be carried on with any degree of satisfaction by the old units. For illustration, here in this state of New York, a little over twenty years ago, it was found absolutely essential that the insane of the state should be cared for by the state. The condition of local care was intolerable. The same thing was true of the state care of prisoners. In recent years we have found it necessary to expend by the state an enormous sum to aid in the building of highways. More and more we have found it necessary to extend state aid for the proper administration of our public schools, that the rich communities of the state shall help out the poorer communities of the state.
THE TOWN AS THE UNIT
Only two years ago, or a year and a half ago, a very great reform, although a partial one, was effected by the agency of the department of education of the state in making the town instead of the school district the unit of the state of New York, and there has been a reversion of feeling, I am inclined to believe, solely on the part of those who pay more money now toward the schools than they did before. That reform has been for the time being undone, but it will not stay undone. It is no more fair to impose upon little school districts of the sparsely settled parts of the state of New York the care of their school children than it was in the city of Pittsburgh, which, up to a few years ago, raised all the money for each school district within the city separately. Now, that may not appear to you at once such a dreadful thing, but Pittsburgh will illustrate the state of New York and the rural parts of the state. Stand


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on the hill at Pittsburgh and look over the valley, and you may see a part of the city shaped not unlike our downtown financial section in the borough of Manhattan, and they pay for the schooling of their own children. There was the concentrated wealth of Pittsburgh, and there were the fewest children throughout the whole city. Practically there were no children there except those of the janitors of the great buildings.
Turn a little to one side and you will see, thickly clustered,- little houses one and a half stories high, the homes of the factory workers of Pittsburgh, swarming with children, and that poor territory had to pay for its own schools.
OUR PUBLIC UTILITIES
That is the condition that to a degree obtains in the state of New York in spite of improvements, and that obtains throughout many of the states. But, I must not spend further time on that illustration. Turn for a moment toward the administrative regulation and taxation of our public utilities. One hundred years ago they were unknown, the problem did not exist. To-day it is impossible effectively to control a public utility that runs across a state, save by state power. It is impossible fairly and effectively to tax the property of that public utility save by the state power, and it is more difficult for the state to perform that function than it would be for the nation to perform that function, far more difficult. We have recently empowered the United States to have an income tax, and, thank Heaven, we got that amendment to our constitution put through in time. You cannot satisfactorily administer an income tax for state purposes. It may perhaps be a better system for some states than we now have, but it cannot be as efficient as if you cover the whole United States, because in each state and especially in the rich states, the men who live there own property in many states, and corporations again own property in many states. The state boundaries are political and not economic, and government must proceed on economic lines as well as on political lines.
CHANGES IN UNITS OF GOVERNMENTS NECESSARY
I am not to-night intending to attempt to lay down any plan for change, only to point out the fact that, as conditions of our economic life have changed, our old ideas of political units must change with them, and if we are to have a government which shall be responsive and effective there must be changes in units of government. With all that it is vital that we shall not lose the old interest and participation in local government. One of the recent successes of political reform, one to which many of us have looked forward for these many years, has been an election of city officers at large. Still, the movement is confined to cities not of the greatest size.
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aldermen, and the election by the commission of a manager to perform the functions of a mayor, is progress toward an efficient government, and a government that is brought close home to the people and under their control, and yet that form of government, if applied to a city of the size of Chicago or Philadelphia or New York, may lose something that it is vital and necessary to preserve. We cannot slavishly follow the example set by smaller cities that have won success.
REPRESENTATION ESSENTIAL
A friend of mine pointed out to me not so very long ago that the board of aldermen of the city of New York performed a very useful function. It performs other functions, and some of them it has performed in recent years very well. If you should listen to the debates there, however, you might not, perhaps, come away with the idea that the board of aldermen was a highly expert body. But, he said to me, “Suppose you went to the district of some of these men from parts of the city with which you are not very well acquainted and attempted to explain political institutions, how well do you think you would succeed?” I confess that I should have no success whatever. I am not in touch with those constituencies, I do not speak their language. I do not mean that one must speak a language other than English; not at ail, but I do not use the terms to which they are accustomed, I do not think about things in the way they think about them, so that I could not effectively present city affairs to those people. The fact is that these aldermen do represent their constituencies, some well, some less well; but when they speak to their own people they speak to them in the language that those people understand, and so bring back to the board of aldermen from their own constituencies some part of the ideas of those people with whom they associate, who have just as much right to have their thoughts and their feelings expressed in the legislature of the city as have any communities throughout the city. We must not lose that, whatever change we may make in our political institutions.
There are coming, however, in the very near future, hastened greatly by our experiences due to the war, very great changes in the structure of our state governments and of the relations between state governments and the local governments. How those changes are to come perhaps no one can foresee. Many of us believe and hope that they will make for far greater efficiency in local government. The fact I wish to leave with you is that while we seek that greater efficiency, that greater responsiveness, if you please, to the public will, you must at the same time keep close contact with all the people of our towns and of our cities and not let them lose that old contact, that old close relationship with their own government; for, after all, what government is for is not cheapness of product, it is not clean streets, it is not efficient administration, it is the making of a self-governing, educated, happy constituency. It is men and women that we want to make for the future.


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THE CIVIC WORK OF STATE COUNCILS OF DEFENSE
BY CLAUDE H. ANDERSON1 Princeton, N. J.
WAR for war’s sake is certainly not socially profitable but if it were possible to divorce this war from the great and heroic cause for which it is being waged on the part of the Entente Allies it would still be found, notwithstanding its colossal cost in blood and wealth, to have produced, as by-products, many much-desired improvements in our social, political and economic affairs.
It was recognized immediately, if not before, the United States entered the war, that this was a war not between armies but between nations, and one of the first acts of the administration was to create a Council of National Defense whose duty would be to organize and direct the civilian part of our population in such a way as to contribute most to the winning of the war. It is undoubtedly a fair statement to say that the Council of National Defense faced a task as big and as difficult as that faced by the commanders of our armies. In the condition in which our country found itself at the time of our entry into the war, it was absolutely essential that all the forces of the nation be organized and co-ordinated so as to provide, equip and maintain our armies in the fields and at the same time keep the social and political structure of the nation intact and continue the operation of the activities at home which were essential to the life of the people.
State councils of defense were created at the instance of the Council of National Defense. Even before we formally entered the war the governors of the various states were requested to effect such an organization. The ideas of the national council were not then thoroughly developed, however, nor were their recommendations detailed and specific. Therefore, the different councils in the various states were not uniformly organized, although to-day they have attained a much greater degree of uniformity. But regardless of the degree of uniformity in organization, state councils are accomplishing in general the same tasks.
ORGANIZATION
All state councils regardless of the nature of their original organization, have amplified their organizations in much the same way. They have all found it necessary to create numerous committees' and elect associate members properly to perform the many and varied tasks which they have been requested by the Council of National Defense to undertake. In general these committees are as follows: home guard, agriculture,
1 Secretary, New Jersey State Council of Defense.


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publicity, state and local legal committees, Americanization, scientific research, public policy, co-ordination of societies, sanitation and medicine, food, industrial survey and preparedness, survey and organization of man-power, labor, military affairs, transportation, communication, shipping interests, public morals, coal, education, women’s activities, employers’ co-operation, training camp activities and recreation.
Some councils have decentralized their organization into departments. A few states have organized separate state and local auxiliary councils or divisions for negroes where it was thought that all citizens, regardless of color, could not co-operate to the best advantage.
Justice Brandeis has called the state councils forty-eight laboratories in which exciting experiments in war government are being conducted.
POWERS AND DUTIES
The powers of state councils vary. In twenty-three states they have been given an official existence by legislative enactment, but the powers specified in such acts have been in most cases very general, granting power to carry on all war enterprises that may be requested by the Council of National Defense or initiated by the controlling body of the state council itself. In some cases they have been given the power to examine witnesses, hear testimony and compel the production of documents, but this is not absolutely essential to the successful prosecution of their work.
The duties of state councils are so varied as almost to defy classification. Where a jurisdiction has been mentioned in the creating acts it is, and very properly, like the definition of powers, very general and extending to all war activities. However, it is our chief purpose here to outline the work that the state councils have done and are doing and we shall, therefore, mention their duties in some detail without exercising any special care in the matter of logical classification.
In summarizing the work of state councils, the state councils section of the national council has said:
“ State councils have developed a wide range of activities both at the instance of the Council of National Defense and various federal departments and on their own initiative. ”
The chief object in all state council work is to promote efficiency. Each one acts, and endeavors to get its local councils to act, as though the entire burden of making the democracy of their state and community efficient to win the war against autocracy, depended solely on them.
CO-OPERATING ORGANIZATIONS
Are, of course, not the same in each state but each state council is actively co-operating with at least the following organizations: state medical section of National Council, woman’s committee of National Council,


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Labor Department and U. S. Employment Service, Food Administration, American Red Cross, war loan organizations, National War Savings Committee, state department of agriculture, state agricultural and mechanical colleges, department of education, four-minute men, Army Y. M. C. A., U. S. Fuel Administration, U. S. Boys’ Working Reserve, liberty loan committees, War Department commission on training camp activities, U. S. Shipping Board and the Emergency Fleet Corporation.
THE HOME GUARD
One of the first tasks undertaken by state councils was the creation of a “home guard” or substitute militia organization to take the place of the regular state militia or “national guard” that was being called into federal service. In states where the “ home guard ” organizations have been taken over as a militia reserve, the state found itself deeply indebted to the State Councils of Defense for providing such an admirable source upon which to draw for the second line of defense which the state was obliged to have.
Perhaps no phase of state council activity has been greater than that which might come under the head of “thrift, economy and conservation. ” In an endeavor to induce the people of the nation to practise thrift and economy state councils have given wide publicity to, and requested all local councils to reach all citizens with, the recommendations of the national council, the Commercial Economy Board, the federal, state and local food and fuel administrators and war savings committees. Undoubtedly state councils have been of great value in extending aid to these agencies in their conservation activities.
FOOD CONSERVATION
The first distribution of the food conservation pledge cards of the Food Administration to the housewives of the nation was performed by state councils through local councils. The thorough propaganda of food conservation ideas and the almost universal recognition of the necessity and importance of conservation of food which exists in nearly every household of the land to-day is due primarily and in by far the greatest measure, to the U. S. Food Administration, but state councils of defense have been of some value to Mr. Hoover in his work.
State councils were able directly to aid the Food Administration in at least one other of its big endeavors, namely—inducing wholesale bakers to abolish the policy, which was in practice everywhere, of accepting returns of unsold bread from retail dealers. It was recognized by Mr. Hoover almost immediately after he undertook his big job, that here was a great wastage in labor and in efforts expended all along the line of bread distribution as well as a tremendous waste of flour that went into bread left over from day to day in the hands of the many bread retailers and sold as stale bread for animal feed and other purposes. The plan generally


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followed by state councils was to furnish every wholesale baker with full information about the matter, show him of the need for a change in the policy, convince him that it was to his interest voluntarily to accept the plan recommended and secure his pledge to do so.
In addition to this co-operation, state councils have done valuable food conservation work by means of educational instructions on canning, drying and preserving foods.
REORGANIZED DELIVERY SERVICE
Perhaps the biggest single task undertaken by state councils in the matter of conservation has been their efforts to carry out the recommendations of the Commerical Economy Board (now the Conservation Division of the War Industries Board), for curtailed delivery service by retail stores and reduction in exchanges of merchandise. This board, under the direction of A. W. Shaw, discovered that conservation of almost unlimited magnitude in the matter of both men and materials might be effected by taking advantage of the existing emergency to put into operation through the country, efficient, non-duplicating and systematic methods of the delivery of goods by retail stores. After fully perfecting their plans they called upon state councils to carry them out. They were requested to see that each retail merchant doing a vehicle delivery business, was reached with the information on the matter prepared by the board and induced to put the recommendations into operation. The specific recommendations were: 1. One delivery a day over each route. 2. The establishment of co-operative delivery systems wherever possible, especially in small and medium sized cities and towns. 8. The limiting of the privilege of returning merchandise to three days. 4. The adoption by merchants of plans to curtail special deliveries and C. 0. D. orders.
It can readily be seen that it was no small task to effect this big change in the manner of doing retail business. Many merchants have attributed their success to building up a reputation for service of excessive and duplicating deliveries, many of the articles delivered being, very often, so small as to yield a profit less than the actual cost of the delivery of the article. The retail merchants of the country were doing, before the war, a delivery business far in excess of what was required by the needs of the communities and the consumers had to bear the cost. Now the distribution of commodities by the retail distributing agencies of the nation is placed on a much more efficient and economical basis and promises not only to be permanent so far as it has gone, but to be extended and improved, and that particular part of the business of our country permanently better managed.
FIRE PREVENTION
The National Board of Fire Underwriters proved that the needs for conservation rendered this a favorable time for carrying on an educational


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propaganda among the people to prevent unnecessary fire losses which, annually run into many millions of dollars in the United States. They have shown that a large percentage of fire losses might be prevented by the exercise of simple and easy plans of care and foresight. Their plan was endorsed by the Council of National Defense and the state councils were requested to give their endorsement and lend their support to the board in securing the adoption of their recommendations by manufacturers and other large insurers. Further efforts to prevent fire losses have been made in many cases by state councils by insisting that better methods of fire fighting are provided by municipalities, co-operation in the use of apparatus by adjoining or near-by municipalities and general publicity and education regarding proper methods of fire prevention.
HEALTH
It is apparent that the war places a premium on human life barely recognized, and rarely exercised, before. The startling revelations made by the draft with regard to the physical incapacity of a proportion of the male citizens of draft age, much too large for the welfare of the nation, also indicate physical incapacity in a large percentage not touched by the draft, which, if not seriously alarming, must nevertheless give concern to all who have the best interests of the people at heart. Therefore, the national council has endeavored to stimulate interest in the conservation of human life and to promote such activity as will insure better and more virile generations of Americans in the future. Splendid efforts are being made to aid in this matter by eliminating and preventing diseases in the army, but we are concerned here with only such efforts, which may be considered civic in character, among the civilian population. This includes all increased efforts in the matter of public health and personal hygiene and sanitation. Aside from the accelerated activity of the regular public health service of the nation and states, the national defense council has instituted efforts in this direction, for the performance of which they have depended upon state councils, which will undoubtedly aid greatly in promoting better health and maintaining the citizens of the nation in better physical condition. The regular health departments in many states have been the best co-operating agencies of state councils in carrying on these activities and the work has resulted in securing a support for health departments which they have long desired and has forced a recognition of the importance of matters which the health authorities can teach that previously were unheeded.
A large number of states have carried on campaigns against venereal diseases and made other efforts to inhibit the spread of these diseases among the civilian population comparable to the efforts along the same lines as applied to the army. In Oklahoma they had a “Social Hygiene Sunday. ” In New Jersey a law was passed by the 1918 Legislature which


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considerably enlarged the powers of control of the state department of health over venereal diseases, giving them the power to isolate persons suffering therefrom. The Colorado council co-operating with its state board of health has perfected a plan for the proper care of tuberculous soldiers upon their return. The whole movement for increased health activities has resulted in such encouragement for the appointment of full-time health officers that it is probable that few communities will fail to appoint such officers in the near future.
The matter of physical welfare is one which can best be begun, if not with those yet unborn, at least with those who have just seen the light of day. It has been discovered that a large proportion of those men discharged under the draft for physical defects could have been made physically fit by proper attention in their childhood. Accordingly the National Defense Council, through the child welfare committee of the medical section of its general medical board, has formulated an elaborate plan for child welfare. The woman’s committee of the council has been charged directly with the duty of seeing that this program is followed by all states. The program covers a year’s activity as the necessary preliminary work to the establishment of proper childhood welfare efforts and the year which began April 6, 1918, has been designated as “Children’s Year. ” In some few states this work is not yet well started but 29 states have already reported preparations for launching the campaign in ac-cordance with the program. This gives promise of results of a civic nature in the matter of the improved physique and the general health of coming citizens that will improve the nation immeasurably.
OTHER CONSERVATION EFFORTS
Such other conservation projects as the saving of wood ashes to secure potash to be used as fertilizer, which has been undertaken by the Connecticut council and the extermination of pests of various kinds, have been effectively carried out. In New Mexico a campaign has been conducted to exterminate wolves, coyotes, bobcats, prairie dogs, rats and other noxious and destructive animals. The California council has made war upon rats and ground squirrels. They designated a week as “Squirrel Week” and issued instructions as to the best means of eliminating them. The dog has come in for considerable blame for the meagerness of sheep raising. It has been found that sheep raising in a number of states is practically impossible, on any substantial scale, because of the large number of dogs.
There are few wasteful and inefficient processes in our ways of doing things not now under scrutiny and attempts at the correction and elimination of which will not be made by the forces now in operation as a result of the war.


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PUBLICITY
Publicity has undoubtedly been used to more civic advantage than ever before. It was early conceived by the national defense council and the committee on public information that the morale of our fighting forces could only be kept up by a proper morale at home and publicity as a means of enlisting the solid support of the public and keeping public opinion informed on war activities, has been considered a most vital part of the war program. Here the state councils have carried on work for the committee on public information which is not a part of the Council of National Defense. However, the work has been done with the approval and under the direction of the national council. One of the first of these activities was the effectuation of organizations of “Four Minute Men.” Their work is too well known to need extended comment.' Suffice to say strong organizations of Four Minute Men have been effected in practically every state and there are something over 50,000 such speakers in the United States. State councils were the instruments through which these state organizations were effected. These state organizations are most thorough and satisfactory, each being under a state chairman and each local organization under a local chairman. Each of the 50,000 speakers receives regularly the same instructions and information from the committee on public information which enables each man to present a standardized speech.
Twenty-five state councils have organized state speakers’ bureaus to furnish speakers on war and patriotic subjects. The work of such bureaus has been quite extensive and to the same degree educational. One of the best instances of effective work in this field is in Indiana where the bureau issued a speaker’s syllabus giving instructions to all speakers both on effective speaking and on the particular war subjects about which they were to speak.
The motion pictures as a means of publicity has not been overlooked by state councils. Taking the lead from the division of films of the committee on public information and taking advantage of the opportunity to secure films from this division, a number of councils have presented war pictures to the people in even the small villages and rural districts. The Texas council made a special appropriation for stereopticons, slides, and motion-picture films.
Colorado originated the idea of mobilizing barber-shop publicity for spreading reliable information. A barber was placed on the publicity committee of the state council and assigned the duty of perfecting the plan.
COMMUNITY SINGING
Community singing has received a decided stimulus by the war, not so much as a matter of publicity as a means for stimulating and maintaining


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patriotism at a high degree. Such organizations as patriotic choruses, community singing associations, and “Victory” and “Yankee Doodle” glee clubs have been organized everywhere. Membership and participation in these organizations has not been limited to trained singers but has been thrown open to the entire population of the community. Pennsylvania has done excellent work in this regard. Connecticut has also successfully mobilized the musical forces of the state and reports the organization of 120 choruses.
RETURN LOAD BUREAUS
A particular activity of state councils of considerable importance in aiding in the solution of the transportation difficulties, has been the endeavors to establish “return load bureaus” in the chief cities and rural motor express lines. This has been done at the instance of and under the direction of the highways transport committee of the national council defense. Like the plans of the Commercial Economy Board for curtailed deliveries it is a movement which has already resulted not only in aiding in relieving transportation congestion to a considerable‘extent, but is of such importance and value, of such obvious benefit to all concerned, so simple in operation and of such timeliness in view of the rapidly increasing use of motor trucks, that it will undoubtedly be established on a permanent basis and continue with growing improvements and extensions after the war. The idea in the “return load” movement is that all important cities shall establish a central office to be known as the “return load bureau” which shall perform the function of gathering information from shippers as to available shipments for points reached by trucks leaving or passing through the city, this information to be furnished to owners and drivers of auto trucks thus bringing truckman and shipper together to their mutual advantage, and also to the advantage of the public in relieving transportation congestion. As the plan now stands no attempt has been made to establish rates although that will very likely be a natural outgrowth of the plan as it develops. At present, however, the return load bureaus act solely in an informational capacity and assume no responsibility whatever to either party.
INCREASED FOOD PRODUCTION
Supplementing efforts at food conservation, state councils have also been active in endeavors to increase food production. Here state agricultural departments have, of course, been made use of, also state departments of labor in efforts to relieve the farm labor shortage. Many of these activities have been very extensive and permit of only brief mention here. The national council, in co-operation with the U. S. Department of Agriculture, furnished to state councils of defense an agricultural program for 1918 which was very elaborate and thorough. It includes such matters as agricultural publicity, purchase and proper distribution of


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seeds, financial aid to farmers, introduction and further extension of the use of farm machinery, attempts to relieve the farm labor shortage and, passing from the farm to the cities, towns and villages, it includes the widespread cultivation of home gardens and methods for their proper cultivation and supervision ip. order to insure the production of the greatest possible amount of food. Such a large amount of work has been necessary in this field that it could not have been done by state councils alone. They have only been useful co-operators of the regular agricultural departments but have at least been able to lend sufficient official impetus to the activities of agricultural departments, placing them upon a war basis that it has aided in bringing success to the various agricultural enterprises.
Much good work has been done by extending financial aid to farmers in the form of farm loans. It was found that even under the new federal finance law it has been still too difficult in many cases for farmers to secure money. California has done especially good work in extending financial aid to farmers, thus bringing about increased crop production and the development of hitherto undeveloped lands.
A big impetus was given direct by the U. S. government to the introduction and extension of the use of farm tractors by providing that federal reserve banks should re-discount notes secured by farm tractors. Express provision was made that the tractors purchased were to be used for agricultural purposes. The Ohio state council was able to help solve the farm labor shortage in Ohio by providing for the purchase of 1,500 new farm tractors for that state and established a school for training tractor operators. The war board of Michigan contracted for 1,000 tractors to be supplied to farmers at cost.
WAR GARDENS
The growing of war gardens has not only been a means of adding greatly to our food supply but has caused many people to profit by getting back to the soil to that extent and has been instrumental in greatly improving and beautifying the backyards and vacant lots of our cities. The national council sometime ago requested state councils fro encourage all local councils in cities of 10,000 and over to employ a full time paid supervisor of gardens and where this has been done it has resulted beneficially. In Indiana a thorough survey of vacant lots and unused land resulted in turning practically every foot of available land into war gardens. Under the plan followed, when any idle land was found, the owner was compelled to use it himself or make it available for other people. In Utah an elaborate system of prizes for efficient work in the growing of war gardens resulted in their successful cultivation.
EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES
The educational activities of state councils have been considerable. In addition to the educational value of the publicity work already explained,


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state councils have, at the instance of the national council, created state and local legal committees which have had for their particular duty the education of drafted men and their relatives and dependents on legal matters with which familiarity was necessary for the proper discharge of the domestic obligations of the men being inducted into service. Home service sections of the American Red Cross have been valuable co-operators in this regard. State councils have also, through their local councils, held meetings for drafted men, immediately preceding their departure for cantonments, at which the men have been instructed by lawyers, physicians, business men and others, in matters pertaining to their legal affairs and their obligations as citizens and soldiers, and matters of health and personal hygiene and sanitation.
State councils have also performed an educational function in the establishment of scientific research committees whose duties it has been to encourage the inventive genius of citizens, especially students in mechanical and scientific courses of universities and colleges, with a view to stimulating the production of war inventions.
Many state councils have carried on somewhat extensive educational work among the entire state population, some of which has been of a very elementary but highly valuable nature. Such work in some cases has also served other purposes than education. For instance in Colorado information was issued to all the householders of the state on how to save fuel. In teaching the people how to save fuel they also taught them how to provide proper living conditions with respect to the consumption of fuel, proper ventilation, and care of the heating plant.
Interest in reading and study have been stimulated to a very considerable degree by the exceedingly valuable work done in practically every state in sending books, magazines and papers to the soldiers in camps both here and abroad. It is safe to say that many enlisted men who have heretofore had very little or no interest in learning have been stimulated to the pursuit of knowledge by the encouragement thus received, the contagion of the demand on the part of their fellows for reading material, and the premium placed by the government upon trained men.
AMERICANIZATION
A further sphere of educational activity of state councils is one which has been referred to under the particular designation of “Americanization.” Various enterprises to educate foreign-born citizens and aliens have been undertaken. These activities have been more than efforts to merely naturalize them. We have come to realize that naturalization must be accompanied with a thorough process of Americanization. The national council, in co-operation with the bureau of education, has issued extensive and elaborate plans. Much of the work called for by these plans must naturally be performed by the schools, but state councils have


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been and will continue to be useful in aiding in the matter. Many different methods have been followed in almost as many places for giving foreigners who are regularly and fully employed, instructions on subjects which after a course of time would provide them with a fair educational basis.
WAR LEGISLATION
War legislation, much of which has a civic value, has been enacted by every state legislature that has been in session since the entry of the United States into the war. Much of this will remain permanently on the statute books. It covers subjects too numerous to mention at this time, among which have been soldiers’ and sailors’ civil relief acts which follow in general the federal act, as a movement on the part of the states to aid the government by enacting a law to safeguard the interests of soldiers and sailors by protecting them against civil suits in their absence. In a few cases, where legislation was desired at a time that the legislatures were not in session and it was deemed inexpedient to call a special session, uniform municipal ordinances, suggested by state councils, were passed by a large number of municipalities, thus securing practically the effect of the desired legislative enactments. An instance of this is the passage of a vagrancy ordinance simultaneously by 300 towns in Minnesota at the suggestion of the Minnesota commission of public safety.
HOUSING
All state councils in states in which shipyards, ammunition plants and other war industries are located have made effective efforts, in some cases with financial help from the government, to provide proper housing accommodations for the influx of workmen. While such efforts have been made primarily for the benefit of the newly-migrated workers, it is clear that the provision of proper housing will react in providing substantial improvements in the housing of the regular resident workers as well, and will be an improvement the good results of which will continue after the war.
THE OUTLOOK
It is manifestly clear that out of these efficiently-directed efforts of the citizenry of America, exercised in conjunction with other forces now in action, is going to come a new nation. We know that we will win the war and everybody knows, even down to the humblest and the most ignorant, that in the winning of the war we are placing such an emphasis on democracy as has never been placed on it before; and it is no mere lip emphasis. As President Wilson well said in speaking of the organization of community councils, “It will result when thoroughly carried out in welding the nation together as no nation of great size has ever been welded before. ”
Long-cherished ideals of free government, economic, industrial and


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social, as well as political, are being sought for anew and with greater vigor, old faiths in man and his destiny are being strengthened, old hopes of the attainment of at least a somewhat saner social system are being revived, and, with it all, new forces are being liberated and exercised which must certainly lead to the establishment of a better as well as a safer democracy.
BETHLEHEM BUILDS TWO BRIDGES
BY W. J. DONALD 1 Niagara Falls, N. Y.
THE amalgamation of seven or more contiguous boroughs, comprising a mixed population of about 85,000 persons, and the unification of the citizens by a vision of “The Model Industrial City of the World,” is an undertaking which is worthy of the admiration of the best judges of civic advancement and which challenges the courage of the best of leaders. It is this program, however, which Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, with its “ hill-to-hill ” bridge, its commission form of government and its remarkable chamber of commerce, proposes to achieve and is certain of accomplishment.
Twenty-nine years ago, George H. Meyers conceived the idea of a bridge to link the three boroughs of Bethlehem, West Bethlehem and South Bethlehem, which were separated by two valleys through which run the Lehigh River and Monocacy Creek. Several plans of bridges were prepared and from time to time the subject was seriously considered but as frequently abandoned. Responsibility for delay in such an important proposal rests on the usual plurality of causes, both minor and major. The physical separation of the three communities had been met, only by means of an ancient covered wooden bridge joining two winding and hill encumbered streets, together with two single track toll bridges, only one of which is used by the interurban trolley company which operates the city’s only street car service. To a certain degree racial and religious antagonisms played an important role in preventing an understanding of the larger problems of the district. The usual—some say unusual—doubters, critics and pessimists opposed every progressive suggestion before the wisdom of the idea was fully apparent and before the possibility of success was proven.
Without doubt, civic affairs did not prosper. The boroughs lacked good streets, the libraries starved for lack of financial assistance: But why recount? The situation was neither better nor worse than in a hundred or more other cities familiar to civic reformers both professional and lay. The past in Bethlehem is being quickly and deeply interred.
1 Secretary, Niagara Falls, Chamber of Commerce.


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Neither is the city living in or on its future. It is living an extremely active and constructive present.
A VISION AND AN IDEAL
For a good many years, Charles M. Schwab, chairman of the board of directors of the Bethlehem steel corporation, who had made Bethlehem not only his place of business but also his home, had been looking forward to making Bethlehem an ideal industrial city. First, however, must come unification and, of first importance in such a movement, physical proximity. The “hill-to-hill” bridge was the key to the long locked door.
As early as 1903, the necessary proceedings had been instituted in the courts of quarter sessions in Lehigh and Northampton counties, but nothing had actually been accomplished, chiefly because the two boroughs were keen, if not bitter, rivals and opposition was too great. In 1913 Dallett H. Wilson, a young attorney who had recently come to the city, suggested an overhead bridge as a mean's of eliminating three exceptionally bad grade crossings over the Philadelphia and Reading, Lehigh Valley and New Jersey Central railroads. At first the idea was not taken seriously, but Mr. Wilson secured the necessary three signatures to a petition and presented the case, with favorable results, to the Pennsylvania public service commission. Fortunately or unfortunately, according to the viewpoint, the commission had not the power to order the construction of a bridge that would do more than eliminate the grade crossings. Such a plan would indeed provide a bridge beginning at the top of a hill on the south side, but it would not reach the high land on either side of the Monocacy Creek on the north side of the Lehigh river. The ideal plan provided for ramps runnings into the business district of the south side and ramps running to the residential and business districts of the north side, without descending to the flood endangered Monocacy valley. Neither would it provide a bridge with the architectural and artistic merits desired by the awakening community and especially the leaders in the movement.
Taxation under the direction of the public service commission was certain to provide $533,000. At least $280,000 more was necessary to provide for the ideal. This had been anticipated by Mr. Wilson, who promptly asked for thirty days in which to raise the balance by public subscription. Doubters agreed to the plan but predicted that $15,000 could not be secured. It was not ten minutes, however, before J. E. Matthews, chief of the ordnance department of the steel company, had pledged $25,000 for himself and associates or if necessary for himself alone. The financial campaign which was immediately organized, was concluded by contributions of $100,000 from the traction company and $250,000 from Charles M. Schwab and the steel corporation. The campaign for funds conducted in October, 1916, raised not only the necessary $280,000, but


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$418,000 in addition. There were 64,687 subscriptions and the enthusiasm of the city ran riot. The necessity for the campaign may have been a misfortune. For the most part it was a God-send, for it gave the occasion for the first expression of the civic patriotism of the neighborhood of boroughs. The way had been opened for the building of a new city.
“the model industrial city of the world"
The crystallization of the new spirit into definite plans occurred at an historic dinner given by Mr. Schwab in November, 1916. Over 800 attended as his guests. Mr. Schwab outlined his plans for the city: one Bethlehem comprising the seven or eight separate boroughs and districts, one citizens’ organization and “the model industrial city of the world." A committee on a program of civic improvement which met at Mr. Schwab’s office the next day, appointed two sub-committees: one to establish a Greater Bethlehem Association with R. S. Taylor, a leading attorney, as chairman and another to consolidate the Bethlehems, with Archibald Johnson, vice president of the steel company, as chairman.
Consolidation of the boroughs of Bethlehem and South Bethlehem, containing the chief business districts of the affected area, was undertaken first. Every ward in both boroughs was organized, every ward boss was made a captain of a team of workers for consolidation and every legitimate method conceivable was used to exercise all the pressure necessary to guarantee the success of this step in the program of the Greater Bethlehem movement. In May of 1917, an extensive campaign was conducted to take a “straw vote” on the proposals. Luncheons, held daily at the Colosseum, were attended by 522 workers. Parades were held daily. On the final day of the campaign only 23 persons had expressed opposition to consolidation, while 7,860 had pledged themselves to support it later at the polls. Several bands led 7,500 people in a final parade. It was therefore scarcely surprising when on the occasion of the official balloting on July 10, 1917, 5,994 voted in favor and only 169 against the unification of the two boroughs. The letters patent were issued seven days later, on July 17.
THE NEED FOR CITIZEN ORGANIZATION
To secure an administration of the new city by competent public spirited citizens was the next step to be solved. Sixty days later the primaries could be held. By consolidation of the two boroughs, the new city had become a third class city and automatically under the Clark Act became a commission government city. Meanwhile, every ward boss had circulated a petition asking Archibald Johnson, vice president of the steel corporation, to be a candidate for mayor. At first Mr. Johnson persistently refused, but over 7,000 names on the petition provided too convincing an argument.


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Bethlehem could not, however, be the “model industrial city of the world” without a large and effective citizen organization. R. S. Taylor, chairman of the committee on Greater Bethlehem association, expressed the need fully at a meeting of the newly organized chamber of commerce in the following words:
An almost ideal form of municipal government was provided in early American history, by the New England town meeting. Every citizen participated in and took active interest in the affairs of the community. Obviously, however, this form could not continue indefinitely and the next stage was the large council form of municipal government, such as exists in England and on the continent to-day. Just as the town meeting form of government had the effect of educating all of the citizens in civic matters, so too the experience of a considerable number of men in the council had the effect of training a large number of community leaders. But with the adoption of the commission and city forms of government, the number of persons who take a direct official part in community life is greatly reduced. As a consequence, there is in every commission-governed city, an especial need for a citizen organization to bridge over the gap between the official governing body and the citizens at large.
A COMMUNITY PBOGRAM
The Bethlehem chamber of commerce (under the name Greater Bethlehem association) was organized during the first week of December, 1917. Local citizens hoped to secure as many as 800 members paying dues of $25 annually and a budget of $20,000. The campaign2 closed at the end of a week with 2,100 members, which total was shortly increased to 2,259, providing an organization income of nearly $60,000. The board of directors was elected by the Hare system of proportional representation. Instead of immediately going to work on a haphazard lot of activities, the chamber took the time to develop a carefully prepared community program as a basis of action for the community. The members of the chamber were called in small groups of from ten to forty to discuss the scope and possibilities of the new organization, and the problems facing the new administration and the new city. To those who expect nothing except the traditional activities from a chamber of commerce, it will be of interest to know that scarcely a single selfish note was struck in all the program of work meetings. Manufacturers, retailers, bankers, real estate men, and citizens generally joined in a demand for the provision of those amenities of life without which no city can be ideal. “Getting industries,” and the ordinary first hand stock in trade of the uninventive
2 Mr. Donald, the author of this article, was one of the staff of four men of the American City Bureau that in December, 1917, conducted the campaign in Bethlehem for the chamber of commerce. Later Mr. Donald was acting secretary for three months. The result was, the largest membership of any city in the United States having a population under 100,000 and dues of $25. This was accomplished in a city which never had a chamber of commerce and where consequently the people were not aware of the functions of one.—Editor.


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chamber of commerce, were passed by as negligible compared with the human lives that must be conserved and developed. Thus it was that the Bethlehem chamber of commerce presented to the city a program of community action on which industries, city officials, the chamber of commerce and citizens generally may work for a generation.
Bethlehem is building two bridges: one to close the physical gap between the two sections of the city, the other to bridge the chasm between the new city administration and the people. Charles M. Schwab’s dream is on a fair way to realization.
WAR TIME CITY CLUBS
BY HENRY G. HODGES, PH.D.1 Philadelphia
ORGANIZED flexibility requires occasional write-up if posterity is to appreciate some of the stages by which it “arrived.” One needs only to read Dr. Beard’s article on “Recent Activities of City Clubs.” published in the National Municipal Review.2 to appreciate the progressive activitity of these organizations. We extract one line from that article, dealing with a noteworthy feature of the New York city club, to wit: “The club entertained His Excellency, Count von Bernstoff.”
Scarcely a year ago the Civic Secretaries Association was organized in Detroit. The group now has 27 members, most of whom are secretaries of city clubs. Prior to the Detroit meeting the association existed as a committee of its foster-mother, the National Municipal League. The secretaries of the women’s city clubs of Los Angeles, Cincinnati, Chicago, Louisville and Cleveland, and the civic club of Philadelphia, a civic organization for women, are members of the association.
In the past three years a goodly number of new city clubs has been organized, in all parts of the country. In the far west and the southwest the movement has been particularly active. From the region of the Great Lakes come reports of several new clubs. Probably the women’s city club of Cleveland has made the most rapid strides to sizeableness and influence. Organized in January, 1916, it had, in June of this year, a membership of 2,500, its corporate limit, and a waiting list of 375. The dues are nominal, and the general policy is modeled after that of the men’s club whieh does not participate actively in civic affairs. Word comes of contemplated clubs in Minneapolis, Columbus, Atlanta, Phoenix, and a number of smaller cities.
On the other hand, several names appear on the list of the merged,
1 Formerly; secretary, City Club of Cleveland.
2vol. i, p. 431.


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moribund and the unconscious. Three years ago the city club of Brooklyn was merged with the Brooklyn civic club, which, in its turn, merged, in February of the present year, with the reorganized Brooklyn Chamber of commerce. One or two other places report such mergers. From one large city comes the report that the organization of a city club is contemplated to offset the dominating conservatism of the leading agency already in existence. The secretary of the city club of New Rochelle, New York, writes of a gloomy outlook for his organization. After a career of twelve years, during which time its committees were active in fighting for “a new charter, better municipal garbage incinerator, improved street lighting, intelligible municipal accounting, and an improved trolley system,” the membership has dwindled until “the club is now on the eve of disbanding.” The city club of Galveston, Texas, gave up the struggle three years ago. Letters addressed to several other clubs were returned, marked “unclaimed.” Binghamton, New York, was in this group.
TWO TYPES OP CLUBS
City clubs are of two distinct types, the “militant” and the “nonmilitant.” The former, as the name signifies, interests itself actively, through its committees, in pushing a definite civic program. The latter attempts, through its open forum, unconsciously to guide civic public opinion in finding itself, depending on some other method for expression. This type provides post-prandial discussion on popular and civic topics, usually having all sides of a given question presented. It aims to turn the civic container inside out and expose the idea. Neither method is, per se, the correct one. Local conditions must determine which will produce the best results. Proponents of the latter type prefer to define it as ‘a social club with a civic purpose,’ while the friends of the militant idea would rather define it as ‘ a socially organized group of civic Sitting Bulls.’ The one type emphasizes opinion organized, while the other expresses itself through organized opinion; the latter is the non-partisan intellectual melting pot, while the former is the bi-partisan enunciator. The Boston city club represents the forum idea, and the Chicago club is an example of the militant organization. Between these two extremes there are all shades of “militancy.”
LOS ANGELES CLUB
The success of the militant club depends largely on the size and prestige of its membership, and the efforts of its civic secretary. The Los Angeles club has been active during the past year in safeguarding the interests of the city’s municipal electric power system. Although essentially a forum club the Kansas City organization developed a hobby in correcting the smoke nuisance. They kept at it until a municipal ordinance was passed providing for a smoke commission and a smoke inspector. The chairman


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of the city club smoke committee was named chairman of the new municipal smoke commission.
MILWAUKEE CLUB
The Milwaukee city club has grown from a membership of 700 to one of 1,375 during the past year, due, as the secretary explains, to new club quarters. This organization is unique in that its membership includes both men and women. Sixteen civic committees cover, in a thorough fashion, municipal activities. The city beautiful committee pushed the spring clean-up campaign, its chairman being made chairman of the city’s clean-up committee. The city forestry committee gave active support to the agitation that secured a city forester. “Know Your City Better” work, by means of models, charts and architects’ perspectives, displayed in downtown windows, was conducted by the committee on civic education, co-operating with the Milwaukee society of engineers. Salary revision was pushed by the civil service committee. The public health committee made an investigation of the South View hospital, and issued a six page mimeographed report. Probably the best piece of civic educational work conducted by the Milwaukee club is its “Tuesday Noon-Day Talk,” at which a subject of local civic interest is discussed by some city official or the representative of an agency working for civic betterment.
LOUISVILLE women’s CITY CLUB
The youngest of the militant city clubs to record anything like a successful program is the women’s city club of Louisville, Kentucky. Organized March 17, 1917, it gives ample evidence of a strenuous babyhood. Its 387 members raised $1,000 for a survey of the collection and disposal of the city’s garbage. Co-operating with federal officials, the club engaged the services of garbage disposal experts from Chicago and the model piggery at Worcester, Massachusetts. The recommendations of the club’s committee are being put into practice at the present time. The committee has now turned its attention to an economical and sanitary system of waste collection and disposal. The club was headquarters for the campaign for raising funds for playgrounds, for the organization boosting for a responsible juvenile judge, and for women strike leaders to explain to the public and sister workers the causes for their action.
Chicago’s woman’s city club
Another woman’s club is a new factor in this field. The woman’s city club of Chicago, although an organization of some years standing, entered the active civic arena in January, 1917. Chicago’s financial situation was the proximate cause of this change of front. The women supported their pledged candidates in every ward in the city, and prepared and defended on the floor of council their “communication concerning the city’s


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present financial situation and some available remedies.” A large portion of their recommendations have already been adopted. The club is now assisting the water-meter propaganda. This active interest in municipal affairs has not served to dismember the club, even in war times. The increase in membership during the past year is given as 570. The working arrangement is similar to that of the Cincinnati woman’s city club, which functions, with unusual success, through sixteen committees.
CHICAGO CITY CLUB (men’s)
The men’s club of Chicago is living up to its historical standard in fighting for progressive municipal management. Twenty-four committees guide its civic destinies. A few titles of these committees will serve to illustrate their work: city planning; civil service; drainage and sewage; public education; public expenditures; fire protection; labor conditions; vice; taxation; housing, etc. Every committee has at least one bull’s eye to its credit during the past year. A summary of the accomplishments, announced under committee headings, appears in the club’s year book.
THE NEW YORK CITY CLUB
Lists its civic contributions for the year under eighteen headings. The state military census, organization of the interstate metropolitan planning conference, extension of the system of public employment bureaus, important amendments to the election laws, and the new highways traffic law, are a few of its services. The board of trustees feels that much of the success of the past two years has been due to “the strengthening of the committee system, the development of a larger group of members qualified to assume leadership, and the greater participation of the membership in the formulation of club policies.”
THE PHILADELPHIA CLUB
In December of last year the Philadelphia city club put itself on record as a militant organization. Several years ago the club employed a secretary whose duty it was to formulate and guide an active civic program. This plan was later abandoned. Of the older clubs the Philadelphia organization seems to have suffered most from a lack of progressive enthusiasm and normal growth during the past two years. Having lately moved into a fine new home in the heart of the city, there was the natural introspective examination for the causes of unhealthy development. As a result the following resolution was adopted at a special meeting of the members: “Resolved—That the city club take a more positive part than heretofore in questions affecting the government of Philadelphia. That it shall actively further or oppose, through appropriate committees, legislation affecting the city, whether at Harrisburg or in the city councils." At the present time no committee program has been worked out.


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THE CLEVELAND CLUB
Non-militant clubs must measure their success by intangible standards. Growth of membership is only one criterion of the increasing influence of the club in the community. The publicity given its activities often stirs other organizations in the local field to civic action. The Cleveland city club held several well attended exhibits of local municipal departments. The welfare exhibit included visual lessons from the sanitarium, division of health and baby welfare, workhouse, boys’ farm, and an expose patent medicine exhibit from the labratory of the city chemist; 35 automobiles took 200 members on an outing and inspection trip to the county work-house farm of 2,200 acres, immediately after a speaker’s meeting. Besides the usual inspection and a baseball game, the party spent an hour at a specially prepared sociological clinic. An elaborate college exhibit, representing 27 colleges and universities of the United States and Canada, afforded an interesting rivalry and served as a social intermingler for professional shouters of divergent political faiths. The club has enjoyed a 30 per cent increase in membership during the past year.
BOSTON CITY CLUB
The Boston Daily Advertiser, commenting on the resignation of Addison L. Winship, civic secretary of the Boston city club, struck the fundamental of the non-militant city club. “The Boston city club has been a wonderful influence in bringing the various elements in the complex of life of our metropolitan community into better mutual understanding. . . . The fundamental idea of the city club is sound—that men of
differing points of view, differing interests, differing spheres, will find a common denominator if brought into natural contact, one with another.” Aside from its wonderful success in a material way, the Boston club has undoubtedly contributed as much to bring its community harmoniously to a higher civic level as any civic agency in the country. With one of the most attractive homes in America, and a membership of 7,000 it is able to maintain a social-civic program of the highest order.
OTHER CLUBS
The Rochester and Baltimore clubs are influential open forum agencies. No action may follow discussion at the Rochester club, and yet there is evident a distinct civic service to the community. To have a large city grasp the neighborhood idea is the aim of the Baltimore club. And it is succeeding. The Indianapolis Saturday luncheon club is practically an embryonic city club of the forum type.
Gustavus Tuckerman, for the past seven years civic secretary of the St. Louis city club, has exerted a remarkable influence in prying loose for his city standards whose attainment would have been at the cost of a certain amount of civic irritation had they been accomplished by less


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insiduous methods. The continued social-civic contact of men of divergent political opinions moulds them, at times against their wills, and certainly unconsciously, to a homogenity of ideals which finds expression in a more concerted group action. Individual emphasis shifts from organized differences to points of common social and civic interest. The city gets the benefit.
Most of the clubs hear from all candidates for important local offices. Practically every club distributes, periodically, an organization bulletin to its members. These publications are usually weekly affairs. The Boston club issues a sizeable monthly announcing the following month’s program, and giving a rather full summary of the current month’s addresses. The Philadelphia and Kansas City clubs do not issue such bulletins.
THE WAR’S INFLUENCE
The war’s influence is easily traced in all city clubs. In the first place, it is not unusual, when writing a secretary for local information, to receive a reply from an assistant to the effect that “Mr. So-and-So has been
loaned to the Government for work at ----------.” All clubs are flying
large service flags, which the finance committees view with practical significance. In spite of the large number in active military service, it is safe to hazard that the general average increase in active membership during the past year has been fifteen per cent. The Baltimore, Los Angeles, and both of the Cleveland clubs were interrupted by the war from carrying forward contemplated building programs.
In those cases where the militant club could not cover the financial loss from remitted club dues of military members with a proportionate increase in membership, there has been an enforced check on some of the committee work. Even in clubs not so affected the committee program has been retarded by absorbing war interests. From Milwaukee: “Our committees have been active this year, however, not to the extent that they would be in a normal year. The members are so busy with various kinds of war work that civic work suffered by comparison.” Again, the chairman of the special committee on club activities of the Chicago city club writes: “The Chicago club has found that the war has had a marked effect on its committee work. Those committees which deal with subjects affected by the war continued with probably increased interest, while the committees dealing with other subjects were inclined to let up somewhat on their activities.”
The same is true with the non-militant club. The feature meetings are all war talks. A returned soldier draws 200 to 500 per cent more members than a municipal specialist.


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WAR WORK
If there has been a let-up on the civic programs there has been a remarkable speeding-up of the war work. The Chicago and New York city clubs have ambulance units at the Front. Every club has committees for Red Cross, Liberty Loan and other “drives.'’ The secretary of the state council of defense of Wisconsin, writing on this subject for his state: “To tell the truth the city clubs and chambers of commerce haven’t any other plan in mind but to co-operate in war programs.” The secretary of the Baltimore city club is doing organization work, in Texas, for the Food Administration.
The women’s clubs are probably more active, in point of personal service, than the men’s organizations. This is not unexpected nor phenomenal. The woman’s city club of Chicago raised $2,000 for the recent Red Cross drive; $56,000 for the Third Liberty Loan; and $10,000 worth of pledges for Thrift Stamps. In Cleveland, the men’s club bought $5,000 worth of Third Liberty Loan bonds with club funds, besides subscriptions secured by teams working the membership, and others doing assigned work under the city’s general committee. The women’s unique contribution is a “patriotic shop,” located in the center of the business section, where the use of substitute foods is taught, both by window demonstrations and by supplying desired recipes. Inexpensive luncheons made of war breads are served, and yarn is sold.
The foods and markets committee of the Louisville club is operating canning stations in all parts of the city. War time food substitutes are served. Another committee aids in the enforcement of food prices among the retail grocers.
The city club history of the past two or three years amply justifies the existence of both the functional types. The movement is enjoying a normal healthy growth, and so long as these clubs continue to supplement the commercial activities of chambers of commerce and the expert investigational processes of bureaus of municipal research we may look for an ever broadening influence of their activities.4
4See pamphlet, “The City Clubs and Kindred Organizations,” by W. J. Donald, secretary, Niagara Falls chamber of commerce. Reprint of an article in the American City.


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[September
WAR TIME WORK OF BUSINESS BODIES
HAMBERS of commerce have never done better or more efficient
work in their history than in respect of war. Every civic and
commercial body in the land has become an active organization
to promote patriotism, to prepare for war, and to save American institutions and ideals.
A little organization in Iowa said early in the days of America’s participation in the war: “We will discontinue our organization and let our secretary go; we will be too busy during war.” Today, that organization is stronger than ever before and its secretary is paid and is at work carrying out the task cut out for him by his officers and committees.
In Canada, they said at the beginning of war that organization would have to go for the time. Organization did fall to low ebb, and then it became a positive fact that the splendid work that Canada has done in war was almost entirely accomplished by means of a glorious revivication of the old organizations.
Four kinds of commercial and civic organizations have been at work since America started out to help win the war:
1. Those which felt it was no part of their business to do war work, but must continue to concern themselves with commercial and civic affairs;
2. Those which felt they must work through auxiliary or affiliated bodies specially created to do war work;
3. Those which divided their work as between old time activities and war work;
4. Those which welcomed war work, took it all on, and called for more.
Now fortunately for the country, most organizations in the land are
coming into Class A. Nearly every organization, especially in anything like military centers, before the war had their committees on military and naval affairs. During preparedness campaigning, and for some months before America went definitely into war, these committees became numerous. Then later on nearly every organization had one. Just the other day, the great Chicago association of commerce witnessed a significant thing: Its committee on military and naval affairs went voluntarily out of business, and suggested to the board of directors that a “war committee” be created! It changed its name, its style, its personnel, and its ordinary place as a co-ordinate standing committee, and urged the creation of a small, compact, extra powerful band of men in 1 General secretary, Des Moines chamber of commerce.
By Ralph H. Faxon1 Des Moines, Iowa
FOUR VARIETIES OF ORGANIZATIONS


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that organization which should be a veritable war board for the greater body.
At the same time, and almost as by prescience and collaboration, an average-sized and normal-going city of the midwest, through its organization, formed a war commission predicated upon much the same instinct and motive. It went a step further, however, in that it sought to regulate and systematize all solicitation in the name of war. It didn’t approve of the “war chests,” but it did believe in intelligent direction of all war solicitation. Coincident with this came the action of a small town organization which formed a war bureau.
The same motive lay back of all three, from the big body down to the small one—a realization that systematic war work must be done, and that war is the chief business of organizations of a civic and commercial kind these days. It’s a settling-down process which bodes well for the spirit of the American people. It is a realization that this war is a man’s-size job, and that it takes precedence over all else from now on.
THE CIVIC BODY---ON THE JOB---ALL THE TIME
Now the ordinary town is like the ordinary family—it’s a co-ordinate-unit of government and of society. It is typical. It is THE government, in reality. It is a definite entity. It cannot do business without a head, without a home, without intelligent direction, without collective thinking, and without a strong arm and a keen brain as well as a sympathetic heart. Hence the powerful fact is driven home that a local body, call it what you will—chamber of commerce, commercial club, civic and commerce association—must be on the job, all the time, day and night, with boards, committees groups, and member councils.
A midwest organization believes that its chief work has been to raise the people of the community to a degree of intelligent conception of what war and patriotism and citizenship mean in these times. It has done this by persistent and consistent meetings, drawing men from everywhere who had a thoughtful message. It makes singing, and martial singing, at that, a feature of all such meetings, and some days it has these meetings in number—luncheons, dinners, membership meetings, public meetings.
It means that all persons are arrayed on one side of a road or the other—those who fight in uniform or in citizen’s apparel—but FIGHTING!—and those who do no fighting or working! There is no halfway business about it. One is either loyal or disloyal, these days; he is a patriot or a slacker.
The writer of this contends that no greater factor has been at work in manufacturing future citizenship than these commercial bodies now so busily engaged in war work. Leaders have arisen. The removal of selfishness has been the leaven. One man has been as good as another.


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If he didn’t have money, he had time. Some had both, all had something to contribute to the cause. Men have been drawn closer together than ever before. And they are going to stay close together after this is all over!
THE WEEDING PROCESS
Commercial rivalry has been eliminated. Sectional and class lines in communities have been wiped out. State lines have been obliterated. Men fiave gathered vision. Their horizons have been extended. They looked up and down and to both sides. They blinked at first; but their eyes became used to the big things they saw. Washington and government were no longer intangible. They, the communities and the community men, were the people, were the government, were the great pulsing, throbbing, dominant America—the giant awake, and ready for great things.
Through it all has run the essence of spiritualization. Inspiration and the spiritual side have crept in. The fire has purified. Loftier idea and ideals have been'created. The little bickerings and jealousies, the slavish customs of years, the bonds of precedent and environment, have been swept aside. Men are big in their simple earnestness, and earnest in their simplicity.
SEEING BIGGER AND FINER
War has done this—war plus organization. War might have done it; but war and organization have done it better. Organizations see themselves and they see the future. They see a world freed of despotism and autocracy. They see the bigger and the finer things. They see peace and comity of nations. They see a restoration of things at home. They visualize normality in business, in citizenship, in industry, in agriculture, in social relationship, in social justice, in brotherhood. They see commerce in the world at large. They see a new generation and a new age. They see veterans returning from the war and dropping into line at home. They see the veterans who remained at home transformed into better and bigger men. They see a new era. But above all, they see and feel this: That the very fact those at home and those in the trenches have in fact become seasoned, trained, disciplined veterans, with a capacity for work of which they had never dreamed, will make of them, combined, in local, state, and national organizations, a band of workers who can accomplish literally anything their hearts and minds desire!
War and organization have done much together already; they will have done more for our future!


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THE BUREAU OF PERSONAL SERVICE
BY GEORGE L. TIRRELL New York City
IN THE recent city campaign in New York which resulted in the most sweeping Tammany victory in the history of the greater city, one of the promises made by the successful candidate for mayor and other candidates for places in the board of estimate was to get rid of all “efficiency experts, bureaucrats, social experimenters and high brows.” At its meeting on February 1, 1918, the new board of estimate adopted resolutions to “abolish and discontinue” the bureau of personal service which had been created in 1914 and had been for the past two years the agency through which the city had been putting its household in order. By the action of the new board the staff of trained examiners was retained and the work of the former bureau continued pending the adoption of policy.
The object for which the bureau of personal service was organized: to place the civil employment on an intelligent basis where in every municipal activity there would be the required number of employes at proper salaries, is one which confronts every municipality as well as every public and private employer. Therefore the results and methods appear to be worth review.
new York’s pay roll
New York City has on its pay-roll approximately 90,000 men and women. Excluding the 23,000 teachers, 10,000 policemen, 6,000 firemen, 10,000 day laborers, 6,000 street cleaners and miscellaneous groups aggregating about 3,000 whose management is controlled by special laws, there are approximately 30,000 general employes of all sorts under direct control of the central city authorities so far as number and salary is concerned.
In the Fall of 1915, after eighteen months study of the duties and salaries of the 30,000 general employes, the bureau reported back that this force was from ten to fifteen per cent larger than needed; that there were glaring overpayments in salaries in about. 1,000 positions; substantial overpayments in about 2,000 more; underpayments in between 5,000 and 6,000 cases; and that the civil employment suffered greatly in effectiveness because of the haphazard methods of appointment and advancement based upon special considerations of personal and political favoritism. Because of this failure to offer either permanency or future advancement based upon meritorious service the quality of the employes was gradually deteriorating.
The bureau based its report on a careful and detailed study of the duties of all positions in the 150 units of government in the city. After


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the work in the field the duties of the positions were put in writing in certified form, with additional personal information regarding the age, length of service, etc., of the incumbents. The duties were then studied and classified with only a collateral relation to existing salaries and titles.
STANDARD SPECIFICATIONS FOR PERSONAL SERVICE
An exhaustive inquiry into the current rates of compensation for each of the different kinds of employment in the general industrial world not only in New York City but in other American and foreign citys was carried on. The result was the publication in book form of the Standard Specifications for Personal Service. These specifications have for two years been the basis for appraising the value of positions. A description can hardly be attempted here, but in the various grades of the one hundred and sixteen groups or kinds of service, there are more than seven hundred definite types of duties and ranges of compensation from a minimum rate for the beginner to a maximum reached after a stated period of satisfactory service.
When the bureau in 1915 made its report of the outstanding defects in the city service, its recommendation was that these defects be cured by taking advantage of vacancies currently occuring. It was argued that this method could be carried out without hardship to existing employes. Opinion in the board of estimate was divided regarding the course best to be followed. Mayor Mitchel and Comptroller Prendergast were for the outright program of dropping useless positions and fixing salaries at proper figures. Other members of the board were for a partial reduction of the salaries of overpaid employes, while still others were for the vacancy method proposed by the bureau. In the preparation of the city budget for 1916 what might be termed a modified form of the outright method was followed. Several hundred positions were dropped and adjustments in salary were made in about 3,000 positions. Two-thirds of these were increases for the underpaid and about one-third decreases for the overpaid. As subsequent events proved this action was politically a mistake as the criticism caused far outweighed the credit given.
Since January 1, 1916, the method originally recommended by the bureau has been in operation. Through the power given in the city charter the board of estimate in appropriating money for its annual budget may prescribe the terms and conditions under which the money is to be spent. It imposed as one of these conditions a provision that when vacancies occurred in the schedules of any department, they should be filled only when the necessity for filling them could be shown to the satisfaction of the board. When so filled it was to be done, if possible, by transfer from an unnecessary or overpaid position, but always at a proper rate of compensation under the specifications.


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DEPARTMENTAL PAY-ROLLS
With this requirement in operation the obvious key to the situation became the departmental pay-rolls. The comptroller refused to pass any pay for newly appointed persons unless accompanied by a certificate from the board of estimate that it was necessary and at a proper rate. Requests to fill vacancies were referred for report to the bureau and careful examinations made. These examinations naturally led to consideration of improved methods under which results could be achieved without waste by fewer employes than formerly.
During the years 1915, 1916 and 1917, there was a very great increase in departmental activities especially in the health, social and correctional fields. There was a striking development of governmental control in the prevention of dependency, disease and criminality. Yet during this period by reason of the operation of the system put into operation through the bureau of personal service there was a net decrease in the cost of personal service, as employment is called, in those departments directly under the control of the board of estimate.
SALARY INCREASES
Because of the extraordinary industrial conditions created by the war it was decided in the Fall of 1917 that it would be necessary to provide increased compensation for the lower paid employes in the 1918 budget. In the entire employment of the city of about 90,000, more than 65,000 received increases. This figure included of course the police, fire and street cleaning forces as well as teachers and librarians. Of the 30,000 general employes slightly more than 18,000 received increases usually of a single rate increment from six to ten per cent of salary. This was done on proof of a year of satisfactory service within the limits of the rates prescribed for the services performed. The opposition board of aider-men endorsed the action.
When the new board of estimate abolished the bureau of personal service retaining the staff, it also adopted a resolution to continue the system which the bureau had put in operation. Vacancies are still being filled only when the board deems it necessary. The work of straightening out the city employment is in great part accomplished, but if the system is abandoned it will take but a short time to revert to its former condition. The great body of the lower paid employes, have seen the way opened to regular advancement on merit. The chances are that they will have something to say before this is closed against them.
Since the system described has been in operation in New York, administrative men from all parts of the country have visited the bureau to study the procedure. At least four of the national government units in Washington are now trying to put it in operation with special adaptations to their special problems. The state governments of New York, Massa-


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chusetts and several Western states are trying to follow New York City’s example. The work of the bureau of personal service has been called an experiment. Politically there is truth in the characterization. As a piece of governmental machinery, a method of achieving a definite result, the system is a demonstrated success. If the result is not desired the system should not be adopted.1
AKRON’S TWO WAYS OF DRAFTING A CHARTER
BY GEORGE P. ATWATER, D.D.2 Akron, Ohio
I AM very glad to give you my impressions of the charter commission of the City of Akron. You will realize that the charter is not yet completed and that I cannot, therefore, comment upon results. Having served upon the previous charter commission I find that the contrast between the work of the two commissions is worthy of notice.
The first commission of 1913 began its work by a consideration of the types of charter. Almost from the beginning proposals were offered which involved a vote. The members were, therefore, put on record as for or against certain definite proposals which in the nature of the case were tentative and partial. The newspapers immediately jumped to conclusions with reference to the opinions or convictions of the members and we had had but a few sessions before the members were all tabulated and a forecast made of the type of charter that would ultimately be drawn. This was most deplorable, as many of the members thought that the duty of the commission was to study and grow in knowledge concerning the question of city government. I feel confident that many of them would have changed their earlier opinions if they had not been held to the line so rigorously by public advertisement. As a result, the fight against the charter began before it was completed.
The present commission began in a totally different fashion. Inasmuch as many cities will from time to time have charter commissions I think that our method would possibly be of value not only as it proved itself out in this instance, but it seems appealing in the first instance to those who have the duty of drawing up a charter. I have heard that other cities had great difficulty in making a start.
A SCHOOL OF GOVERNIV^ENT
The principle of our method was this: Before determining upon a general type of charter we made a study of all three types, which were
1 Since the above was written the board of estimate and apportionment has discontinued the essential practice of requiring reports on the need for filling vacant positions. G. L. T.
1 Rector of the Church of Our Saviour, Akron, Ohio.


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presented by committees appointed by the chair and whose duty it was to gather the information and to present the arguments for and against each type, but without making any recommendations. Then committees were appointed which included the entire membership of the commission to study the various phases of city government and especially to study Akron. These committees made written reports. In this way the entire commission became a school in both theoretical city government and in practical government with reference to our own city. No votes were taken and no member became committed to any type of government or feature of government which he presented. The discussions which followed any presentation brought out opinions and information, but inasmuch as it was not necessary to influence a ballot there was no keen advocacy of any principle; only an intelligent presentation of it.
When it was thought advisable to secure a notion as to the prevailing opinion in the commission upon some clear cut issue, such as whether members in a council should be determined by elections by wards or at large, the commission went into session as a committee of the whole and the members wrote their opinion upon a slip of paper without signature. These opinions were gathered and read by the secretary. In this way the general opinion of the commission as formulated up to that time was made known. This made progress toward our ultimate goal easier as it did not leave the commission in the dark as to the prevailing opinion. At the same time it did not commit any single member as a strict ballot would, to retain this opinion to the end, but permitted him without embarrassment to be influenced by further information and to change his mind. One of the most interesting features of the method in this respect was the fact that representatives of labor who were present and came committed to present representation on a council by wards, went away after a discussion convinced that representation at large was the most satisfactory method for electing a council.
After this long study the commission as a committee of the whole received and discussed a plan proposed by one of the members. The plan might properly be called the council manager plan. It proposed the election of a mayor and a council of from seven to eleven members, all elected at large, who should hire, appoint and employ an administrator or manager who in turn should appoint the heads of all the various departments. This is as far as we have reached, but we are rapidly approaching a conclusion. I believe that this general form will ultimately receive the votes of at least thirteen and perhaps fourteen out of the fifteen members.
CITY GOVERNMENT’S TWO PHASES
I believe that our commission has been influenced by certain ideas which were presented early in its sessions to this effect: City government has two phases; one which deals with the proper administration of its business


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affairs, and one which acknowledges direct responsibility for the welfare and happiness of the people of the community. In the past there has been enormous emphasis made upon the business side of city government. It, has been called a strictly business affair best administered by a man of business. It was clearly brought out that city government differs from business in this respect: that a business must produce as well as sell its products; that its income and production are dependent upon many conditions which might influence the country at large; upon the state of demand; upon the conditions of labor; that business is in competition with other business of similar nature and that therefore it must exercise every possible economy, every efficiency of management, in order to be successful. A business man of high calibre entering upon the administration of the affairs of a city would find his problem quite simple. He would have a fixed income produced for him by taxation and not secured by the uncertain fortunes of selling a product. Again he would have no competition. These considerations modify the usual business methods to such an extent that many a man unequal to the task of conducting all the departments of a great modern business would be quite equal to the careful, wise and efficient management of city business. But in addition to that, the city is a great community of living persons.
City government heretofore has been so greatly concerned with protecting the material interests of the city that it has been almost forgotten that its chief responsibility lies in protecting the human interests of the city. A policeman has been considered an agency for the protection of property against humans rather than the protection of humans against the evils which grow up in a large community. We are getting a broader outlook, and a city administration should have as its first consideration the health, welfare, the uplift, and the happiness of its citizens. Consequently provisions should be made in a city government for these primary interests, and the secondary interests of a purely business administration might be properly left to one competent to undertake it. These considerations should influence every charter commission and the department of public safety, the department of public health, and the department of social service should be given the greatest support and the widest possible scope for action. While in no way condoning extravagance in the business administration, it is the far lesser evil that a few thousand dollars should be unwisely spent than that the lives of a few citizens should be jeopardized by improper inspection of sanitation, housing conditions or garbage disposal.3
3 The Akron commission has been unusually careful and conscientious in the prosecution of its work, and has established a number of interesting precedents and methods of procedure, of which the one described by Dr. Atwater is perhaps the most important. See also Mr. Baker’s article, entitled “The Organization of a Municipal Health Department,” Vol. vii, p. 281.


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MAYOR MITCHEL’S CAREER
503
THE CITY’S LOSS-MAJOR MITCHEL’S CAREER AS A LESSON IN MUNICIPAL POLITICS1
BY BOBERT S. BINKERD New York City
ON the afternoon of July 10th I went up to the City Hall to pay my respects to the memory of John Purroy Mitchel. I saw thousands of my fellow-citizens gathered there who, with instinctive and deserved reverence, bared their heads as his body went by. I saw their eyes glisten, their faces light up with a reflection of the glory and wonder and tragedy of human life.
Yet how many of these were of the same people who, less than a year ago, resented his attempts to prepare them for war! How many were of the people who believed the lie that this dead and gallant soldier sought to make slaves of their children in the public schools! How many were of those who visited this man with political annihilation because he fought his own Church for enlightened treatment of orphans, or who believed scandalous innuendo about his motive in treating with a great railroad corporation!
And yet there he passed, gallant to the last, dying, as he had lived, a poor man—a silent and noble answer to all his calumniators.
And, dear friend of mine though he was, I shed no tears for him then. We are the ones to be grieved for. We are the ones for whom life is too great. Thrown by chance as citizens of a great city into the most momentous years of human history, we could bring forth only narrow, contemptible little ideas and suspicions.
We resented conscription then. We have forgotten our opposition now, because we see, as he saw before us, that it is the fair and democratic method of raising great armies.
We allowed ourselves to be duped about the schools. But they go on substantially as before, and the promised crop of child slaves is yet to appear.
We raged against the garbage plant. But most of us have forgotten about it now, for it is a main reliance for glycerine for the war, and the national government is trying to get other cities to follow our example.
We said he surrendered to the bankers on the $100,000,000 loan. But we have forgotten about it now, because the city’s credit went unscathed through the opening of the war, and the “pay-as-you-go” policy has been written into law.
We said that he conceded too much to the New York Central railroad.
'From the Ney) York Times.


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But we have forgotten about it now, and when we have difficulty in shipping adequate supplies for our troops and shiver on “coalless” Mondays we demand to know why our all-rail facilities are so inadequate.
Oh, the waste, the futility of human effort caused by our petty passions and prejudices and politics! If only a breath of clean air had swept through our minds last Fall! Then had we conspired to keep this extraordinary administrator at his right appointed job! But he was too big for us. He cared too little about our petty ideas and prejudices. He saw the enduring things to do, and he did them. And his only reward is that even without him they continue to endure.
But he does not grieve, he does not complain; no, he even need not care. But we, fellow-citizens of New York, let us grieve, let us complain bitterly of ourselves! Let us at least learn a little less presumption, a little more generosity toward those who in high places and in troublous times carry with brave and gallant spirit the great burdens of our public affairs!
EDITORIAL1
JOHN PURROY MITCHEL
The tragic death of John Purroy Mitchel, on the morning of July 6, shocked a nation into deep regret that one of its youngest and most gifted political personalities had at so early a date and so far from the actual front of battle, paid the last full price of devotion to his country’s weal. To those who knew from personal touch the operations of his mind and heart during the fateful years since the opening of the world war, and especially since our entrance as an active participant, Major Mitchel’s untimely ending brought not only poignant sorrow but something of bitterness. To those who knew him merely as a public official or solely by the quality of his works, it could not have brought less than a keen realization of the loss to the country of a superb fighting spirit. To all who
1The Survey publishes a symposium of opinions concerning the social work of Major Mitchel as mayor of New York. In introducing it Lawson Purdy, president of the National Municipal League and former president of the board of tax commissioners of New York City, said: “It was the unanimous opinion that, while most persons might regard his best work as an increase in the efficiency of government, that achievement was only auxiliary to a broad program of social welfare. Because of this opinion it was thought that brief articles prepared by those commissioners who had most to do with the social welfare side of the administration would be interesting and might present a record that would be both instructive and stimulating.”
Those contributing to the symposium include Katharine Bement Davis, Henry Bruere, Burdette G. Lewis, Henry C. Wright, John J. Murphy, S. S. Goldwater and William G. Willcox.


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knew even of him, it must have brought hush; to some, it should have brought penitence.
Death is by no means the worst thing in life. It is sometimes the best thing—the crown of ultimate and supreme fulfillment. Save as an event which, at a critical hour in the history of the nation, put the life and example of this man forward as a luminous inspiration to the young manhood of America—and this was far from being a negligible service—it is difficult to view the death of John Mitchel as anything but a calamity without mitigation. That he would have distinguished himself as a soldier nobody who knew him doubts. That he would, by his intelligence, his bravery, his conspicuous capacity for leadership, have contributed in some very substantial way to the victory of our arms is more than highly probable. Had he done this, and had he fallen in the active field of service, the fulfillment of his life in death would have seemed more nearly fitting and complete. But Major Mitchel’s career and service as a soldier were before him when he laid down his life. Except for his service as an apostle of preparedness in a wilderness of hesitation, and except for the inspiration of his thwarted purpose to fight, his fame must rest upon his civic achievements.
Surely here is laurel enough for his thirty-nine full years. The offices which he filled in rapid succession during his career of public service in the city of New York, are well known—special assistant corporation counsel, commissioner of accounts, president of the board of aider-men, collector of the port, mayor. It were impossible here to recount even briefly the distinguished character of his services in these several capacities or to recapitulate in any adequate fashion the more important achievements of his administration as mayor. It seems futile, likewise, to attempt to describe his accomplishments or to characterize his personal and official qualities in terms of generality. Suffice it to say, that among all the phrases of appreciation and laudation that his untimely death has called forth, there have been few if any that were not true in a very literal sense. Intellectual capacity, probity, fearlessness, energy, fair-mindedness, passionate hatred of expediency—these and other admirable attributes of mind and of method have been extolled; and they were his. And this is not to say that Major Mitchel was not an intensely human being.
If the nation was shocked into deep regret over the death of Major


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Mitchel, it is to be hoped that the people of the city of New York were shocked into profound reflection over the death of ex-Mayor Mitchel. Eight months before he died, these people overwhelmingly defeated him, a reluctant candidate, for re-election to the office of mayor. Why? Because he bothered more about being mayor, more about doing a thoroughgoing and clean job in that difficult office, than about making himself solid with party organizations, or building a political machine of his own, or doing the thing that would catch the popular fancy; and because in doing this job as it should have been done and as no one else had ever done it, he trod upon the toes of group after group whose class or factional interests stood in the way of the interests of the general public. Every such offended class or faction opposed his re-election openly or secretly; and collectively they were more than sufficiently numerous, each with its particular complaint and with no solidarity whatever among their several groups, to defeat him at the polls. Aside from the pacifist and pro-German support of Hilquitt, the contest was fought not between Mitchel and Hylan but between Mitchel and anybody else; this anybody else chanced to be Hylan. The voters thus factionalized against him were unwilling to lose sight of their personal and often petty grievances before the large merits of his truly remarkable administration.
Democracy is conspicuously on trial the world over. It will remain on trial for many years after it has won the war. It must be made square with its assumptions and competent to its gigantic task. The democracy of New York proved its immediate incompetence by its failure to reelect Mayor Mitchel. This is the significant, the heart-searching lesson that the death of this defeated representative of the democracy of tomorrow should burn into the hearts of every one of us who loves his country and has faith in her destiny.
Howard Lee McBain.


DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS
I. BOOK REVIEWS
City Manager Plan of Government.
Edited by Edward Charles Mabie.
New York: The H. W. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series.
Pp. 245. $1.25.
Mr. Mabie’s book is typical of the “Debaters’ Handbook Series” and possesses the usual merits and defects which the compilation of such works present. The city manager plan is a somewhat more difficult subject than many of the others in the series owing to the lack of authoritative written material upon it. j£ Mr. Mabie has gathered a great deal of interesting matter, some of which, however, it must be admitted is of a rather ephemeral character. It is unfortunate that the preparation and the publication of the book were so far separated. Although published in May 1918 it contains scarcely any information of a later date than the first half of 1917. In other words, at the present writing it is already a year out of date, and in a subject with regard to -which evidence is being so rapidly accumulated a year’s time makes a great deal of difference.
It would appear from the nature of the material gathered and from other internal evidence that Mr. Mabie is strongly in favor of the city manager form of government. Nowhere is this shown more plainly than in the brief at the beginning of the book. The affirmative brief is very carefully worked out and presents admirably the main points of advantage in the city manager form of government. The negative brief, on the other hand, is exceedingly weak. Believing as I do in the city manager form of government I cannot agree that the case against it is as poor as Mr. Mabie’s brief would indicate. The lack of negative references in the bibliography explains perhaps the difficulty of developing a case against the city manager form of government.
The material included has, I think, in general been wisely selected. The charter of Springfield, Ohio, which is set forth in full is perhaps as fair an example of its class as could be found. Several of the articles quoted are of high merit. They are, however, mostly general discussions of the subject. There is a dearth of actual information concerning the working of the city manager form of government. This cannot be ascribed to any fault of Mr. Mabie’s, but simply to the absence of available material. The reports of city managers included are pertinent and valuable as far as they go.
The most interesting matter contained in the book from the point of view of general students of municipal government are the cautious opinions of William Dudley Foullce and Howard L. McBain, and I cannot refrain from discussing their opinions in the light of actual experience with the city manager form of government. Mr. Foullce at the Toronto meeting of the League (Mabie, p. 210) spoke in part as follows:
“I think we know exactly how Doc Zimmerman would act if the city manager plan were now put on in the city of Richmond. He would lay his plans for the place before the election—the place, not of mayor, but of city manager, and he would have his slate of five commissioners who would go in and vote for him, and he would get men who were personally popular and knew how to pull the ropes. His skill as a politician is much better than that of the men who would oppose him. He would have his five men who would vote for him, and the issue before election would be, Are we to have Doc Zimmerman for a manager or not?”
This argument has been one of the most potent in the hands of the opposition to the city manager form of government. Experience has refuted it. For some
507


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reason or other—it may be a new birth of civic patriotism or it may be the pitiless publicity which the new system lets in upon the city government—city councils have not chosen former bosses as managers. As a matter of fact, it would be a great deal better to have the boss as an open 'and acknowledged and legally responsible manager than to have him operating as a concealed and corrupting force behind the scenes of ostensible government. There is not, however, a city council in this country which would dare to name a notorious boss as manager.
Professor McBain in an article quoted by Mabie from the National Municipal Review dwells at some length upon the probability of the council dominating the manager and dictating to him the detailed administration of his office. “ The truth of the matter is,” says McBain, “that you cannot write into law a precise division between two authorities where the tenure of one is absolutely at the mercy of the other.” Here again experience has absolutely belied prophecy. The relation between the manager and the council is a normal and well understood relation. It is that of the manager of the private corporation to his board of directors, of the superintendent of schools to the board of education, of the president of the state university to his board of regents. Its translation into the field of municipal government does not alter its character. While it would be impossible to say that there have been no examples of council dictation, councils in general have readily fallen into the habits of most boards of directors and allowed the manager a wide latitude of action. The public have proved themselves prone to look straight, over the council, to the manager and the real tendency is toward manager government rather than council government. Just as the executive head in national and state affairs has tended to gather in his hands more and more exclusive control so the manager tends to outweigh at least in popular estimation the importance of the council.
The city manager form of government cannot be said then, as Professor McBain
would have it, to be a “return to the system of councilmanic control.” It is a new and vital principle of organization taken over from other fields into that of municipal government.
Thomas H. Reed. San Jose, California.
*
Selected Articles on Municipal Ownership. Compiled by Julia E. Johnsen. New York: The H. W. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series. Pp. 334. $1.50. Third edition. Revised and enlarged.
The outstanding result of the war on this side of the Atlantic is the sudden acquisition by the national Government of various interstate utilities. This little anticipated move has but added to the rapidly growing interest in, and demand for, the municipal ownership and operation of local public utilities. As pointed out by Dr. Wilcox in a previous issue of the National Municipal Review, the state utilities commissions may have proved excellent training schools for corporation attorneys but their rulings, with certain notable exceptions, have not always redounded to the benefit of the municipalities affected.
In view of this interest, the publication of the present handbook is timely. While the compiler has retained a large part of the material which appeared in earlier editions, she has added many new articles and has enlarged the brief and bibliography so as virtually to make of it a new book. The book opens with the brief which furnishes an excellent analysis of the question, with arguments pro and con. A bibliography of more than 260 titles follows, arranged in affirmative and negative groups. We find no reference in the lists to the Census Bureau’s report on central electric light and power stations and street and electric railways (1912), to Mr. J. Francisco’s “Municipal Ownership,” 4th edition, Rutland, Vt. (1895), to Library of Congress’ select list of references on municipal ownership and operation of street railways, nor to articles which have appeared in Municipal


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Journal. As in the bibliography so in the text there is a preponderance of articles dealing with the affirmative side of the question. There are occasional typographical errors, as on page ix, where “sought” is substituted for “solved” in the title of Mr. Brandeis’ article, and on page xxvi, where the name of Mr. Thompson’s association, the Public Ownership League of America, should be separated by punctuation from the title of his report “Municipal Electric Light and Power Plants in the United States and Canada.”
The compiler’s short introduction might well have been extended to greater length and it would have been well to point out the scarcity of statistics regarding municipally owned public utilities and the urgent need for the collection and collation of such data. Recent studies have shown that many of the alleged “failures” of municipal ownership were illusory —as evidenced by the enthusiastic writer who thus classified certain municipal gas plants which had exhausted the natural supply. Facts of this kind are of value to the debater.
All things considered, Miss Johnsen’s handbook is a real contribution to a much-abused subject.
Dobsey W. Hyde, Jr. New York City.
*
A Community Center—What It Is and How to Organize It. By Henry E. Jackson. New York: The Macmillan Company. 1918. Published also, in part, as a bulletin of The United States Bureau of Education.
This book proves that the community center movement has at last grown familiar to the general mind. It is a popular book and its language is wholly nontechnical. It is the kind of book which an author writes about a subject whose existence, and a knowledge about which in the reader’s mind, he can take for granted. The value and the shortcomings of Mr. Jackson’s book grow out of this very quality of popular-ness.
For while it is true that the community
center has become a familiar thing to perhaps hundreds of thousands of people, there are millions more who know nothing about it as yet. Here, in this book, the community center talks about itself as one can imagine a city street talking about itself. There is none who debate the existence, the necessity, of the street. Most of those who traverse it worry themselves but little about the problems of engineering, about the network of buried pipes and conduits, about the city-plan of which the street is a part. The millions who do not know about community centers will, if they read Mr. Jackson’s book, feel vaguely that they are in the position of a man who does not know about the existence of streets. It is good propaganda to assume that of course any intelligent man knows that the object of propaganda exists and that it is important. A book like Mr. Jackson’s will strengthen the confidence of community center members in their movement, and wherever it circulates it will create a sentiment that community centers are now accomplished facts about whose urgency it is needless to talk any longer.
The shortcomings of Mr. Jackson’s book lie precisely in this, its popular value. Community centers are yet in their experimental stage. In the main, they are like streets not built, or streets which have been built without reference to the larger social plan, or streets which need to be torn up again in order to introduce conduits or superimpose rapid-transit lines. In other words, community centers are an engineering problem and there is great need for a treatise which will space the problem with a full recognition of its difficulty, which will bring together the existing experience, and which will develop out of the problem as stated and the experience as described, one or more prescriptions for the community center of the future. Mr. Jackson’s book does not meet this need.
For example, Part I of the book contains a somewhat detailed recommendation for the establishment of community banks and co-operative exchanges but has nothing to say about community health work,


NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
510
night schools, community branches of the public employment bureau, the organization of competitive recreation. The community bank and co-operative exchange are highly important but as yet speculative topics, in so far as they are treated from the standpoint of community center work, whereas this second group of activities, omitted from this book, is a set of opportunities confronting every community center and most community centers do something about one or more of them.
The book likewise fails to illuminate, by applying it to community center enterprise, President Wilson’s eloquent letter addressed to the state councils of defense, incorporated in the book, endorsing the establishment of community councils of national defense. The community council of defense is not a community center, although the community center should be a part of the community council. Community councils are being established all over the country. Community centers exist in many parts of the country. How can these two movements or types of organization be brought together, articulated? The question is not answered here, so that President Wilson’s letter is left with no more than an implicit relation to the substance of the book itself.
Yet the perusal of the book as a whole leaves the reader encouraged—nay, more, aroused, and more than hospitable toward the community center. It is a distinct addition to the growing literature of the community movement.
John Collier.
New York.
*
Co-operation, the Hope of the Consumer. By Emerson P. Harris, assisted by Edgar Swan Wiers and Florence Harris. New York: The Macmillan Co. 1918. 328 p. $2.
“To the toilers of America, many of whom know undeserved want through the reduction of the purchasing power of their hard-earned dollars by our wicked and wasteful mercantile distributive system, this book is dedicated.” Co-operation is a social philosophy, even a religion.
When once the idea grips the mind and heart of a man of intelligence and generous instincts he must start a co-operative store or write a book. Mr. Harris has done both, for it may be inferred that, as president of the Montclair (N. J.) co-operative society, he was a prime mover in its organization.
The reviewer would not imply that this volume is the product of mere enthusiasm. The author brings to his task exceptional qualifications not only of conviction and enthusiasm, but of actual experience with co-operative store management and many years behind the scenes of the existing system as a publisher of advertising periodicals and editor and author on advertising and selling." To this should be added his evident familiarity with the literature of retailing and the history and present status of consumer’s co-operation in other countries.
A more convincing indictment of the present system of transferring goods from the producer to the consumer would be hard to find. The aggressive selling methods of competitive advertising and salesmanship cost the consumer billions of dollars without giving him information needed for making a wise choice. To the economic evils are also to be added grievous moral and social sins.
The Rochdale plan of co-operative buying furnishes the key to “pecuniary relief, easier access to the good things of life.” “The ideal arrangement for a town, as I see it,” says Mr. Harris, “would be the organization of a strong and efficient co-operative society to conduct food distribution with all figures audited and made public by the municipality.”
The answer to this formidable array of facts and convincing arguments is furnished, perhaps unintentionally, by one sentence in the introduction contributed by John Graham Brooks. “The form of co-operation for which Mr. Harris pleads,” says Mr. Brooks, “has never appealed with any real force to the American business sense; its savings seemed too insignificant, its range too narrow and its management too insecure.” There is little reason to suppose that even the


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Great War will make the consumer’s problems so acute as to force him to take an interest in co-operation. “Awakening the Consumer” is the title of one of the shortest chapters in the book, and certain
it is that nothing but an awakened consumer will ever make co-operation practicable in the United States.
C. C. Williamson.
II. BOOKS RECEIVED
The Abolition of Inheritance. By Harlan Eugene Read. New York: The Macmillan Company, pp. 312. $1.50.
American Democracy and Asiatic Citizenship. By Sidney L. Gulick, D.D. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, pp. 257. $1.75.
Departmental Co-operation in State Government. By Albert R. Elling-wood, Ph.D. New York: The Macmillan Company. $2.50.
Elementary Education. Report for the School Year Ending July 31, 1915. By Thomas E. Finegan, Deputy Commissioner of Education, New York State. Albany: University of the State of New York. 1918.
Health and the State. By William A. Brend. New York: E. P. Dutton & Company, pp. 354. $4.00.
Legislative Regulation of Railway Finance in England. Parts I and II. By Ching Chun Wang. Urbana, 111.: University of Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences. Price, 75 cents each.
Municipal Housecleaning. By William Parr Capes and Jeanne R. Carpen-
ter. New York: E. P. Dutton & Company. $6.
Fire Waste in Canada. By J. Grove Smith: Ottawa, Canada: Commission of Conservation, pp. 319. 50 cents.
Our Community: Good Citizenship in Towns and Cities. By Samuel H. Ziegler and Helen Jaquette. Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Company. pp. 240.
Our Neighborhood: Good Citizenship in Rural Communities. By John F. Smith. Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Company, pp. 262.
Social Insurance in the United States. By Gurdon Ransom Miller. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co. pp. 136. 60
cents.
The Spirit of Democracy. By Lyman P. Powell and Gertrude W. Powell. Chicago: Rand McNally & Company.
The Standard Bearers. By Katherine Mayo. New York: Houghton Mifflin Co. pp. 324. $1.50.
Welfare and Housing. A Practical Record of War Time Management. By J. E. Hutton. New York: Longmans, Green & Co. $1.50.
III. REVIEWS OF REPORTS
City Managers’ Year Book.1—The
printed proceedings of the City Managers’ Association are here again,—the fourth since a dozen city managers got together in Springfield, Ohio, in 1914, to talk about themselves and their jobs. One reads these proceedings,—which now bear the more dignified title of year book,—not for typography or for the pictures of a score of city managers; but for facts which indicate the progress of municipal governments since 1913 when city managing became a fact.
Here are some of the “high spots” of the report:
i Fourth Year Book of the City Managers’ Association, 1917-1918. Price, S.15. H. G. Otis, Secretary, Auburn, Maine.
1. Running a city by city managers has become an accepted fact in American municipal government. Over one hundred communities, big and little, have managers, and half of these managers axe members of the city managers’ association.
2. City managers are realizing that their job is rapidly becoming a profession. Advancement as a profession depends upon co-operation, not only between managers but with organizations which are trying to make city government effective.
3. City managers are giving up the idea that they are the best judges of their own jobs, and are inviting outside critics to point out their cardinal virtues, and, also to indicate conditions which are neither cardinal nor virtuous.
4. While the engineers are still preferred as managers by small communities, the larger cities are getting away from the belief that every manager must be an


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engineer. The fact is being accepted that this job requires a capable and trained executive rather than the representative of any distinct profession.
5. Even the brief report of the managers concerning the results in their cities indicate that unprecedented results have been accomplished.
However, there are some shortcomings in the association which are emphasized by the reading of the booklet. City managers have apparently been too busy to realize that this plan of government must grow from year to year, and adapt itself to bigger cities and different conditions if it is to be a real success. In the past four years not a material improvement has been made in the city-manager plan laid down in the Dayton charter, and many of the errors of the Dayton charter have been copied in other charters. The managers have gotten together and talked about some of these errors, but have never done anything about them.
From the floor of the convention they have raised such pertinent questions as how the corporation counsel or the city controller should be appointed. . Sometimes on the floor, but more commonly in the ante-room or foyers they have discussed accounting and financial problems, records and reports. But few of these questions and little of the discussions have found their way into the year book. The managers have been too busy telling what they have done in their cities or rehearsing unimportant troubles which they have had.
One committee which had to do with the overwhelming job of the standardization of records reported “progress” at the last meeting.
An outsider who has been looking at the city manager job since it started would like to venture a suggestion or two. Suppose the managers next year take up some of the real problems which are bothering them, as well as a lot of others. For example:
1. What changes in the Model City Charter of the National Municipal League have four years of city managers’ experience dictated?
2. What charter changes would secure
the principles of the city manager plan for the bigger city without committing its sled length to the term city manager,— which most of our larger communities dislike?
3. What are the qualifications which go to make up a good manager? And with these qualifications in hand how should a city start out to hunt a manager so as to eliminate the present bungling and chance selections?
4. What are some of the common accounting problems which are met in every sxall city, and how much could the city managers’ association help by laying down some simple fundamental principles?
5. How far would a knowledge of the cost of service help city managers in little towns and big cities, and what can the city managers do to get these costs?
6. What has experience shown to be the best methods of keeping the public in touch with city governments? And can these methods be formulated into a definite program which any city manager can follow whether he has a “news instinct” or not?
These are just a few of the things in which it is possible that the city managers might help others as well as themselves. It is fully realized that at every convention the delegates want to tell what they have done in the past year; also by long established custom they want to hear some other fellows tell what they would have done. But after all this there is some time left for sawing wood. A convention lasts three days and the city manager job lasts twelve months in every year. From one point of view a small part of this time would be well spent in hunting up the solution of some real questions. If the city managers don’t do these things the National Municipal League or the Governmental Research Association will come along and do it for them,—which would be most discourteous.
Lent D. Upson.
*
Citizens’ Business.1—Some one has said of the municipal research movement2 that it is an effort to build a brick house without mortar. Substantial materials are available, but the elements that give the move-
1 With special reference to the publications of the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research.
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. v, pp. 278,652, 654. •


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ment distinction are lacking. There are those who suggest that the materials have not been used with sufficient skill or with the exceptional skill required. Doubtless this is a factor, but it is not the only explanation of the fact that the bureau movement has not become “popular.” I prefer to attribute this condition of affairs to the fact that the movement has to do with subjects that are frightfully uninteresting to the layman; accounts, purchasing methods, cost records, statistics of all sorts. It is not of these that the issues of life are made. The average American can be stirred only by moral questions. The school system, the fairness of wages, vice, graft—all of which have direct ethical implications—are fair subjects of controversy. They are the popular material for a political discussion. But make a party program out of the objects of attention of the average bureau and see how much popular interest can be stirred up! It will create as much interest as the usual college skeleton and will be treated with about as much reverence. Consciously or unconsciously bureau men have recognized this fact; witness their efforts at “publicity.” To be sure not all bureau productions are as dry as dust even though they treat of nonpopular subjects. Bureau men write and speak in a human vein and are admirably human themselves. Both in personnel and in results the movement has almost fifty seven varieties. It varies too from time to time within each bureau;—in Philadelphia and elsewhere, as well as in New York.
Hence it is hard to generalize concerning “Citizens’ Business.” More than one bureau man has admitted that these little “salt and pepper” bulletins have been used as a means of interesting contributors to the treasury. At least one bureau is very loath to send copies of its bulletin to persons from whom financial assistance cannot be expected. That an appeal for funds is not made directly in the bulletin means nothing. Flank movements on private sources of financial assistance are usually the most effective. The tactics of some bureaus are such as
to make it quite evident that their bulletins are designed to appeal to the prospective contributor patron as well as the captured patron. This is a legitimate method. One gets a good impression, however, when the Philadelphia brand comes out squarely in an appeal for funds from time to time. Moreover the Philadelphia bulletin has several hundred subscribers who are not contributors to the support of the bureau.
“Citizens’ Business” is not of itself an effective means of publicity. In no city is its circulation wide enough to have much effect on the public mind. The underlying assumption on which the preparation of most bulletins depends is that the average “tired” business man is also too busy to read an extended article on public questions. His attention must be secured by means of brief and pointed statements of the case. Hence all of the arts of commercial advertising are used. Without doubt, as a means of reaching this class of readers, (which is usually the class that contributes) “Citizens’ Business” is effective, provided the editorial work is well done.
Perhaps, too, these bulletins have the effect of securing newspaper publicity which would not be provided otherwise. The bulletin makes “news.” The claim that this sort of pamphlet is written not so much for the limited number who actually receive them as for the wider public which will read them through newspaper summaries has much weight. Unfortunately, however, when published in the newspapers the statement usually loses a good deal of its effectiveness by reason of the omission of the advertising display features designed for the busy business man. An interview “hung” on a prominent citizen would be more in keeping with newspaper methods and more effective.
All sides of the question considered, I believe the publicity value of bulletins known in most cities as “citizens’ business” has been grossly exaggerated and in some cities it is doubtful whether their purpose had or has .anything to do with bona fide publicity.


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The quality and character of the Philadelphia issue have varied a great deal from year to year and from week to week. The subject matter varies from “what is a bureau” to “Athletics 6—Giants 4” (apropos of municipal statistics); from “milk for babies” (with illustrations) to “municipal accounting.” The attitude toward the personnel of Philadelphia’s city government has varied too; there is very little of the vindictive in recent years; the eyes are on the ultimate goal of human needs. They have a distinctly social tinge too; they are visionary in the acceptable sense. There is a distinct flavor of intellectual honesty and fearlessness about Citizens’ Business in that city.
When the Philadelphia bureau sent out hundreds of bills some weeks ago to readers who had been receiving Citizens' Business for a year through a mass subscription, it received a few cards saying that the bulletin was worthless, but a great many more readers were cordially appreciative and a considerable proportion of the group subscribed for the current year. The Philadelphia bureau has an honorable and growing place not only in Philadelphia but also among civic workers generally. No one will question the statement that the bulletin has had something to do with this condition of affairs.
To the mind of the writer there does not seem to be any clear-cut policy or understanding concerning the nature and purpose of this type of publication. Some bureaus do not use the form at all. Usually those bureaus which need funds least either do not use this method of publicity at all or use it least. In other cities it has the characteristics of an inheritance from the past with which the present director scarcely knows what to do. The Philadelphia issue has still a little of th:s .. The whole situation
calls for a comp sifting to the end that every element of die problem may be brought out in relief and a clear-cut policy made available for adoption. As it is, the hopeless mixture of purposes involved in the contents of the average edition of Citizens’ Business creates a somewhat
nondescript result. However, by clearly stating its appeal for funds when necessary and by fearlessly discussing public questions with obvious intellectual honesty, the Philadelphia bureau has helped to-clear the air.
W. J. Donald.
*
The New Traction Problem.1—Anyone who picks up Mr. Shonts’s pamphlet with the expectation of getting really new ideas about transit matters in it is likely to be greatly disappointed. The treatise is mainly a defense of the Interborough company and its methods of handling traffic in New York City. There are figures and statistics given to show how great the transportation problem of New York is, and how difficult the situation is to handle. But there is nothing really new in the facts given and no indications of any policy on the part of the Interborough company in meeting the growing congestion on the rapid transit lines in New York City.
Mr. Shonts’s pamphlet appears to be a part of the publicity campaign which has been carried on for some time in New York City with the evident idea of convincing the public that the Interborough management is in no way responsible for the over-crowding of its cars, for the congestion in the subway, for accidents and interruptions in service. The real aim behind the-campaign was not apparent at first, but now it would look as though Mr. Shonts’s real purpose was to work up a public sentiment in favor of his company, which would support him in his recent agitation for six cent fares on the rapid transit lines. While the publicity work was very ably handled, and the Interborough company may have gained something in the good will of the public, by the lavish display of reading matter in the car windows, when it came to the-suggestion of paying an extra cent as the price for reading all the posters, the public balked most decidedly, and the campaign for higher fares has remained at a standstill.
1 By Theodore P. Shonts, president of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company.


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There is not much to be gained by criticising the Interborough company, as it is an institution which we must have with us in New York for a long time to come. But it is difficult for those who know the history of its management from its beginning not to take exception to a number of statements in the pamphlet if not to the whole document. Take the sentence on the very first page: “It is a portentous fact that no increase of transit facilities, no matter how great, has ever permanently relieved congestion.” Instead of this it is a fact, altogether too well known, that the Interborough company has believed congestion such a profitable thing for its business that it has never made any real effort to reduce it materially or to avoid it in the future. When the New York subway was first opened, the company adopted a type of car which was already obsolete because of its slowness of loading and unloading; its small size and its extremely limited seating capacity. The dimensions of this first type of car have never been changed, and while one more door has been added and the size of all openings widened, the latest cars have even fewer seats than the first cars, and the comfort of cross seats has been entirely eliminated. And yet, by following the far-sighted example of European railways, the Interborough company could not only have furnished 100 seats in their cars in place of the present 44, and been giving practically a seat to every passenger throughout the day, but by so doing could have effected such an economy of operation as to make it pay to scrap all the obsolete car bodies and earn a handsome profit on new bodies as well as paying dividends on the old ones.
If the Interborough management only had a little more public spirit and a little less of the blind belief that nothing pays better than congestion and strap-hangers, Mr. Shonts would not have to be trying to convince the people to-day that overcrowding is unavoidable, and that the increase of the riding habit in New York City will always keep ahead of facilities that can be furnished.
A great deal is said about the magni-
tude of the dual subway system now approaching completion in New York. Without disparaging the planning and construction of that system in any way, a fundamental mistake was made in not increasing the capacity of the first subway to the limit instead of waiting years for the completion of new lines, undertaken at a fabulous cost and with street obstructions about which Mr. Shonts has been constantly complaining to the authorities. It was long ago found perfectly feasible from both engineering and operating standpoints to run fifteen or even twenty-car trains in the first New York subway. Twenty-car trains would have doubled the capacity of the subway and while their adoption in the rush hours would have required the lengthening of the stations and re-arrangement of signals, the cost of such changes would have been small compared with the cost of entirely new lines, while the doubling of capacity could have been obtained in a period of time short in comparison with that taken to build the dual system.
If the Interborough management had really honestly tried to relieve congestion in New York City, it might be furnishing in the present subway to-day at least five times as many seats per hour as are now furnished, by the relatively simple improvements of modem cars and longer trains. And if it were doing this, Mr. Shonts would have had something really worth writing about instead of trying vainly to prove that the problem of meeting congestion is an insoluble one.
The real “new traction problem” today is how to get companies like the Interborough to take a broader viewpoint, and to really try to give adequate service, instead of conducting publicity campaigns to prove why it cannot be done. The idea that it is impost .ble to furnish every passenger with a seat even in the New York subway, is one which never had any real basis of fact, as conclusively shown by European experience. And yet most American railway men, like Mr. Shonts, influenced by the belief that congestion pays, and failing to really try to relieve it, still go on claiming that sufficient seats:


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are impossible, and still manage to convince the public that they are right. As long as the companies fail to see their shortsightedness, and as long as the public is content to put up with overcrowding, it seems hopeless to try to change existing conditions. As the new lines of the dual system are put into operation, it will be possible by reducing the train service to the minimum, to keep the trains of the new routes overcrowded from the day of opening and Mr. Shonts may be able to go on for some years contending that congestion can never be caught up with.
The chief hope for the improvement of transportation in our cities lies in the war. The way in which so many business men have undertaken to help the government, and the steady growth of patriotism, all lead to the possibility that the electric railway owners and managers may see the light of day and become imbued with a new spirit of service. . And yet, the electric railway industry was never at a lower ebb than it is just now. All overthe country, companies are taking advantage of the war to demand an unwarranted raise of fares, without making any pretense at trying to keep down the rising costs of operation by war time economies. Employees are even being encouraged to strike in order to force the public to consent to paying higher rates. Some companies are trying to use war prices as a basis for excessive valuations, in order to justify excessive capitalization and excessive rates of return. In almost every case the higher fares bring in no increased return and yet so selfish are the motives behind the movement for higher fares that the companies go on raising their rates just the same regardless of the results in other places.
Mr. Shonts himself is one of those who have been most active in the campaign for higher fares. But, fortunately for the people of New York City, the public service commission of the first district has not been stampeded by the insistent demands for higher fares, nor misled by the arguments of higher costs. Nor has it yielded to external pressure to do what was neither fair nor lawful, and, unlike the
up-state New York commission, it took the firm stand from the outset that a municipal franchise is a contract, binding on both parties, and not to be overthrown at will by either a company or a public service commission. Upheld in this same position by the court of appeals in the Rochester fare case, the New York City commission deserves the praise of every believer in municipal home rule and its clean-cut recent decisions are a warning that no company within its jurisdiction can use the war as an excuse for excessive capitalization or unfair rates.1
John P. Fox.
*
Civic Organizations and Chicago’s Fiscal Problems.—Considerable reductions in revenues available for the corporate purposes of the city of Chicago, due to a falling off in miscellaneous revenues, notably those derived from liquor licenses, placed the Chicago city council in a position of extreme parsimony in making up its 1918 budget. The finance committee of the city council last November asked Governor Lowden to call a special session of the Illinois general assembly in order that the city’s corporate tax rate might be substantially increased by law. The governor, forseeing that either hasty legislation would be rushed through, or the money and energy of the state would be taken for a long legislative controversy, told the city fathers if they would go back and get the agreement of the civic bodies of Chicago and of a substantial majority of the Chicago delegation in the general assembly to a definite legislative program, he then would consider the request.
Governor Lowden’s action has given to the civic bodies a position of responsibility and importance which it is hoped will prove of real value to the community. Thus far they have held the lid down against all efforts for purely makeshift measures and their opportunity to exert constructive influence at the next regular session of the general assembly would appear promising.
A joint committee composed of mem-
1 This article was written early in July.


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bers of the council finance committee and of state senators and representatives from Chicago districts held several public hearings at which representatives of civic organizations were present. This committee then framed a program of proposed measures for enactment at a special session, which program, however, was rejected almost unanimously by the Chicago organizations, and never was taken up with Governor Lowden.
Several of the leading organizations published valuable educational literature during the period of these negotiations. The most exhaustive treatment of the city’s first request for financial assistance was published by the Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency under the title “Chicago’s financial dilemma.” It pointed out progressive impairment, to the point of exhaustion, of the city's working capital; criticized an absence of careful analysis on the part of the city of probable revenues, and suggested that the bureau would be glad to join in a request for emergency relief when the need therefor was stated in budgetary terms and accompanied by a constructive program of legislation looking toward a permanent improvement in Chicago’s financial system.
The woman’s city club in a communication, “Concerning the city’s present financial situation and some available remedies,” laid particular stress upon various economies and administrative reforms which had been proposed from time to time in official reports and otherwise, but never acted upon, and suggested that a more accurate statement of the financial situation probably would show the additional revenues needed for 1918 to be considerably less than the $5,000,000 requested by the joint committee. (The first request of the finance committee had shown a deficit of $7,500,000.)
The citizens’ association in its Bulletin No. 39 pointed out to its members that the association’s refusal to give its endorsement at this time to the joint committee’s appeal for a special session was not prompted by indifference to the city’s real needs but was due to the failure of the joint committee to outline any defi-
nite policy of retrenchment or of seeking fundamental reforms. A bill to provide non-partisan elections for municipal officials was emphasized in this Bulletin as legislation which should accompany any tax increase.
The civic federation of Chicago in its monthly bulletins, “published for the information of taxpayers and citizens,” has given considerable attention to the municipal situation. In Bulletin No. 17, the advantages which have followed Governor Lowden’s reorganization of the Illinois state government upon a modern business basis were cited as a reason why the reorganization of the Chicago city government along the general line suggested in the council-manager plan of the Chicago bureau of public efficiency should be included in any special session call that might be issued. This Bulletin also showed discrepancies in the city’s preliminary fiscal statement; showed how the operation of the Juul law would always embarrass the city’s finances, and urged economies and the framing of a constructive program based on a careful survey of Chicago’s needs. Bulletin No. 18 criticised in detail the proposals of the joint committee.
The Chicago association of commerce, the Chicago real estate board and other prominent organizations, while publishing no literature on the subject, replied to the city that a more definite and a more satisfactory program would have to be submitted before they could join in asking for a special session to increase municipal taxes. The council finally passed its appropriation ordinance for 1918 strictly upon a basis of revenues actually in sight, making curtailments where necessary, except that salary increases were granted to all employees receiving $1,800 a year or less. This was made possible by certain citizens who had not taken part in the special session negotiations, and who agreed to advance the $1,757,000 necessary to meet this increase. They will be repaid in judgment vouchers bearing five per cent interest per annum until redeemed. The latest Bulletin of the Civic Federation


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(No. 24) relates that requests for supplemental appropriations totalling more than $15,000,000, and including more than $8,000,000 of outstanding debts other than bonded indebtedness have been presented to the council finance committee, but have received only superficial consideration. Failure to take action until after July 1 (the last date for passing supplemental appropriation ordinances), this Bulletin points out, will merely defer the solution of a vexing problem and will relieve neither taxpayers nor city officials from serious troubles, which will be thrashed out before the general assembly next winter in all probability.
♦
“Story of the Detroit Police Department.”1—The annual report of that department for the year ending June 30, 1917, is a volume “arranged as a class-book for Detroiters, young and old, in school and out. ...” This report is of particular interest because it is compiled and published not merely as a matter of annual habit, but with the conscious purpose of making it usable.
To help attain the end in view, the superintendent of schools was induced to co-operate by having the report used as a supplementary text in civics. The book was attractively arranged, interesting photographs were judiciously used, and in every way was made easy to read.
In its aims and methods this volume is a recognition of an important function of municipal departments, which is usually neglected. It contains, however, considerable extraneous matter which defeats the purpose of an annual departmental statement. So far as general articles such as “European Police Systems,” “Relative Problems of Health and Crime,” “American Municipal Progress,” fire prevention rules, Rudyard Kipling’s poem, “If,” “Story of the Animal Welfare Association of Detroit,” and others of a similar nature are of interest, they interfere with the real object of an annual police department report, which should be to tell whether crime is on the increase
1 Annual report of the police department, City of Detroit, for year ending June 30, 1917.
or decrease, what the department did during the period in question, what progress was made as compared with previous periods, what problems confront it and what the program is for the subsequent year or years.
Like the reports of other police departments, big and little, no relationship is shown between complaints received and their disposition, although the disposition of arrests is recorded. Nor does this report, in common with police department reports generally, contain any information to indicate how the public can do its share in helping to reduce crime and to preserve law and order.
In the last analysis, if crime is to be reduced, a police department must get the co-operation of the community, through a comprehension of its aims, and sympathy with its policies. The police force itself is necessarily limited in the preventive work it can do unless every person in the community takes measures to make it more difficult to commit offenses or crimes. To accomplish this, it is essential for the department to communicate with the people through reports, annual or quarterly or both, newspaper articles, special feature stories, bulletins and any other means by which the people of a community can learn the facts about the problems of the department and what the public should do to help solve them. Detailed analyses of the cause of accidents, published not only in reports but spread throughout the city by newspapers and circulars posted in conspicuous places are attracting considerable attention.
To get facts to the people is a most difficult performance in any event, but it is almost impossible to do it through the medium of a limited number of copies of an annual report sent to a select mailing list. Abch M. Mandel.
*
“Municipal Affairs” of Milwaukee, published by the voters’ league of Milwaukee, was temporarily suspended with its July issue. The other activities of the league will be continued as usual because “good municipal government is as essential now as ever—if not more so. Careful


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records of officials will be kept, as usual, for the voters will want to know how their local officials attended to their duties, and how well they supported the national government when called upon, when their terms expire. There can be no relaxation in work such as this especially at a time when public attention is focused largely on national matters. ‘War must not destroy civic efficiency.’ ”
*
The 1916-1918 Hand-Book of the Civics Department of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs, prepared by Mrs. Bessie Leach Priddy, Chairman (502 Forest Ave., Ypsilanti, Mich., price 15 cents), deserves more than passing mention because it represents the high water mark of the civic activity of the most progressive women's organizations.
The Civics Department has been attempting to reply helpfully to an astonishingly large number of inquiries, not only from women’s clubs but from a variety of organizations and individuals. The hand book is the result. Through it Mrs. Priddy hopes more easily to meet the appeals for information, to secure continuity of effort on the part of civic chairmen, and to provide a basis for cumulative work in the future.
The nine sections of the pamphlet cover such topics as “ The city political,” “The city sanitary,” “ The city beautiful,” “ The city social,” “ Education for citizenship,” and “Americanization.” In each section a brief introduction is followed by suggestions for programs and other activities of clubs. The bibliographical notes and suggestions for civic workers should be especially helpful to those for whom they are designed.
*
Civic News in Tabloid Form.1—Among all the current civic publications there are few that are shorter or easier to read than “Women and the City’s Work,” the
* “Women and the City’s Work,” published by the Woman’s Municipal League of New York, 110 West 40th Street, New York. Agnes de Lima, editor.
weekly bulletin of the woman’s municipal league of New York. It is a little four-page leaflet which fits easily into an ordinary envelope and which seldom runs over one thousand or fifteen hundred words. But a remarkable amount of civic truth can be told in that space and because of its brevity the bulletin is probably more widely read than most civic leaflets. One leading fact of civic or social significance a week is taken up and dealt with in as short, concise and pithy a manner as possible so that she who runs may read. Ordinary notices of league activities are printed in smaller type on the fourth page of the bulletin.
The following titles represent some of the subjects treated this .year: “The Schools and New York’s Mayoralty Campaign”; “Fusion’s Failure and Women’s Opportunity”; “A Call to Service Among New Americans in New York City”; “Women and the New Citizenship”; “First Aid to New Voters”; “Raising Advertising Standards”; “Women in Men’s Places—the Need for a National Policy”; “Shall the Parole Commission be Abolished”; “Facts about New York’s Underfed School Children”—a plea for school lunches; “Is ‘Labor' Against Reform?”; “Labor and the New Social Order—Program of the British Labor Party"; “The Baby and the Draft”; “The City as a Foster Mother”—an account of the children’s home bureau.
Members of the league and civic workers find the bulletin useful and suggestive. Teachers of civics in the public schools have often ordered several hundred copies of a given issue containing an account of some city department and of course those issues which deal with some controversial problem such as the choice of a new city superintendent or the Gary plan have been ordered reprinted in great numbers. The bulletin was expanded into a pamphlet to make a report two years ago on the Gary plan and this report, ‘ ‘Modern Schools for New York City,” has been generally used as a text-book and work of reference by school workers everywhere.


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War Activities in Madison, Wisconsin.
—The Madison association of commerce, of which Don E. Mowry is general secretary, has issued a little booklet of 46 pages containing a very full directory of Madison’s war activities. Whether this really is the first directory of the kind for any city, as is claimed, it would be well if every city were provided with such a useful compilation revised at short intervals. The mere cataloguing of existing activities ought to have the effect of centralizing and co-ordinating them, and at the same time checking the organization of unnecessary agencies.
*
New York Municipal Reference Library Publications.—This interesting institution has begun the publication of a series of special pamphlets dealing with matters of interest to the users of the library. The first is entitled “What to Read on New York City Government,” and is prepared by Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr., the librarian. The other is by Ina Clement on “Teaching Citizenship via The Movies.” It is a most interesting survey of civic motion pictures and their availability for use by municipalities. It contains some admirable suggestions
concerning the need for a film library and a bibliography of available films dealing with such questions as Americanization, child welfare, education, crime and criminals, municipal government, milk supply, fire protection and prevention, health problems, police, safety, roads and pavements, and public utilities.
*
Akron Municipal University.—A section of the annual report of the president of the Municipal University of Akron, published in the bulletin of the university for April, 1918, emphasizes, chiefly by means of photographs, the close relation between the university and the municipal government and the city’s industries. The bureau of city tests, maintained at the university, makes chemical, bacteriological and physical tests for various city departments. Akron’s manufacturing plants co-operate with the university by employing engineering students so that they gain practical as well as theoretical training. An illustration of the way in which a municipal university may adapt its curriculum to local needs is the course on the chemistry of rubber which the Municipal University of Akron offers.
BIBLIOGRAPHY1
Accounting
Comstock (L. K.). A method for a compensated wage by index numbers. (Jour, of accountancy, Jy., 1918: 1-22.)
Memphis. Manual of accounting procedure, City of Memphis. 1918. 157 pp.
charts, statistics.
Morey (Lloyd). Financial reports of public institutions. (Jour, of Accountancy, Jy., 1918: 33-37.)
Ail address delivered at the annual convention of the Association of Business Officers of State Universities, Bloomington, Ind., 1918.
Americanization
See also Citizenship.
Anon. Americanization. A problem in human engineering. (Engrg. News-Record, Je. 13, 1918: 116.)
Loeb (Max). Compulsory English for foreign-born. (Survey, Jy. 13, 1918: 426-427. table.)
Baths
Bliss (C. E.). Large outdoor swimming pool built in circular form. Bottom
J Edited by Miss Alice M. Holden, Wellesley College.
increasing in depth toward center is paved with reinforced concrete—water pumped from river and filtered. (Engrg. News-Record, May 23, 1918: 997-998. illus.)
This pool is in an amusement park in Agawam, near Springfield, Mass.
Smith (Charles E.) and Schoberg (Herman M.). The sanitation of swimming pools—preliminary survey of local conditions. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 424^430.)
United States. Public Health Service. The application of ozone to the purification of swimming pools, by W. A. Manheimer. 1918. 8 pp. (Reprintno.456.) Charters
Anon. The purpose of the proposed new charter as defined by the Charter Board [in Baltimore]. (Baltimore Mun. Jour., Je. 7, 1918.)
Baltimore. Charter. A charter for the City of Baltimore prepared by the Charter Board elected at the general election held ... on the 6th day of November, 1917. 1918. 156 pp.


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
521
Detroit Bureau of Governmental Research. Detroit’s new charter. Je. 1, 1918. 4 pp. (No. 19.)
Consists mainly of a chart of government as proposed by the new charter.
Citizenship
See also Americanization, Motion Pictures.
Aspinwall (William B.). Making citizenship training effective. (Educ., Je., 1918: 733-739.)
Baker (S.). Education in citizenship. [1918.] 3 pp., typewritten.
The author is City Clerk, London, Ontario, Canada.
Brown (Horace G.). The part of normal schools in the training of the new citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918 : 767-771.)
Hart (A. B.). The lesson of the obligation of citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918: 740-754.)
Mills (Lewis S.). Purposes, sources and methods in the teaching of citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918: 754-766.)
Osborne (T. M.). The man, the citizen and the community. (Educ., Je., 1918: 775-791.)
United States. Bureau of Education. Education in patriotism. A synopsis of the agencies at work. Apr., 1918. 10 pp. (Teachers’ leaflet no. 2.)
Webster (A. G.). Foreign versus American ideals of citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918 : 772-774.)
The above items, from Education, for June, 1918, were addresses delivered at the Sixth Annual Conference on Rural Education, held at Worcester, Mass., March 15, 1918.
City Managers
Anon. Why some city managers fail. (Short Ballot Bui., Je., 1918: [1-2].)
City Managers’Association. Fourth yearbook. Proceedings of the Society, fourth annual meeting held at Detroit, Nov. 19-21, 1917. Achievement reports. May, 1918. 128 pp.
The secretary of the Association is Mr. Harrison G. Otis, Auburn, Me.
Reed (Thomas H.). Some things engineers serving as city managers may be expected to meet. Notes based on two years’ experience at San Jose—Accounting, civil service, legal, health, fire, police, engineering and political problems solved. (Engrg. News-Record, Jy. 25, 1918: 177-179.)
Civil Service
Dana (Richard Henry). Address of the President. Thirty-seventh annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League, held at New York City, April 11, 1918. 18 pp.
Simons (S. C.). Honesty is not enough. Los Angeles County auditor now selected, instead of elected. Progress in city also. (Good Govt., Jy., 1918: 101-103.)
Community Centers
See also Citizenship.
Anon. List of references on community centers; their organization and application to war work. (Special Libraries, Je., 1918: 149.)
Collier (John). The community movement in the world crisis. (Rep. of 16th an. meeting, Canadian Conference of Charities and Correction, 1917: 56-63.)
United States. Bureau of Education. Lessons in community and national life, 1918. 6 pamphlets. 32 pp. each. (Community leaflets, nos. 19-24.)
----. -----. A community center.
What it is and how to organize it. By Henry E. Jackson. 1918. 52 pp. plates. (Bui., 1918, no. 11.)
----. Department of Agriculture.
Forestry and community development, by S. T. Dana. Apr. 8, 1918. 35 pp. plates. (Bui. no. 638.)
Whitney (Anice L.). Communal kitchens in European countries. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 58-63.)
Wood (Albert G.), Jr., Architect. Community homes. 1918. 25 pp. plans.
Copies may be obtained from Albert Wood, Esq., 141 Connecticut Are., Detroit.
Correction
Anderson (Victor V.). The relationship of mental defect and disorder to delinquency. Je., 1918. [9 pp.].
Cabot (Frederick P.). The juvenile delinquent. Je., 1918. [10 pp.]'
The two above-mentioned pamphlets were published by the Massachusetts Commission on Probation.
Commonwealth Club of California. Legislative control of courts. (Transactions, Je., 1918: 123-163.)
Glueck (Bernard). Concerning prisoners. (Mental Hygiene, Apr., 1918:177-218. Charts.)
Wilson (Roland K.). The cost of civil justice: who should pay it? (Athenaeum, Je., 1918: 261-264.)
Education
See also Americanization, Citizenship, Motion Pictures, Plumbing, Schools, Social Work.
Dooley (W. H.). .Special needs of evening technical schools. (Industrial-Arts Mag., Jy., 1918: 251-253.)
Gesell (Arnold). What can the teacher do for the deficient child? A manual for teachers in rural and graded schools. 1918. 47 pp. (Conn. School Doc. no. 5-1918.)
[Harper (Grace S.)] Vocational reeducation for war cripples in France. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 72-76.)
Excerpts from a longer report.
Henning (A. E.). Vocational departments in high schcol or separate voca-


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
tional schools? (Industrial-Arts Mag., Jy., 1918 : 258-259.)
Smith (Payson). Limitations of state control in education. (School and Society, Apr. 6, 1918: 391-394.)
United States. Bureau of Education. Certain defects in American education and the remedies for them. By Charles W. Eliot. Je., 1918. 8 pp. (Teachers’ leaflet no. 5.)
-——. Federal Board for Vocational Education. Agricultural education. Organization and administration. Mar., 1918. 43 pp. (Bui. no. 13.)
----. ------. Emergency war training
for airplane mechanics, engine repairmen, woodworkers, riggers, and sheet-metal workers. Apr., 1918. 59 pp. (Bui. no. 12.)
University of Wisconsin. Agricultural Experiment Station. Rural relations of high schools. By C. J. Galpin and J. A. Jones. March, 1918. 44 pp. (Bui. 288.)
Williams (Henry G.). The state’s relation to public education. (Ohio Teacher, Mar., 1918 : 339-344.)
Fire Protection
See also Pensions.
Anon. Fire department statistics. Compiled from special reports to Fire and Water Engineering. Parts 1-2. (Fire and Water Engrg., Apr. 10, May 29, 1918: 260; 414-415.)
----. Compressed oxygen breathing
apparatus in fire departments; by Rescue, pseud. (Fire Engr., May, 1918: 156-158. illus.)
•——. Fire fighting; by High Pressure, pseud. (FireEngr., May, 1918: 153-155.)
-------. The building up of a great fire department. Three-quarters of a century in the history of Chicago’s fire fighting force—how it began and developed—some of the early chiefs—effects of the great fire. (Fireman’s Herald, May 25,1918:445-446.
Harty (Philip J.) and Holmes (N. V.). The fire protection of industrial plants. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 37-39. illus.) Health Insurance
See also Pensions. -
Committee on Industrial Betterment of the National Association of Manufacturers. Special report on minimum wage and sickness insurance. May, 1918. 5 pp.
Hayhurst (Emery R.). Health insurance. (Ohio State Med. Jour., May, 1918: 279-274.)
Murphy (Daniel C.). Health insurance endorsed by workers. 1918. 4 pp.
Reprinted from San Francisco Bulletin for Mar. 2, 1918.
National Industrial Conference Board. Sickness insurance or sickness â– prevention? May, 1918. 24 pp. (Research Rep. no. 6.)
New York State Federation of Labor. Committee on Health. Health insurance. 1. Official endorsement of the New York State Federation of Labor. 2. Discussion of bill endorsed by New York State Federation of Labor. 3. Advantages to industry. 1918. 16, 20, 16 pp.
Rubinow (I. M.). Prevention vs. insurance. (New Republic, Jy. 27, 1918: 364.)
A critical review of report on “Sickness Insurance or Sickness Prevention” (See above).
Second National Conference of Health Insurance Commissioners. Proceedings of Conference held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 13 and 14, 1918. 224 pp. (Amer. Labor Leg. Rev., Je., 1918.) Heating and Ventilating Hoffman (G. D.). Reasons for failures of heating systems. (Metal Worker, Plumber and Steam Fitter, Jy. 12, 1918: 30-34. illus.)
Hubbard (Charles L.). What it pays to know about heating and ventilating. I. Finding the system that fits your needs. (Factory, Jy., 1918: 24-27. illus.)
Nygren (W®hner). Development in heating and ventilation during the past five decades. (Rec. and Guide, Mar. 23, 1918: sec. 3, 44-45, 49. illus.)
Housing
Anon. How Erie is solving the housing problem. Home-building work being carried out by the General Electric and American Brake Shoe & Foundry companies. (Iron Age, May 30, 1918. 1385-1389. illus.)
-----. The British hostels for munition
workers. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 206-210.)
-----. Surveying for housing projects.
(Mun. Jour., Jy. 13,1918:28-29.)
From the instructions issued by the Bureau of Industrial Housing and Transportation of the Department of Labor.
Childs (Richard S.). The first war emergency government towns for ship yard workers. I. “Yorkship Village” at Camden, N. J. 1918. 11 pp. illus., plans.
Committee on New Industrial Towns. A self-owningtown. A report to Mr. F. P. Palen, vice-president Newport News Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Company, regarding a co-partnership scheme for Hilton. [1918.] 19 pp.
The several publications of the Committee on New Industrial Towns may be secured by application at 381 Fourth Ave., New York City.
----. Self-owning towns of tomorrow.
I-IX. [1918.] 9 sheets.
Estep (Edwin R.). Destinies of labor revised by war. Solving the new problems of the turnover—Successful housebuilding experiments in war-working centers are being copied throughout the country. 1. Erie, Pennsylvania. (Leslie’s Weekly, Jy. 27, 1918: 114-115, 130. illus.


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY 1
523
Greeley (W. R.). Use of government money for house building. With a short preliminary discussion on beauty. (Amer. Arch., Jy. 24, 1918: 97-100.)
Hutton (J. E.). Welfare and housing. 1918. 192 pp.
A book containing specific treatment of practical matters.
Journal of American Institute of Architects. The housing problem in war and peace. A symposium. 1918. 120 pp., including 65 pp. of illustrations.
Magnusson (Leifur). A modern industrial suburb. 1918. 25 pp. illus., charts, tables.
Reprinted from Monthly Review of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics for April, 1918.
-----. Financial aspects of war housing
in Great Britain. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 201-206.)
Nolen (John). The housing problem in war and peace. (Amer. Industries, Je., 1918: 40.)
Swan (H. S.). Copartnership in England, a review of the British movement for group ownership of small towns. 1918.
16 pp.
The two above articles have been reprinted by the Committee on New Industrial Towns, 381 Fourth Ave., New York City, from the Journal of the American Institute of Architects for May and June, 1918, respectively.
United States. Department of Labor. Bureau of Industrial Housing and Transportation. Standards recommended for permanent industrial housing developments. 1918. 15 pp.
Veiller (Laurence). Industrial housing developments in America. Pt. IV. A colony in the Blue Ridge Mountains at Erwin, Tenn.: Grosvenor Atterbury, Architect and Town Planner. (Architectural Record, Je., 1918: 547-559. plans, illus.)
-----. Industrial housing developments
in America. Pt. V. Triumphing over the gridiron plan a development at Elizabeth, N. J. (Architectural Record, Jy., 1918: 49-58. illus., plans.)
Whiting (R. S.). Housing and industry. March, 1918. 24 pp., illus., plans.
Published by Engineering Bureau, National Lumber Manufacturers’ Association, 925 Lumber Exchange, Chicago.
Industry and Public Welfare
See also Fire Protection, Housing.
Anon. The safety spirit in the plant. 1918. 4 pp. (Preventive Appliances, Supplement to Amer. Industries, Je., 1918. illus.)
Emery (James A.). Public affairs and industry. (Amer. Industries, Je., 1918: 33-34, 44.)
National Industrial Conference Board. Hours of work as related to output and health of workers. Cotton manufacturing. Mar., 1918. 64 pp. (Re-
search Rep. no. 4.)
Labor
Connors (John R.), Saposs (David J.), Sumner (Helen L.), Mittleman (E. B.), Hoagland (H. E.), Andrews (John B.), and Perlman (Selig). History of labor in the United States. 2 vols. 1918. 623, 620 pp.
Hart (Hornell). Fluctuations in unemployment in cities of the United States, 1902 to 1917. (Studies from the Helen S. Trounstine Foundation, May 15, 1918. pp. 47-59.)
The office of the Helen S. Trounstine Foundation is at 809-10 Neave Bldg., Cincinnati.
Kelly (Roy W.). Hiring the worker. 1918. 250 pp., plates.
The author is director of the Harvard Bureau of Vocational Guidance.
Lescohier (Don D.). A clearing-house for labor. (Atlantic Monthly, Je., 1918: 773-783.)
The author is superintendent of the Minn. Public Employment Bureau.
Laws and Ordinances
Merchants’ Association of New York. Summary of laws and ordinances applying to streets and public places in the City of New York and the duty of police officers and citizens in connection therewith. Rev. to Jan. 1, 1918. 1918.
80 pp.
[National Association of Manufacturers. Committee on Uniform State Laws.] Why uniform state laws are needed. Statutory requirements of corporations doing business in states other than their own domicile. A comparative digest. . . . (Amer. Industries, Jy.,
1918 : 24-28.)
Lighting
See also Municipal Ownership.
Chamber of Commerce, Kansas City Mo. Special Gas Committee. A proposed solution of the gas problem. Prepared by the Department of Civics. Mav, 1918. 31 pp.
Harrison (Ward). Fundamentals of illumination design. Pt. III. Reflections and enclosing glassware. (Gen. Elec. Rev., Jy., 1918:484-490. illus.)
The two preceding instalments of the series dealt with some of the fundamental concepts of the science of illumination and with some of the factors which enter into illumination design.
Hinman (L. E.). Economy effected under municipal control of street lighting in Medford, Oregon. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 44-47. illus.)
United States. Advisory Commission—Council of National Defense. Committee on Labor. Code of lighting for factories, mills and other work places. Report of Divisional Committee on Lighting, Section on Sanitation, Committee on Welfare Work. Jan., 1918. 26 pp. (Welfare Work Series, no. 3.)


524 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
Motion Pictures
New York City . Municipal Reference Library. Teaching citizenship via the movies. A survey of civic motion pictures and their availability for use by municipalities. By Ina Clement. Je. 26, 1918. 323-539 pp. (Spec. rep. no. 2.)
Contains a subject list of civic motion-picture films.
Municipal Government and Administration
See also Charters, City Manager.
American Society of Municipal Improvements. Transactions . . . for
1917-1918. 1918. 239 pp. (24th year, no. 3.)
Contains many valuable papers.
Anon. An important departure in building codes. (Amer. Arch., Jy. 3,1918: 25-30.)
Has reference to the new building code “now in process of construction’' for Detroit.
Horner (W. W.). St. Louis checks public works but pushes post-war plans. Big sewer and paving programs heavily cut—local materials go up—plans for all projects being continued. (Engrg. News-Record, Jy. 25, 1918: 172. chart.)
James (Herman G.). Home rule in Texas. (Tex. Municipalities, May, 1918: 67-76.)
McAllister (W. F.). Practical methods for increasing efficiency in our small municipalities. (N. J. Municipalities, Je., 1918: 169-170, 185-186.)
Millspaugh (A. C.). Irregular voting in the United States. (Pol. Sci. Quart., Je., 1918: 230-254.)
Municipal University of Akron. Extension work and co-operative activities. President’s report. April, 1918. 30 pp.
New York City. Municipal Reference Library. What to read on New York City government. A list of references. By Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr., librarian. (Notes, Je. 26, 1918: 315-320.)
Public Library of Des Moines, Iowa. War time work of a public library. Being the thirty-sixth annual report . . .
for the year ending March 31,1918. 1918.
16 pp.
Sullivan (James). The care of public records. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918 : 33-36. illus.)
Municipal Ownership
See also Lighting.
Anon. San Francisco municipal bus line. (Mun. Jour., Apr. 27, 1918: 345.)
Collier (R. G.). Public ownership making good. The story of Cleveland's electric light plants—conclusive proof that public ownership is better for you than private ownership. (Pearson’s Mag., Mar., 1918.)
Thompson (Carl D.). Municipal electric light plants in the United States and
Canada. 1918. 150 pp. (Bui. no. 1 of the Pub. Ownership League of Amer.)
The League's address is at 4131 N. Keeler Ave., Chicago.
Pensions
See also Health Insurance.
New Jersey. Bureau of State Research. Teachers’ retirement systems in New Jersey, their fallacies and evolution. Introduction and Part I. 1918. 48 pp. (N. J. State Research Consecutive no. 10, Feb., 1918.)
----. Reprint of the Introduction to
the Monograph on the Teachers’ retirement systems in New Jersey, their fallacies and evolution. [1918.] 16 pp. (State Research Consecutive no. 10.)
-----. Police, firemen’s and other local
employees’ pension systems in New Jersey. 1918. 23 pp. (N. J. State Research Consecutive no. 11, Feb., 1918.)
Studensky (Paul). The pension problem and the philosophy of contributions. 1917. 20 pp.
Published under the auspices of the Bureau of Municipal Research, New York City.
Periodical Publications
Civic Affairs. Published by the Civic League of Cleveland. A bulletin on the public’s business.
No. 14 (Je., 1918) contains articles on “Paving” and on “Politics an appeal to practical citizenship-’ ’
Public Roads. Vol. 1, no. 1, May, 1918. 44 pp. illus., tables, charts.
The new organ of the U. S. Office of Public Roads and Rural Engineering, to supplement its customary bulletins. The price is 15 cents to all except officials.
Public Welfare.
New organ of the National Public Welfare League-Information regarding the work of the League may be obtained from its vice-president, Mr. L. A. Halbert, general superintendent, Board of Public Welfare, Kansas City, Mo.
The Street Cleaner. Published by Elgin, Sales Corporation. Vol. 3, no. 1, Jy., 1918.
Address, 501 Fifth Ave., New York City. The-current issue (4 pp.) contains articles on “The City-Manager plan, ” by Harrison G. Otis, and on “ Motor-ized Buffalo.”
Playgrounds
See also Baths.
Batchelor (W. C.). Pure democracy in playground movement. (Playground, Jy., 1918:141-146.)
Refers to the Greenwood Playground in Gardner, Mass.
Plumbing
Gustavson (Louis). Vocational training for the plumbing trade. St. Louis school gives instruction to fit men to be leaders m trade. (Metal Worker, Plumber and Steam Fitter, May 17, 1918: 637-638, 653.)
Holmquist (C. A.). Principles of sanitary plumbing and drainage of buildings. (Metal Worker, Plumber and Steam Fitter, May 10, 1918:601-604.)


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
525
Police
See also Pensions.
Dawkins (William A.). Police reserve and home defense guard manual. 1918. 149 pp. illus.
A practical handbook, strongly endorsed by emi-cent police officials, and said to be unique in its field.
Griffith (Austin E.). The ideal policeman. [1918.] [7 pp. |
Reprinted from N. J. Municipalities, Sept., 1917. The author, whose address is White Bldg., Seattle, Wash., is former chief of police in Seattle.
Ports
San Francisco Chamber of Commerce. Committee on Free Port. Report to the United States Tariff Commission. 1918. 54 pp.
Power Plants
Anon. The eSect of daylight saving on land. Data and curves showing how the daylight-saving law affects typical central stations in the Middle West—no large coal saving—creation of a new evening valley. (Elec. World, May 11, 1918: 972-974. charts.)
Evans (Ira N.). Co-operation of public-service and isolated plants. (Power, Jy. 16, 1918: 88-90. tables.)
Public Health
See also Baths.
Council for National Defense. Committee for Civilian Co-operation in Combating Venereal Diseases. List of reliable pamphlets. [1918.] 4 pp.
Many publications on this subject, have been issued by the above Committee of the Council for National Defense.
Dublin (Louis I.). A study of pellegra in the mortality experience of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, 1911— 1916. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Jy., 1918:488-493. tables.)
Harkness (Robert R.) and Turner (C. Elsmere). A filing system for public health literature. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Jy., 1918: 522-525.)
Copies of the index may be secured from the Association, 126 Mass. Ave., Boston (10 cents, postage).
Hunt (Ralph H.). Mosquito control in New Jersey. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 421-423.)
Larson (J. H.). A maternity and infant welfare program for the United States. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Jy., 1918: 482-487.)
Massachusetts Society for Social Hygiene. Reading list on social hygiene. 1918. 11 pp.
The Society’s headquarters are at 50 Beacon St., Boston.
Merchants’ Association of New York. Beware of the dangerous house fly. [1918.] 4 pp. (Special bulletin.)
Ruediger (Gustav F.). Rural health administration under the co-operative or local health district plan. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 406-411.)
Sears (Frederick W.). Rural health administration under the state health district plan. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Je., 1918:412-416.)
Trask (John W.). Health publicity an aid to co-operation between health department and citizen. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 417^20.)
United States. Public Health Service. Stream pollution: a digest of judicial decisions and a compilation of legislation relating to the subject. By Stanley D. Montgomery and Earle B. Phelps. 1918. 408 pp. (Bui. no. 87.)
Refuse and Garbage Disposal
United States Food Administration. Garbage Utilization Division. Garbage utilization, with particular reference to utilization by feeding. 1918. 21 pp.
University of Wisconsin. Extension Division. Food conservation through utilization of garbage waste. 1918. 12 pp. Roads and Highways
Anon. The motor truck and trailer in road and street building, repair and maintenance [and cleaning.] (Better Roads and Streets, May, 1918:181-193. illus.)
Babcock (Dudley P.) Ultimate costs of bituminous and waterbound macadams nearly equal in New York. (Engrg. News-Record, Jy. 11, 1918: 87-90. chart, tables.)
Barnett (R. C.). Economic highway transportation. (Good Roads, May 11, 1918: 241-245. diagrs.)
Canadian Good Roads Congress. Fifth annual session, May 8-10, 1918. General report of the proceedings [and papers presented.] (Canadian Engr,, May 16, 1918: 429-450, 452.)
The following papers are printed in connection with the above report:
Abatement of the dust nuisance, by E. R. Gray; Concrete roads, by A. Lalonde; New traffic makes road construction an ever-changing subject, by W. A. McLean; Highway widths, by F. H. Annes; Who should pay for the roads? by Hugh Bertram, and by W, A. McLean; Hot-mix bituminous construction, using asphaltic binder, by E. Drinkwater; The efficiency of the highway in the present transportation difficulties, by W. D. Sohier; Asphalt pavements, by C. A. Mullen.
Enright (R. E). Solving the municipal traffic problem. (Good Roads, Jy. 13, 1918: 11-12.)
An address delivered at the 9th Annual Conference of Mayors and other City Officials of the State of New York, at Newburgh, June 11,1918.
Iowa State College of Agriculture and Mechanical Arts. The use of road oil. 1918. 8 pp. (Bui. 39.)
Lincoln Highway Association. The Lincoln highway. 1918. 31 pp. illus., maps.
May be secured from the Association at Detroit, Mich.
Schools
See also Citizenship, Pensions, Social Work.
Anon. Educational research and sta-


526 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
tistics. The salaries of teachers and the cost of living. [Pt. 1.] (School and Society, May 25, 1918: 622-630.)
Gives results of a questionnaire addressed to superintendents of cities having populations larger than 10,000.
Averill (L. A.). Physical preparedness and the administration of school medical instruction in the United States. (Amer. Jour, of School Hygiene, Apr., 1918: 19-32.)
Ballotj (F. W.). Efficient finance in a city school system. (Educ. Administration and Supervision, Mar., 1918: 121-132.)
Read before the Round Table of Superintendents in Cities of Over 250,000, at the Department of Superintendence meeting, N. E. A., Atlantic City, New Jersey, Feb. 28, 1918.
Linn (L. P.). Organization powers accorded city school superintendents by general laws. (School and Society, May 25, 1918: 601-605.)
Massachusetts. Supervisor op Administration. A program for the standardization of the salaries of the teachers of the several normal schools of Massachusetts. Mar. 1, 1918. 56 pp., typewritten.
Perkins (D, H.). One-story school buildings. (Amer. School Bd. Jour., Apr. 1918: 17-20, 77-78.)
Shawkey (M. P.). The adoption of textbooks by state, county, or district. (Amer. Educ., Apr., 1918 : 402-404.)
United States. Bureau op Education. Public school classes for crippled children. By Edith Reeves Solenberger. 1918. 52 pp. (Bui., 1918, no. 10.) Sewerage and Sewage Disposal
Anon. Sewage treatment in Sedalia. Missouri city employs grit chamber, Im-hoff tanks, sludge beds, dosing tank and sprinkling filters to avoid polluting small stream—drainage and injunction suit against city in courts twenty years. (Mun. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918: 23-25.)
McDonnell (R. E.). The new sewage treatment plant of Sedalia. Mo, (Engrg. and Contracting, Jy. 10, 1918: 34-35. illus.)
Saville (Charles). Crops thrive under Imhoff-tank sludge test at Dallas. Fertilized cotton and corn twice as high as the unfertilized—soil lightened and evaporation lessened—farmers interested. (Engrg. News-Record, Jy. 25, 1918: 164-165.)
Wall (Edward E.). “Using high priced coal and labor to pump water to run sewers is criminal waste.” (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 40-42. Charts.)
Social Work
Beasley (R. F.). The principles and machinery of social construction. 1918. 30 pp.
An address delivered at the North Carolina Social Service Conference, Raleigh, March 6, 1918, by the author who is State Commissioner of Public Welfare.
Jarrett (M. C.). Psychiatric social work. (Mental Hygiene, Apr., 1918: 283-290.)
Smith (W. F.). The fundamentals of a socialized educational program. (School and Society, Jy. 13, 1918: 35-41.)
Williams (J. H.). A guide to the grading of homes. Directions for using the Whittier scale for grading home conditions, with the standard score sheet of comparative data. April, 1918. 21 pp. (Calif., Whittier State School, Research bul. no. 7.)
Wilson (H. B.). Socializing the school. (Educ. Administration and Supervision, Apr,, 1918: 88-94.)
Street Railways
Anon. Getting the zone system started at Providence. Initial difficulties in fare collection have been overcome, and zone system is now in full and satisfactory operation on the Rhode Island Company property. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918: 65-66. illus.)
----. The space-grabbing automobile.
Automobile use of highway space at Washington only one-twentieth as efficient as street cars and far more dangerous—regulation of both automobiles and street cars essential. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: 147-149.)
Bauer (John). What is a fair return in war time? Increase in rate of return is not justifiable because of decline in purchasing power of money, but commissions should preserve old fair returns—rate on new investments must be based on market conditions—the different rates can be easily handled. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918: 59-61.)
Boyce (W. H.). Does electric traction advertising pay? (Elec. Jour., Jy., 1918: 263-265. illus.)
New Jersey. Board op Public Utility Commissioners. In the matter of the application of the Public Service Railway Company for approval of increase in rates. Report and order. Jy. 10, 1918. 21 pp.
Putnam (Frank). Zone system does not cause congestion. Oft-repeated analogy based on European cities is false—city congestion abroad is due to other causes— zone system is apparently needed here. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918:49-50.) Taxation and Finance
See also Schools.
Bureau op Municipal Research, Toronto. High taxation is hard enough to bear. . . . Je., 1918. 6 pp. folder. (Effective Citizen Co-operation, Bul. no. 66.)
California. State Controller. Annual report of financial transactions of municipalities and counties of California, for the year 1917. John S. Chambers, State Controller. 1918. 219 pp.


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
527
California Taxpayers’ Journal. Expenses of the state of government of California. Je., 1918. 20 pp.
This official publication of the Tax Payers’ Association of California contains the following article: The story of state expenses; The boards and commissions—their growth in numbers and expense; Finances of the cities and counties; Two tax limitation measures.
The office of the Association is at 522 American Bank Bldg., Los Angeles, Cal.
Detroit Bureau of Governmental Research. City expenses—next year. May 4, 1918. 4 pp. chart. (Pub. Business no. 17.)
----. City of Detroit, Michigan.
Comparison of appropriations for 1917-1918 with those of 1918-1919. May 4, 1918. [3 pp.] (Supplement to Pub. no. 17.) '
Rochester. City Comptroller. 1918 budget of the City of Rochester, N. Y. 1918. 47 pp.
Issued by the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research, Inc.
Torrens System
Anon. Experts tell how new Torrens Law will work. Registrars of counties in Greater New York preparing a form for registration of titles. (Record and Guide, May 18, 1918: 631-632, 641.)
Torrens Title League of the State of New York. Graphical illustration of the different methods of dealing in real estate titles. [1918.] 4 pp.
Consists of three charts comparing the work and charges of the old-fashioned, the title-company, and the Torrens methods. The League’s office is at 215 W. 125th St., New York City.
Water Distribution
See also Sewerage.
Anon. Meters help but are not sufficient to control waste. Unhampered officials holding strictly to rigid observance of water ordinances brings results. (Engrg. News-Record, May 9, 1918: 918-920. diagrs.)
-------. Water works operation. Testing for leakage and waste in sections of distribution system—Locating waste in services—Locating leaks in mains. (Mun. Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: 70-72. table.)
Pracy (G. W.). Setting 25,000 meters cut water consumption at San Francisco. Two field crews placed f-inch meters at average labor cost of $10.59. . . .
(Engrg. News-Record, May 9, 1918 : 902-904. diagrs.)
Spalding (R. S.). Improvements in water distribution system under efficient organization. Chicago Waterpipe Extension Division has engineering supervision —engineer of standards devises new appliances and methods—some recent advances and savings described. (Engrg. News-Record, May 9, 1918: 921-923. illus.)
Wall (E. E.). Water waste. (Jour., Engrs.’ Club of gt. Louis, Mar.—Apr., 1918: 133-147.)
Water Supply
See also Public Health.
Morse (Robert B.) and Wolman (Abel) . Adopting standards of quality for water supplies. (Fire and Water Engrg., Jy. 24, 1918: 58-59.)
Excerpts from an address before the American Water Works Association.
[Orchard (William J.).] Water standards of purity and necessity of advertising: value of pure water. (Engrg. and Contracting, Jy. 10, 1918: 38-40.)
From a paper presented before the Chemical and Bacteriological Section of the American Water Works Association.
Women, Employment of
Anon. Wages of women and girls on munitions work. (Labour Gaz. (England), Je., 1918:217-218.)
----. The extension in the employment
of women up to January, 1918. (Labour Gaz. (England), Je., 1918: 216-217. tables.)
Intercollegiate Bureau of Occupations. Opportunities for women in the municipal civil service of the City of New York. By Fannie M. Witherspoon and Anna Martin Crocker. 1918. 94 pp. tables.
The Bureau’s headquarters are at 19 W. 44th St. New York City.
Knoeppel (C. E.). American women in war industry. II. Problems of living conditions, state laws, co-operation of labor agencies and the post-bellum period. (Industrial Management, Jy., 1918: 49-52.)
Ruutz-Rees (Caroline). The mobilization of American women. (Yale Rev., Jy., 1918: 801-818.)
Zoning
Anon. Some advantages of the districting idea in city planning. (Baltimore Mun. Jour., May 24,1918.)
----. St. Louis’ new zone ordinance.
City districted according to use to which each district can be put, height of buildings that can be erected in it, and area that can be covered by buildings. (Mun. Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: 65-68. charts, plans, table.)
Cheney (C. H.). Zoning as a wartime measure. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 3— 6. plans.)
St. Louis. City Plan Commission. Height, area and use districts and restrictions. Ordinance no. 30199. May, 1918.
Consists of text of ordinance, illustrated, and 11 large “use zone” maps and 11 large “height and area zone” maps.
Swan (Herbert S.). Zoning as a protection for industry and business. (Amer-City, Jy., 1918: 7-10.)


NOTES AND EVENTS
I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
City Manager Notes.—Norfolk, Virginia. Charles E. Ashburner, the dean of American city managers, has been appointed city manager of Norfolk and will assume his duties September 1. Mr. Ashburner practically started the city-manager plan going, as manager of Staunton, Virginia, April, 1908, serving until July, 1911. The Staunton position was created by ordinance which made the maximum salary $2,500. Upon leaving Staunton he accepted a position with the American Railways of Philadelphia at Lynchburg, Virginia. When Springfield, Ohio, adopted its commission-manager charter in the fall of 1913 it offered the position of manager to Mr. Ashburner and he was appointed January 1, 1914, at a salary of $6,000. During the four and a half years at Springfield, Mr. Ashburner has rendered such satisfactory service and has seemed to fit into Springfield’s environment so aptly that his many friends had considered him a permanent Springfield citizen. His appointment to Norfolk at a salary of $9,000 further establishes the city manager on a professional plane and indicates the certain rise that awaits the right man in the new field. Mr. Ashburner’s successor at Springfield will be O. E. Carr, who has been the city manager of Niagara Falls since January, 1916, and who prior to that was city manager at Cadillac, Michigan.
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Bethlehem has appointed Winton L. Miller as its first city manager. Mayor Archibald Johnston made a pre-election pledge that if elected he would see that a city manager was appointed and Bethlehem becomes the second Pennsylvania city to adopt the city-manager plan under the permissive provisions of the Clark commission act of 1913. A unique feature of the manager’s position at Bethlehem is that the official salary is one dollar per year. This, however, does not mark Mr. Miller as a
philanthropist for it is reported that he is receiving some $10,000 income through the liberality of the mayor and members of the council. Mr. Miller has had an interesting experience in the manager field. He served as executive secretary to City Manager Waite of Dayton, Ohio, until called to St. Augustine, Florida, in August, 1915, as city manager. His administration at St. Augustine was marked with success and considerable regret was expressed when he resigned this spring to accept a government position connected with the ship building industry at Hog Island. Mr. Miller’s salary at St. Augustine was $3,600. His special duties for the government have been completed and he is now at work in the “Steel City.” Albuquerque, New Mexico. Paul G. Redington, who has served as city manager since the new plan became operative last January, has resigned to resume duties as district forester in the United States forest service. A. R. Hebenstreit has been appointed his successor at a salary of $3,600. Mr. Redington’s efforts have met with the hearty support of his commissioners and the results of his work are contained in a very readable report recently published. He gives as his two reasons for resigning: first, the feeling that he lacks sufficient experience to fill the position to his own satisfaction and, secondly, that his services are needed by the government. Mr. Hebenstreit is a young engineer of high caliber and broad training in the various fields correlated with the manager profession. He has for some time been county engineer of Tama County, Iowa, with his office at Toledo, Iowa. He is a graduate of Notre Dame with a degree of civil engineer, has had excellent training in accountancy and has passed the United States government valuation civil service examination with high grades. Mr. Hebenstreit was placed in touch with


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the Albuquerque situation through the office of the secretary of the City Managers’ Association which is gradually evolving into a sort of clearing house for city managers.
Kalamazoo, Michigan has appointed H. H. Freeman as its first city manager. This appointment was generally anticipated and meets with the cordial approval of the Kalamazoo citizens. Mr. Freeman served the city in an unofficial capacity during the year 1917 as executive secretary of the new charter league and played a leading part in the drafting and adoption of Kalamazoo’s commission-manager charter, since which time he has served as secretary of the Kalamazoo chamber of commerce. Mr. Freeman is a New York municipal research bureau man and enters the new profession with splendid qualifications and prospects of success.
Fredericksburg, Virginia. R. Stuart Royer, who has served most successfully as city manager of Fredericksburg since the new plan was adopted in September, 1912, has resigned to enter the service. He is now first lieutenant, army engineers, stationed at Camp Humphrey, Virginia.
Sandusky, Ohio. City Manager George M. Zimmerman has been persuaded by the commission to withdraw his resignation and his salary has been increased from $3,600 to $5,000.
Anchorage, Alaska. The most recent addition to the membership list of the City Managers’ Association is J. G. Watts, townsite manager of Anchorage, Alaska, which has a population of some 5,000 and is under the management of the Alaskan engineering commission of the Department of Interior. Mr. Watts owes his appointment to this commission and to this extent his position differs from that of the average city manager appointed by an elective council. His duties, however, are practically the same as those of the orthodox manager and in addition he performs the functions usually pertaining to the office of the mayor and council. He has charge of the municipal water works, fire department, garbage disposal department, highways department and acts as mayor, tax assessor and city
engineer. He writes: “In July, 1915, there was not so much as a single tent where the present town of Anchorage stands and to-day we have all of the comforts of the most modern town in the states.” Mr. Watts’s salary is $3,300 and he was appointed in July, 1916.
Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan. Manager J. H. Moore tendered his resignation at the request of the city commission, to take effect August 15. The reason assigned for the request was the reduction of expenditures by the elimination of the manager’s salary of $3,600 and the abandonment of practically all city improvements for the duration of the war. It is suggested among Mr. Moore’s friends that a political plot lies back of the war-economy plea. Mr. Moore was formerly superintendent of public works at Evanston, Illinois, and was one of the five candidates for the Goldsboro, North Carolina, position selected from the 522 applicants. Wilder Rich, city engineer of Sault Ste. Marie, will act as manager for the time being.
Ocala, Florida. J. Newton Johnston resigned his position of city manager June 1 to except the position of city engineer at Wilmington, North Carolina. Mr. Johnston’s stay at Ocala was rather brief as he was appointed only last February. His comment on the situation affords a timely warning against the danger of “forcing reform on folks.” He writes: “I soon discovered that the council was averse to commission government, ignorant of the manager plan, unfamiliar with the charter, violated all its provisions and carried out a predetermined effort to run things as they chose regardless of law and charter. Only one man beside the mayor was in sympathy with the manager plan and it had never been ratified or voted on by the people. I understand it was railroaded through the legislature.”
Glasgow, Montana. Harvey Booth has been appointed city manager to succeed Charles H. Blitman who has joined the aviation corps. Mr. Blitman served for nearly two years and the city made marked progress under his administration.
San Rafael, California. No appointment of manager to succeed Captain F. J
6


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
Boland has as yet been announced, but a letter from Mayor S. K. Herzog states that the city-manager plan is a decided success and that as long as he is connected with the city government this plan shall ,be kept in operation and the appointment of a manager is now under consideration.
Beaufort, South Carolina. J. Albert Kinghorn has been elected mayor to fill the unexpired term of Charles E. Danner who died May 14. No manager has been chosen to succeed John R. Kneebone who resigned the day following Mayor Danner’s death, to enter the service under the selective draft. Appointment will probably be made at an early date. Hal R. Pollit-zer, city engineer, is acting manager.
Harrison Gray Otis.
*
City Manager Government in Louisiana.—The Louisiana legislature at its recent special session passed an enabling act giving the various cities of the state the right to adopt the commission-manager form of government if they so elect.
*
Detroit Adopts a New Charter,—By a
vote of 32,356 to 4,554, Detroit’s new charter land slid into existence on June 25. Several factors influenced this victory. The people were tired of a big ward elected council, continually playing peanut politics. War time changes have made ordinary radicalism seem conservative to the man in the Street. The Detroit citizens league put an excellent pro-charter organization into the field. Finally the gang had received so many body blows lately that the best they could do was to hang over the ropes. The new charter is a long way from being a modem document. In truth, Detroit had a radical charter revision several years ago, but the people would have none of it. So the law was changed, and the recent commission was elected at large,—and were conservative business men, bent on getting rid of the big council, and little else. As a result the new charter provides a council of nine elected at large; improves a quantity of administrative methods in which few were interested outside of the bureau of govern-
mental research; and codifies the remainder of the old document. The first two actions were commendable. The last one was done in a hurried slipshod fashion. The obsolete commissions for administering departments were retained, as were a number of expensive unnecessary “safeguards.” The result is panning about one error to the page. Some are trivial. Others are serious,—such as requiring a vote on all bond issues, and permitting salary increases at will. However, the new charter is a substantial improvement over the old one. It at least won’t handicap good government as much as the old one did. The commission considered proportional representation, but not seriously. It will be interesting to see what kind of council is elected. There are now sixty odd candidates for the nine jobs of councilman. Only seven have been designated as first rate material by the citizens league. Lent D. Upson.
*
Richmond’s Effort at Charter Revision,
described in the May issue of the National Municipal Review (page 324) has met with success. The campaign for ratification which was financed and managed by the civic association resulted in a vote of 6,143 for the amendments as against 1,865 negative votes, representing the largest majority for charter revision in the recent history of the city. The amendments abolish the administrative and fire boards chosen by the council. The powers of the mayor are enlarged particularly in authorizing him to nominate four directors; public welfare, public works, public utilities, and public safety, who with the mayor form an advisory board for the consideration of various questions which it is believed require the consideration of a board rather than of the mayor alone. The directors of finance and law are to be chosen by the council as the city auditor and attorney, are now chosen. An executive budget is provided and the bi-cameral council is retained. Under the constitution of the state the city is handicapped in adopting a more effective form of government and no one regards the plan voted for as approaching perfection, but it rep-


1918]
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resents a great improvement over the ancient complex system existing in Richmond. The new scheme goes into effect January 1, 1919. D. R. Anderson.
*
Three Wisconsin Cities Abandon Commission Government.—Three commission governed cities in Wisconsin have abandoned the commission plan after six years’ operation under it—Appleton, Portage, and Janesville. The change back to the old system took place in each case in April. According to the best information available the election in none of these cities turned on the merits of the two plans.
Appleton was the first city to vote to go back to the old system. The election followed a long and bitter campaign characterized by personalities and mud-slinging. According to official advice the commission plan was defeated largely by a combination of the liquor and labor votes, the liquor interests manipulating the labor unions to a large extent. Both factions were directed by shrewd politicians, several of whom nursed personal grievances against one or two commissioners.
Several labor unions became opposed to the commissioners some two years ago during a strike among the pulpmakers of the city. The liquor interests were aroused in part by the organization of a police force which they could not control, and by the strict enforcement of the Sunday closing law.
When Mayor Faville, the last mayor under the commission plan, took office, one of his first acts was the reorganization of the police department and the strict enforcement of the liquor laws. He made a change in the office of chief of police and secured a new chief from Chicago. This really crystallized the sentiment against the plan, and furnished the old politicians who had been turned out by the commission plan with ammunition for their campaign. They advocated the appointment of local citizens only to office and opposed the policy of securing experts from the outside. The rumor went around the labor unions that the new chief was appointed in order to meet possible future strikes. The liquor interests and other
anti-commission forces made much of these arguments. While the commission advocates knew there was strong opposition to the plan they had no idea of its extent and their campaign was not as strong as it might have been had they been less confident.
It is claimed that the opposition to commission government came largely from non-taxpayers. It is estimated that taxpayers representing from 90 to 95 per cent of the taxes paid in the city voted for the continuance of the commission plan, showing that as a business proposition it commended itself to the business men of the city. However this may be, it is certain that the merits of commission government, or the particular features of the Wisconsin law, played no part in the election.
In the other two cities the elections virtually went by default,, comparatively small votes being cast in both cases. The commissioners in both cities were either too busy or too confident of the success of the plan to organize a campaign for its continuance. While elections for the abandonment of the commission plan in other cities of Wisconsin, such as Superior and Oshkosh, have been discussed, all such movements have fallen through and no elections have been held.
Ford H. MacGregor.
*
Report of the Committee on Franchises.1
—Since the last meeting of the National Municipal League, a little more than six months ago, events have been moving rapidly in the field that comes within the purview of the committee of franchises. The Cincinnati street railway resettlement involving the revision of the terms of the fifty-year franchise granted in 1896 under the “Rogers law” and the lease of the proposed interurban loop line, to be built by the city, to the Cincinnati traction company for unified operation in connection with the existing street railway system, though approved by referendum vote in April, 1917, have been set aside by the Ohio supreme court as being violative of
1 Submitted at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, held at the Greenwich House, New York City, June S, 1918.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
the provision of the state constitution forbidding any municipality to lend its credit to a private corporation. This decision unsettled the Cincinnati settlement and the problem has been taken up again in a new series of negotiations.
St. Louis, after considerable acrimonious discussion, has recently passed a new street railway ordinance which will be subjected to a referendum vote before it becomes finally effective. At any rate it involves a reduction of capitalization and a necessary reorganization of the United railways, which precludes the immediate acceptance of the ordinance. Meanwhile, on petitions from the United railways company of St. Louis and the Kansas City railways company the Missouri public service commission by a vote of three to two has assumed jurisdiction to modify street railway rates fixed by local franchise contracts.
The supreme court of the state of Washington has recently decided in a Tacoma case, in which the corporation counsel of Seattle was permitted to intervene, that the state public service commission is without authority to relieve street railway companies of the obligations imposed upon them by municipalities as conditions of their franchise grants. In New York, also, this view has been taken by the public service commission for the first district, and has been sustained by the court of appeals in the Rochester case. This question has also been mooted in New Jersey, Indiana, Oregon, and elsewhere. The committee is making a study of commission and court decisions with respect to this all-important issue in franchise and home rule policy and expects to prepare a full report on the subject at a later date.
The continued pressure of increasing wages and of high prices of materials has brought the whole problem of rate-adjustments to a critical stage, and the street railway companies are making a concerted “drive” to get away from the fixed five-cent fare. The influence of the Cleveland service-at-cost idea has been rapidly growing, and the advantages of a flexible fare based upon the actual cost of service are receiving wide recognition. Instead of the
sheer disregard or abrogation of municipal franchise contracts, which the companies have been urging upon the state commissions in various parts of the country, a marked tendency has developed to bring the companies under more stringent public control as the price of relief from the inflexible fare. Philadelphia, in its proposed rapid transit lease, now pending before the Pennsylvania public service commission for approval, has adopted the principle of the flexible fare in a semiautomatic form. Whenever the schedule of fares in force shall prove to be insufficient to bring about the fundamental financial results which under the terms of the ordinance are considered to be essential, then a higher schedule is to be filed with the state commission for approval. Likewise, when the revenues derived from the rates in force prove to be greater than necessary, a reduced schedule will be filed. This illustrates the method of getting away from the old fixed fare limitation, not by the violation or disregard of franchise contracts, but by a modification of them by mutual agreement.
In Massachusetts reports have recently been submitted and legislation passed which are of the greatest significance. The principle of service-at-cost has been given official recognition and sanction, but for the relief of Boston elevated which entered into a contract with the state in 1897 to maintain a five-cent fare on its system until 1922, the plan adopted is public operation by a board of five trustees appointed by the governor. The plan is definitely fixed for a period of ten years, and is to be continued beyond that time until changed by legislation. The scheme for the adjustment of the fares is based upon the Cleveland plan, but without maximum and minimum limits. The right is reserved to the state or to any political subdivision thereof to take over the entire property upon the assumption by the state of the outstanding indebtedness and liabilities of the system and upon payment in cash of the sum which has been paid in in cash for the capital stock outstanding at the time of purchase. Other legislation has been enacted for the benefit of the


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533
Bay State street railway company and of other Massachusetts street railways.
One of the most carefully worked out franchises so far put into effect anywhere in the United States or Canada is the new Montreal tramways contract. This document was prepared by a special commission appointed for the purpose. Particular attention was given to the problem of incentive for efficient and economical management. This document is so important from the point of view of the recommendations made in earlier reports by the committee on franchises and the principles laid down by the committee on municipal program that the writer has arranged to prepare for an early issue of the National Municipal Review an analysis and interpretation of the Montreal contract.
Delos F. Wilcox.1 *
Public Utility Settlements and Rates.—
Public utilities have been very much in the public eye during the past six months due not only to the increased cost of maintenance but to the necessity for increased facilities and diminished labor incident to war time. A note from Claude H. Anderson, the secretary of the league of New Jersey municipalities, describes the situation in that state.
On March 4, 1918, the public service railway company of New Jersey engaged in transporting passengers for hire by street railway and interurban trolley lines in 146 municipalities in the state of New Jersey, filed an application before the board of public utility commissioners for increased fares as indicated in the prayer of the petition which reads:
Your petitioner, therefore, prays that your honorable body approve and by order fix seven cents as the rate to be charged by your petitioner where five cents is now charged, and in addition thereto a charge of two cents for each transfer issued on a cash fare, and an additional charge of one cent for a transfer issued on a transfer, and that your petitioner may have such other and further relief as may seem reasonable and proper.
The New Jersey state league of municipalities, consisting of 178 municipalities i Chairman, Committee on Franchises.
of the state and representing 69 f per cent of the entire population of New Jersey, entered into a contest of the application in a most vigorous manner. The league did not, however, take the stand that no increase should be granted but rather that full and complete evidence should be produced by the company to prove that it was entitled to an increase.
In view of the generally increasing price of commodities and services it was, of course, recognized that the expenses of the railway company had increased but the financial history of the corporation was such that it was by no means clear to the people that there was not great over-capitalization and that if anything like a fair valuation of the properties of the company was made, it would very likely show that the company was getting a fair return upon the actual capital invested. The league accordingly felt that the situation warranted the most careful scrutiny into the finances of the railway company. They, therefore, employed special counsel and experts as follows: Marshall VanWinkle and counsel, George L. Record, Jersey City; Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, public utility and franchise expert, New York City; David F. Atkins, electrical engineer, New York City; Mark Wolff, certified accountant, New York City.
The case proceeded before the public utility commissioners over a period of approximately three months. The witnesses of the railway company refused to produce, except upon express order of the commission, certain information with regard to their financial history and capitalization which was deemed pertinent by counsel for the league and further refused to give the experts access to certain books and records until ordered to do so. Such orders were made by the commission and as a result disclosures were made which indicated that the company is highly overcapitalized. Mr. Wolff, the accountant, pointed out that the over-capitalization amounts to about $85,000,000.
The board of public utility commissioners rendered the decision on July 10, denying the petition and granting only the privilege of increasing the rates by charging


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
one cent for transfers on cash fares. The commission found that the revenues of the company, in order to enable it to retain its credit unimpaired and furnish proper and adequate service, should be increased to the amount of $850,000 and estimated that the charge of one cent for transfers would yield this additional revenue.
The order of the commission requires that the company shall file with the board for each calendar month, beginning with the month of June, 1918, a complete comparative income statement for 1917 and 1918 of its operations showing revenue and revenue deductions, classified in accordance with the uniform system of accounts for street or traction railway utilities (first issue) prescribed by the board, together with mileage, traffic and miscellaneous statistics as required on page 35 of the form of annual report now required to be filed by the board.
The order also requires that the company shall submit before January 1, 1919, a plan whereby the method of charging at present in force may be revised by an equitable zoning system over its entire territory, proper consideration being given to all of the elements to more properly relate the cost of service with the length of haul and value of service.
In order to avail itself of the increase granted it was necessary for the company to file a written acceptance of the conditions of the grant prior to July 24, 1918. The railway company filed its acceptance on July 23.
On July 30, the supreme court of Indiana, acting under section 122 of the public utility act, decided that the public service commission has authority to hear the rate increase petition of the Indianapolis traction and terminal company, putting it on the ground that an unusual emergency exists. The supreme court instructed the circuit court from which the case was appealed to overrule a demurrer which that court had sustained and held that a mandamus will issue against the commission to compel it to take jurisdiction of the company’s request for a straight five-cent fare. The supreme court made this
decision in the face of a contract existing between the city and the company. On this point the court had this to say:
In the present case the fixing of the rate of fare was not left to the municipality as is sometimes done. The state in this respect acted in the interest of the public, ana to the utility it was a condition for the privilege of using a portion of its highway system. Upon the facts before us we conclude that the city in incorporating the rate schedule in the franchise inquest, acted as the agent of the state, and of its authority in this respect the public as well as the city must take notice.
The city was not a necessary party. In coming to this conclusion we are not unmindful of the rule applicable to contracts made for the benefit of third persons.
The management and operation of the Boston elevated railroad company is now in the hands of a board of five public trustees appointed by the governor, and an act has been passed under which the affairs of the Bay State street railway company will be administered by a similar board if the company is reorganized and the act is accepted by the stockholders. The public trustee plan was first suggested by the public service commission of the state of which Joseph B. Eastman is an active factor in a report to the legislature on the “Finance and operating methods of the Boston elevated railway company,” submitted in February. As finally passed it differed in many respects from the legislation recommended by the commission. Under the Boston elevated bill dividends are guaranteed to the stockholders but there is no similar guarantee under the Bay State bill. The state however lends its credit to the company in the latter case by supporting an issue of serial bonds. Concerning the Boston situation, Stiles P. Jones writes as follows:
I have been in touch with the Boston elevated situation all through the negotiations. It seems to me that the settlement is an admirable one—to meet this particular situation. The Massachusetts folks have been doing some real hard and practical thinking along street railway lines lately. The results of their experiments may have a good deal to do with the character of future settlements in other places. The Massachusetts remedy will probably


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not be accepted now as the correct one for general application in the present quite universal street railway crisis, but it has great potential possibilities. We may find that in this matter, as in many other lines in the past, Massachusetts is again leading the way.
An increase in street car fares has been announced by the Detroit united railway, effective August 8. The new rates will be six cents cash, or ten tickets for fifty-five cents, instead of a five-cent charge. We hope to publish further information concerning the significance of this in a future issue. In fact these paragraphs are merely to set forth some of the more important events which have occurred within the past few months. Our hope is to have an interpretation of them in an early issue of the National Municipal Review.
Important decisions involving the rights of public service commissions to change rates have been handed down in Pennsylvania and California, and bid fair to establish precedents of far-reaching importance.
John P. Fox’s review of the New York company’s literature presents another interesting phase of the development.
In the August issue of Minnesota Municipalities there is an editorial, entitled “Rising Rates,” based upon a news article giving data concerning a number of increases in rates for gas and electricity going into effect on July 1. The same number contains several articles dealing with municipal ownership and operation, street lighting, and the Minneapolis water works system.
*
Denver Votes to Buy Water-Works.1—
Taxpayers of Denver, Colorado, on August 6 voted 6,061 to 1,782 to buy the plant of the Denver Union Water Company. Voters in general, whether taxpayers or not, by a vote of 7,296 to 2,340, endorsed five nominees put up by petition on the initiation of the city authorities to serve as a board of water commissioners to operate the works under municipal ownership. The long-term members of the board are
\See National Municipal Review, vol. vii, p. 328.
Charles H. Reynolds and Finlay L. Mac-Farland. The commissioners will take over the plant as soon as possible, and will select a general manager, operating engineer and secretary. ,
This action brings to an end some thirty years of waterworks’ controversy in Denver. Competing water companies, a water-rate war, and finally consolidation stirred Denver in the early nineties, this city affording one of the very few examples of attempted competition between water companies in the United States. Since the consolidation of the competing companies, there has been almost if not quite continuous trouble over water rates, renewal of the water company’s franchise, and municipal ownership of waterworks for Denver. Large sums have been spent by the city and by the company on the valuation of the work for purchase and for rate-making purposes. Some years ago a local utility commission was created to build municipal works in case an agreement for purchase could not be made with the company. The valuation board had reported that the works were worth $14,-400,000. The utilities commission offered $7,000,000 and this offer was rejected by the company. Later, the city council passed an ordinance reducing the water rates by 20 per cent. Extended litigation followed, which resulted in fixing a value of somewhat under $14,000,000 for the works for rate-making purposes. Finally, the city and company agreed on the sale of the works to the city at the valuation named. No objection to the purchase was offered by the Federal Capital Issues Committee because the company has agreed to accept bonds of the city in payment.
Preceding the election which approved the bond issue for purchase, there was organized the Municipal Water Purchase League which included a considerable number of civic, business and engineering organizations. Their pamphlet advocating purchase may probably be obtained for consultation by those who wish the detailed history of the Denver waterworks struggle.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September
New Torrens Law in New York.—The
original law of 1908 contained defects which have largely been remedied by amendments in 1916 and 1918. The design of the Torrens system is practical rather than technical. It is the “law merchant” applied to real estate. Because lawyers, conveyancers, title searchers and title companies have for generations made their livings from the mass of technicalities that have entangled land titles, these professionals as a class and individually have fought the Torrens system wherever introduced. Because of its selfishness their fight has been a losing one and the advance of the method by which the transfer of titles is made “safe, simple and cheap” has been sure.
In New York, where the title companies are strongly entrenched, the fight has been especially bitter. Widespread public sentiment demanded relief from title burdens and in 1908 a Torrens law was passed. Unfortunately, however, the title companies, although unable to defeat the passage of the law, were so able to influence the drafting of the bill that features were introduced which were contrary to Torrens principles. The title companies themselves were installed as official examiners and the proceedings were made so lengthy and burdensome that owners could not afford to pay the cost. Instead of being made simple the Torrens proceeding was made an action more complicated than an ordinary lawsuit. A Torrens registration took three times as long and cost twice as much as a title company policy and in consequence the public continued to patronize the title companies and the Torrens law became a dead letter.
The experience of New York proves the truth of the comment made by the Torrens committee of the American Bar Association in its report to the commissioners on uniform state laws1 (Washington, D. C., October, 1914).
For ten years (since 1908) the fight in
1 Every act passed in the United States bears on its face the scars of desperate conflict. It is doubt* ful whether any legislation has ever been assailed with more bitterness or greater persistency than this; and unfortunately its antagonists have gener-
New York has been to amend its Torrens law, to remove the “jokers” from it and make it like that of Massachusetts and other states where the system is a success. The amendments, proposed in 1914 by Register John J. Hopper of New York county, and later supported by the Torrens title league of the state of New York, by all of the registrars of Greater New York, and by practically all of the civic, legal and commercial associations of the city and state were passed in part in 1916 and in part in 1918. The only points not yet won relate to the title companies and the assurance fund. The title companies still are permitted to make title reports, although the registrar now appoints the official examiner, and the state (or county) is not back of the assurance fund as is the case in Massachusetts, Chicago, and under the United States government acts for Philippine Islands and Hawaii.
The 1918 amendments, however, give New York a practical workable law.
Walter Fairchild.1 *
St. Louis Zoning Ordinance.—As a
result of the work of its city plan commission, St. Louis has just adopted a zoning ordinance (signed by the mayor, July 14), under the provisions of which, the city is divided into five districts prescribing the use to which property may be put, five districts prescribing the height of buildings hereafter erected, and four districts prescribing the extent to which the area of lots may be covered with buildings.
The “use” districts are classified into: A first residence district, a second residence district, a commercial district, an industrial district, and an un-restricted district. All buildings in the first residence districts shall be erected or used exclusively for single family dwellings and the accompanying accessories. The second residence districts may be utilized by tenements, hotels, churches, hospitals, etc., except that no tenement, hotel, lodging or boarding house can be erected in any second
ally succeeded In marring the act even when they have been unable to defeat it.
* Secretary and counsel for the Torrens Title League, 1 Liberty Street, New York.


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537
residence district occupied exclusively by one and two family residences without the written consent of the owners of the majority of the property within the block having frontage on the street where the large building is to be erected.
Commercial districts shall be used for certain specified enterprises—(set down at length in the ordinance)—except that no building shall have more than 50 per cent of the floor area devoted to industry or storage purposes incidental to its primary use, and that no more than five employees shall be engaged in any trade or industry which shall be incidental or essential to the primary use. A garage may be erected in the commercial district with the consent of the city plan commission only upon the presentation of a petition by the owners of 75 per cent of the property deemed by the commission to be affected by the garage. In the industrial districts building may be utilized for any purpose except in regard to certain dangerous or nuisance-producing industries which are set out in detail. In non-restricted districts, buildings may be put to any use. The “height” districts are classified as follows: A forty-five foot district, sixty foot district, eighty foot district, one-hundred twenty foot district, and one-hundred and fifty foot district.
The “area” districts are classified according to the amount of area prescribed for rear yards, side yards, enclosed courts and outer courts.
The enforcement of the ordinance is placed with the board of public service, through the division of building and inspection. The board is allowed the discretion of permitting deviation from the ordinance in certain specified cases of temporary building, alterations, reconstruction and enlargement; and the ordinance states that amendment of its provisions in regard to any particular districts may be made through an ordinance initia-ated by the city plan commission itself or upon petition of fifty percent of the owners of property in any given district, appeal from the decision of the city plan commission on all petitions to lie with the board of public service.
The hope has been expressed by many interested in city planning that the ordinance may later on be amended to transform a good portion of the industrial districts into commercial districts, and to enlarge the number of first residence districts. On the whole, however, there has been general satisfaction with the passage of the ordinance and the placing of the zoning principle on the statute books of the city. Louis F. Budenz.
II. POLITICS1
The Morals Court of Pittsburgh—A Municipal Leaguer Recognized.—The new
morals court in Pittsburgh was established by an ordinance of council last spring. Under the law and the ordinance it has the same powers as the police magistrates. The ordinance provided, however, that the police of the city should bring all of certain classes of cases before this court. These include all offences by minors or against minors; those relating to prostitution and public vice; illegal liquor selling, domestic relations and public gambling. It is estimated that this court will handle from 10,000 to 12,000 cases annually.
1 Unless otherwise indicated, the items in this department are prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff.
The establishment of this court can be traced to the influences of the voters’ league of this city. Its vice exposure and trials in 1912 and its subsequent impeachment of the director of the department of public safety on account of the vice conditions in the community, which it was alleged were tolerated and protected by the police, was followed first by the organization of a morals commission, which was in operation for some time; but the law under which it was constituted was declared unconstitutional. This was followed by the attack in 1916 of the council: of churches on the police courts. Next the voters’ league made an effort to have the present mayor, E. V. Babcock, appoint social workers as police magistrates. This-


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brought about the discussion of the administration of these courts and the character of men who ought to be appointed. While the league was not successful' in this effort, when the morals court was established the mayor appointed as the magistrate to preside over the same, Tensard De Wolf, the capable and efficient secretary of the voters’ league for many years.
Mr. De Wolf is known to the civic secretaries and civic organizations throughout the United States. He is a man of high civic ideals and a well-developed social conscience. He is a student, a man of vision, high character and great courage. Those acquainted with Mr. DeWolf predict for this court a future of great usefulness. ’
The plans and policy of the head of the morals court can be best given in his own words, in a letter to one of his personal friends:
My ideas of police, municipal or subordinate courts have always been that their aim should be twofold. First, to preserve the peace and safety of the community, and, secondly, to reclaim the individual. I determined at once to put into effect some of these theories. I was glad the city had not provided for a large organization, for this gave me an opportunity to call upon the various social and religious agencies of the community. One of my theories has always been that while the communal work should be done eventually by the community’s legally constituted officers, still it is usually best to start new social enterprises by private agencies rather than public. The former are more flexible and can be changed at will during the experimental stages. I therefore called to my assistance practically every organization working for social betterment in this district. All responded willingly.
I simplified my problem at the outset by stating that in all cases of gambling, illegal liquor selling and operating bawdy houses, I would hold for court whenever the evidence justified it. I opposed the system of fines because I consider that method a mere license to continue the practice by paying even a smaller license fee to the city than had heretofore been paid in graft to private individuals.
For the ordinary prostitute, other than the owner of the house; that is, for the girl on the street, whether a beginner, as many of them are, or one who has been in the business longer, I determined to
adopt methods of reclamation whenever possible.
My first problem was to provide temporary homes for the girls picked up by the police. I called upon a dozen organizations already conducting small homes, and they offered me quarters sufficient for present needs. I then set about to arrange for legitimate employment for any women who were ready to go to work. The co-operative wettare association gave me the time of their secretary, who has taken charge of this branch of the work, as well as that of all institutional placement. The state board of charities and the state board of health agreed to furnish free treatment for venereal diseases. Private individuals have promised me sufficient funds to send young women out of the city who live in outlying country districts. I find that probably fifty per cent of the girls of this class come from the smaller community.
My first rule for the conduct of the new court was that no person should go out on the street without supervision in some form. I am arranging through various women’s organizations to act as “big sisters” for the girls who leave this court.
My biggest surprise was the boy problem. I found that several thousand boys would be brought into the court annually, many for serious offences. To send these boys to jail or the workhouse, or hold them for court, would be simply starting them on a real criminal career. I have called upon the Y. M. C. A. and council of churches to take care of the Protestant boys and find for them “big brothers.” I am reaching out not only for the boy who has been in the court, but the gang of which he is a member. The council has called for 5,000 men to help in this work. The Roman Catholics are looking after their boys and girls with a man ana two women workers who are constantly in attendance upon the court. The Jews through their highly efficient charities organization have placed a man at all hearings and the services of a number of their women social workers on telephone call. The problems of the colored people will be handled by the urban league, which has a representative constantly in attendance. The international institute supplies interpreters when necessary.
My hearings are held in a large business office, at a long directors’ table, and instead of the usual gang of loafers, curiosity seekers and bums^ that hang around a police court, I am flanked on each side by the group of social workers I have named, and these are reinforced by the secretaries and other officers of the associated charities, juvenile court, child welfare association, children’s service bureau, council of


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churches, etc. At the door is a big uniformed policeman who has orders to admit no one except persons interested in the case being tried.
While the court has been in operation but a few weeks, the results obtained even in so short a time would indicate the vast improvement that may be expected from
this innovation in the conduct of these courts.
The innovation consists in substituting for the fist, the hand; for brutality, kindness; for knocking down, helping up; yet where necessary unflinchingly enforcing the law, but always with the thought and the hope of reclamation.
III. JUDICIAL DECISIONS
Perpetual Franchise.—In the case of City of Covington v. South Covington and C. St. Ry. Co. (38 Sup. Ct. Rep. 376), it was held that an ordinance granting “All the right and authority that” the city had “the capacity to grant, to construct, hold and operate a street railroad upon and along” certain streets, which provided for the termination of the rights conveyed only in event of the failure of the grantees to keep their covenants, must be deemed a perpetual franchise, although a prior ordinance “prescribing the terms and conditions of street passenger railroads within” the city provided that “all contracts made under the provisions of this ordinance shall be for the term and period of 25 years”, since this prior ordinance did not address itself to the construction or scope of future ordinances.
Mr. Justice Clarke dissented, saying among other things: “Fully realizing the futility for the present, of dissenting from what seems to me an unfortunate extension of the doctrine of the Owensboro case (230 U. S. 58), I deem it my duty to record my dissent, with the hope for a return to the sound, but now seemingly neglected, doctrine of Blair v. Chicago (201 U. S. 400), declaring that a corporation which would successfully assert a private right in a public street must come prepared to show that it has been conferred ‘in plain terms,’ in express terms, and that any ambiguity in the terms of the grant must be resolved in favor of the public and against the corporation ‘which can claim nothing which is not clearly given.’ ”
*
Legal Depository.—In the suit by a city to recover funds in a bank in process of liquidation pursuant to a state law, declar-
ing such deposits to be a triist fund, the bank having failed to give bond required by law, it was held in Bank of Commerce v. City of Gulfport (78 Southern 519), that there could be no estoppel against the city for the acts of its officers in treating the bank as though it were a legal depository. *
Municipal Corporation.—In State v. Servat (78 Southern 437) itwas decided that the sewerage and water board of the city of New Orleans, a mere agency for the more convenient administration of the sewerage and water business of the city, was not a “municipal corporation.” The defendant had been convicted of violating an ordinance of this board. The supreme court said that it had no jurisdiction of the appeal on this account.
*
Theatre Tickets.—In People v. Thompson (119 N. E. 41) the supreme court of Illinois decided that a municipal ordinance regulating the granting of licenses for theatrical performances, which prohibited secret alliances with ticket brokers or scalpers, declaring that no theatre company, employe or officers thereof should receive directly or indirectly any sum in excess of the price printed upon the tickets is a valid exercise of the police power. By a state law, municipalities were granted authority to license, tax, regulate, suppress and prohibit theatricals and other exhibitions, shows and amusements.
*
Municipal Bonds.—The complainant submitted a bid for an issue of bonds which was accepted and was based on a circular sent out by the city inviting bids and containing a financial statement. This


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statement gave the actual value of property subject to taxation. According to law the assessed value was one-fifth the actual value. The net indebtedness of Omaha did not exceed 7 per cent of the valuation according to the statement of the circular, but was largely in excess of the assessed valuation.
In Omaha v. Vernier (243 Federal 106) it was held that whatever construction should be placed on the statement of the circular or upon the statutes of the state limiting investments by savings banks, they were sufficiently uncertain to entitle complainant to be relieved from his bid on the ground of mistake in supposing that the statement referred to assessed valuation.
*
Injury to Vessel.—Despite the uniformity of admiralty jurisdiction and the injunctive power of the court of equity, which extends to members of a levy court to restrain them from acting beyond the scope of their jurisdiction or otherwise unlawfully, it was held in the case of the Alex Y. Hanna (246 Federal 157) that a libel in admiralty against the member of the Delaware Levy Court to recover for injuries to a vessel resulting from negligence in opening and operating a drawbridge across a navigable river, which was under the control of a levy court, cannot be maintained; neither the county nor the levy court being subject to tort actions.
*
Paving of Tracks.—-In Wheeling Traction Company v. Board of Commissioners of Belmont County, Ohio (248 Federal, 205) it was held that the county commissioners cannot contract away the police power to regulate the highways, and an agreement that the defendant traction company should pave its tracks with a particular material does not preclude the commissioners from thereafter ordering a change.
+
Negligence.—A policeman had been made foreman of a city garage. He sent a man who had been hanging around the garage to get an inner tube and authorized him to use a car that had been left in the
garage by a citizen with the view to selling it to the city. While on the errand, the driver ran over and killed the plaintiff. In Levin v. Omaha (167 N. W. 214) the city was held liable on the ground that the policeman was a servant of the city in its corporate capacity. Two judges dissented, feeling that the law of agency was being extended altogether too far in this case.
*
Are Women Electors;—-In Sears v. Maquoketa (166 N. W. 700) the supreme court of Iowa decided that the mere fact that the legislature had given women the power to vote on bond issues does not make them electors; that their votes cannot be counted in determining whether more than half the electors who voted at the last municipal election favored the issue of bonds, but that the comparison is between male voters.
*
Street Car License Fees.—In Milwaukee Electric Railway and Light Company v. Milicaukee (167 N. W. 428) it was decided that an ordinance imposing an annual license fee of $15 per car used and operated in the city by a street railroad is a revenue measure and void, since the authority to tax or license street railways for revenue given by laws of 1860 and 1898 were taken away by later legislation.
*
Employment of Women.—In State v. Metropolitan Park District of Tacoma (176 Pac. 254) it was decided that neither Metropolitan Park districts nor any municipal corporation can be guilty of violating the law prohibiting the employment of females more than eight hours at any mechanical or mercantile establishment, laundry, hotel or restaurant, but those acting for them can be guilty thereof. Metropolitan Park districts have no power to operate a public restaurant.
*
Acceptance of Gifts.—In O’Melbeny v. Griffith (171 Pac. 934) the supreme court of California decided that the ordinances of the city of Los Angeles accepting a gift to erect in a certain park two structures


1918]
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541
and to appoint in accordance with the terms of the gift three citizens to supervise the erection and manage and control the structures were void. The plaintiffs as
park commissioners objected on the ground that the arrangement was in conflict with their charter powers.
Robert E. Tract.
IV. MISCELLANEOUS
A List of State Leagues of Municipalities.1—Alabama: Alabama Municipal League. Secretary, George Jacob Davis, Jr., University, Alabama.
California: League of California Municipalities. Executive secretary, Wm. J. Locke, Almeda, California. Official organ: Pacific Municipalities (monthly).
Connecticut: Mayors Association of Connecticut. Secretary-trealsurer, Dr. J. Milton Coburn, Norwalk, Connecticut.
Idaho: North Idaho Municipal League. Secretary, Prof. Howard T. Lewis, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho.
Illinois: Illinois Municipal League. Secretary, Prof. John A. Fairlie, University of Illinois, Urbana, 111.
Indiana: Municipal League of Indiana. Secretary, Stanley S. Jones, Shelbyville, Indiana.
Iowa: League of Iowa Municipalities. Secretary, Frank G. Pierce, Marshalltown, Iowa. Official organ: American Municipalities (monthly).
Kansas: League of Kansas Municipalities. Secretary, Homer Talbot, Lawrence, Kansas. Official organ: Kansas Municipalities (monthly).
Louisiana: League of Louisiana Municipalities. Secretary, Mayor Joseph B. Elam, Mansfield, Louisiana. Official organ: Louisiana Municipalities and Highways (monthly).
Michigan: League of Michigan Municipalities. Secretary, Charles A. Sink, Alderman, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
Minnesota: League of Minnesota Municipalities. Executive secretary, E. L. Bennett, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota. Official organ: Minnesota Municipalities (bi-monthly).
Montana: Montana Municipal League.
1 As existing July 1, 1918. Compiled by the Bureau of Municipal Information of the New Jersey State League of Municipalities. Claude H. Anderson, director and secretary, Association of State Leagues of Municipalities.
Secretary, H. L. Fitton, city clerk, Lewis-town, Montana.
Nebraska: League of Nebraska Municipalities. Secretary-treasurer, C. A. Sorensen, 422 Funke Building, Lincoln, Nebraska. Official organ: Nebraska Municipal Review (quarterly).
New Jersey: New Jersey State League of Municipalities. Executive secretary, Claude H. Anderson, Princeton. Official organ: New Jersey Municipalities (monthly except July and August).
New Mexico: New Mexico League of Municipalities. Secretary, Howard L. Bickley, Suite 3, Mendelson Building, Raton, New Mexico.
New York: New York State Conference of Mayors and other City Officials. Secretary, William P. Capes, 25 Washington Avenue, Albany, New York.
North Carolina: Carolina Municipal Association. Secretary-treasurer, Mayor Fred I. Sutton, Kinston, North Carolina.
North Dakota: Municipal League of North Dakota. Secretary, W. H. Alexander, city auditor, Grand Forks, North Dakota. (Reported temporarily inactive by secretary.)
Ohio: Ohio Municipal League. Secretary, Gardner Lattimer, Toledo Commerce Club, Toledo, Ohio. (Reported temporarily inactive by secretary.)
Oklahoma: Oklahoma Municipal League. Secretary-treasurer, Dr. F. F. Blackly, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.
Pennsylvania: League of Cities of the Third Class. Secretary, Fred H. Gates, city clerk, Wilkes-Barre. Proceedings of annual conventions regularly published. Pennsylvania also has a State Bureau of Municipalities, J. Herman Knisely, chief, State House, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
Tennessee': Tennessee Municipal League. Secretary: Charles C. Gilbert, Stahlman Building, Nashville, Tennessee.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL EEVIEW [September
Texas: League of Texas Municipalities. Executive secretary, Albert A. Long, University of Texas, Austin, Texas. Official Organ: Texas Municipalities (bimonthly).
Virginia: League of Virginia Municipalities. Secretary, L. C. Brinson, Portsmouth, Va.
Washington: League of Washington Municipalities. Acting secretary, E. D. O’Brien, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.
Wisconsin: League of Wisconsin Municipalities. Secretary-treasurer, Ford H. MacGregor, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Official organ: The Municipality (monthly).
*
Virginia’s Community and Civic Leagues.—Under the auspices of the Co-operative Education Association of Virginia, two kinds of leagues have been organized around the schools of the state. The first is the community or civic league, which is composed of adults, teachers, parents, and friends of the school, and works for the upbuilding of the community and the school. The second is the junior civic leagues, or as they are now called the high or elementary school co-operative leagues. These junior civic leagues gre made up of pupils of the schools; there may be one made up of high school pupils, and another of elementary pupils over ten years of age. It is possible, therefore, for three leagues to be associated with the school: the civic league, or adult organization, the high school league, and the elementary league.
A constitution for these pupil leagues is provided by the State Co-operative Education Association and is printed as part of a pamphlet issued by this association. This constitution and the pamphlet explaining and amplifying it suggest the work and organization of the junior leagues.
There is a school improvement committee whose object is to look after the improvement and care of the school buildings and grounds; a civic improvement committee encourages the improvement of streets, roads, home surroundings
and sanitary conditions. A social, literary and entertainment committee and an athletic committee are self explanatory. A boys’ club committee and a girls’ club committee promote the formation of desirable farming, poultry, canning clubs, as well as Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. organizations.
A teacher is elected as censor, otherwise the direction of these above named activities is exclusively in the hands of the pupils. There are now more than 500 of these junior leagues scattered over the state. A few of them only have been formed in cities. The movement dates from 1912.
D. R. Anderson.
♦
A Significant Park Gift.—John H. Patterson, the president of the National Cash Register Company of Dayton, has given to that city a million-dollar park. It is no new thing for a generous citizen to make a large gift in the way of land to the city in which he has lived and worked, but there is something significant in this particular gift, which represents the confidence of a shrewd, resourceful and successful business man in the commission-manager form of government. A number of years ago park space amounting to 146 acres lying two miles nearer the city than the present Patterson gift was offered to the city on condition that $10,000 be spent on improvements. The city council turned this proffer down as one of its members owned real estate in another section of the town which he. wished to develop. The present administration eagerly accepted the present gift or nearly 300 acres with a proviso that $5,000 annually should be spent for upkeep. In connection with his gift, Mr. Patterson wrote the city commissioners as follows:
“I want you to impress upon all the people that this park is given, not at all as a memorial for me, but solely as a memorial to good government in Dayton. I would not have presented this park at this time, had not the people last November endorsed good government by re-electing three good, non-partisan men to the commission. I wish that the people


1918]
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could realize all the benefits that good government has brought to them, and yet we are only beginning. The commission-manager form of government is the only one which is strictly of the people, by the people, and for the people.
“The people all over the country are watching Dayton. They feel the commission-manager form of government is still on trial. With us, it is no longer on trial, as it has been fully tried and found successful. It is bound to succeed, because the charter of Dayton is founded on the same principles that have made American business successful.
“What is good for Dayton is good for any other city. I look forward to the day when the commission-manager form of government will be universal among cities, counties, and states, and the United States. Then it is but a step to fitting it to the United States of the World,”
Another point of interest is that when the city manager movement came to Dayton, the city owned thirty-five acres of park. Since that time 485 acres have been acquired, including the 294 involved in Mr. Patterson’s gift.
*
Kansas City City Club.—Kansas City's active city club is to have new headquarters. The plans call for taking over the upper two floors of the Missouri building, which is being reconstructed for the purpose. The new quarters will give the club three times the floor space which it now has in the Glendale building.
*
The American City Bureau has absorbed the business and good will of the Town Development Company, specialists in conducting membership campaigns for commercial organizations and publishers of Town Development.
*
Washington Gladden, who for a number of years was a member of the National Municipal League and a speaker at its various meetings, died in July at Columbus, Ohio. One of Dr. Gladden’s addresses, “Civic Religion,” was reprinted in leaflet form and thousands of copies
distributed throughout the country, stimulating young and old alike to a higher conception of their civic duties. Dr. Gladden was one of the earliest proponents of social Christianity, and wrote a number of interesting volumes dealing with various phases of the subject.
♦
Wayne D. Hey decker, who has been the efficient committee secretary of the New York city club has resigned to become associate editor of the American City, taking charge of the research department of the Americaii City Bureau (Tribune building).
*
Raymond Moley, instructor in political science in Western Reserve University, Cleveland, has been appointed director of Americanization for the Ohio state council of defense. Mr. Moley is also chairman of the National Municipal League’s committee on the same subject.
*
Professor John A. Fairiie of the University of Illinois is now in the orders and regulations branch of the quartermaster general’s office, handling a considerable volume of new rules, orders and regulations dealing not only with the Washington office but with the general work of the quartermaster corps of the army.
*
Chester H. Wells, for the past thirteen years the efficient health officer of Montclair, has been chosen state health commissioner of Delaware. He is secretary of the health administration section of the American Public Health Association and has been actively identified with progressive movements in the line of his work. Among other sanitarians who began their professional work in Montclair are Marshall 0. Leighton, Prof. C.-E. A. Winslow, and Horatio N. Parker. *
Professor Herman G. James, associate professor of government at the University of Texas, and director of the bureau of municipal research and reference at that institution, having entered government service, has resigned as associate editor of the National Municipal Review.


Full Text

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1918 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associate Editors ALICE M. HOLDEN W. J. DONALD HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD LEE MCBAIN C. C. WILLIAMSON VOLUME VII JANUARY, 1-130 JULY, 339-448 MARCH, 131-236 SEPTEMBER, 449-544 MAY, 5237-337 NOVEMBER, 545-655 PUBLISHED FOR TEE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H. 1918 BY

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. VII, No. 5 SEPTEMBER, 19 18 TOTAL No. 31 Ordinarily the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW should be in the hands of members and subeniberr uithin a week of the first day of the months of publication, to wit. January. March, May, July. September, and NonemLer. The eztraordinary condiliona of the last siz months. however, have reaulled in numerous delays. If the magazine ir nd receioed bu the 16th of the month of issue. the Edam will be greatly obliged if a postal to that efecf ia sent to his ofice, 705 North American Building, Philadelphia. ~ ~~~ ~~ THE BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE ANNUAL CONFERENCE INTRODUCTION BY CHARLES A. BEARD' MERICA is the landof organizations and annual conferences and so it is a poor and unnatural American who does not belong to many The writer of this introduction pleads guilty to having done his full duty in this line of citizenship. He has heard enough papers, learned and otherwise, and listened to enough discussions from the floor, illuminating and otherwise, to entitle him to the crown of wild olive. With all proper respect to other associations and conferences he is compelled to record, out of sheer thankfulness of spirit, that the Bolshevik session of the National Municipal League annual meeting held in New York city last June, was the most informing and entertaining affair that it was ever his privilege to attend in the course of nearly a quarter of a century of peregrinations. Usually there are two or three good papers at every conference, but even the most seasoned sinner expects to be bored to distraction by all the others. Indeed by continuous loitering in the lobbies with old companions in arms he usually misses the good things with the bad. But the Bolshevik session, having piqued the curiosity of both conservafives and radicals, attracted a large audience at the outset-an audience which was not only retained but, marvelous to note, steadily augmented. For the purposes of the session Bolshevikism was defined as a 'I dangerous unrest-a tendency to disregard the established political mechanism in 1 Director, New York Bureau of Municipal Research. 44 9 A 4 societies andwho has not to his record manynational conventions.

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450 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September efforts to secure results by unlawhl short cuts. . . . A municipal government that is tied hand and foot with red tape and complex charter limitations in the hands of a tight political ring which capital can easily control gives considerable excuse for the kind of impatience that wants to kick the whole fabric of society into the discard. l1 The question to which the speakers were invited to direct their attention was “What things should we do to set our house in order so as to make government so responsive, effective, and obedient that the shortest and easiest way to get social and economic progress will be by way of lawful and orderly governmental action. ’’ It would be invidious to comment on any of the addresses or the speakers. Suffice it to say that there was a representative group of thinkers. The East and the West met. The British Empire furnished three men of whom those who speak the English tongue may well be proud. Though none on the program directed their attention specifically to the question in hand, yet curiously enough it will be found on careful examination of their papers that all of them were talking to the point-even more effectively than most academic logicians who march with stately tread fr0m.q. e. d. to q. e. d. The topic itself was a sign that we are passing from the consideration of mere political machinery to the purposes for which it is created, from the discussion of institutional abstractions to the content of institutional life. Only one of the scheduled speakers failed to render an account of himself , Edwin A. Rumball, who could, it is well known, have said something worth while if Providence or forgetfulness had not prevented him from attending the meeting. Two other men on the program, who were unable to come, nevertheless added to the value of the meeting by putting their views on record in brief letters which are included in this collection. One paper, read at the conference, is not included in this sheaf, namely the address by Dr. Hatton on proportional representation in Kalamazoo, but happily that has already been published in full in the July issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW.^ Whoever turns to it will find an intensely human document, illuminating in every line, showing withal how possible it is for an acute observer to clothe in living flesh the rattling bare bones of political science. The remaining papers are here published seriatim as presented to the conference. Pittsburgh was heard from. THOMAS H. REED3 I am somewhat embarrassed at having to start this discussion this afternoon; because, although I was advised by wire some time ago that Mr. Woodruff expected me to speak upon this subject, he did not advise Mr. Reed has been city manager of San JosB, California, which position he has re(See NATIONAL a See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii, p. 339. signed to return to his academic work at the University of California. MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii, p. 438.)

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 451 me in the limited space of the night letter as to what he meant by Bolshevikism. I puzzled my brain over it all the way from San Francisco, until I finally got into a state of mind in which I gave up in despair endeavoring to figure what I might say; because I could not fathom the exact nature of the subject. Now, I was greatly relieved when I discovered the way in which BoIshevikism had been interpreted upon the program; because it leaves me free to talk about certain things that I know about. .We are talking about Bolshevikism this afternoon as a dangerous state of unrest which may, in the critical situation of the United States at the present moment, come to the surface and overthrow the institutions which we are endeavoring at the present time to maintain by force of arms. An effort of a portion of the community to secure, by self-help or by some other means, a slightly greater measure of democracy than they now enjoy, may result in overturning all democracy; and that is a situation which, essentially, no people &n afford to tolerate. We have begun a contest with the German Empire which has to be won; and we cannot allow any interference with that main purpose. After that is achieved, we can talk all the rest of it out-all the rest of the questions-if we win. If we don’t win, we will be Prussianized, to begin with; and we might as well not talk about the evolution of democracy in the future. NOW, naturally, as a person engaged in the actual administration of city government under the new city manager plan, I am going to speak, in the few brief words I have to say upon this subject, from the point of view of one who is interested in the mechanism of government. If what I have to say appears to be unduly emphatic upon the side of mechanism, you will understand that I realize that mechanism alone cannot solve our problem; that there must be impulse and force-the spiritual force, if you want to put it that way-behind the mechanism, if the mechanism is to work properly. On the other hand, it is highly important in these times that we,have a mechanism of government that will work smoothly and efficiently for the purpose of securing the essential results which the great majority of the people desire. It is highly important that, at this time of all times, there should be no waste or lost motion. Everything should be done to supply the machinery best adapted and intended to its purpose. If we do, we are likely to find ourselves lying in the ditch long before we have realized the danger of our situation. We cannot afford to delay. THE CITY MANAGER FORM OF GOVERNMENT And I may be pardoned if I say a word about that plan of government, because I have been a city manager. Parenthetically, let me say, I can’t claim to any particular courage. I enjoyed being made a city manager. It pleased me greatly, and it hasn’t taken any courage on my part to keep on being one; perhaps because I have a hide like a rhinoceros. I

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452 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September am going to quit being a city manager and go back to the University of California to talk on the theory of government some more, after the first of August of this year. But I have had two years’ experience with the city manager form of government; and I do not hesitate to say that it is the best device for the government of any city which has yet been worked out. I feel this to be true irrespective of the size of the community; it may be big or little. The city manager form of government essentially is simply nothing but the focusing of all power and responsibility in the hands of a single executive head; and there is no place in this world where a single is not better than a multiple head, so far as obtaining results in action are concerned. A five-headed man is a very interesting thing as a biological phenomenon in the side-show of the circus; but he is no good as director of the executive policy of a great community. A single head in an army, a single head in a city, and a single head wherever you need B head at all, is the only system. Futhermore, the city manager is not only the head, but he is a responsible head. He has to report to a body of councilmen, who are more or less long-headed business men. It makes the manager keep his feet on .the ground to have to report to such people. He has to expose his plans and lay them on the table, and it is a great thing for plans to have to be exposed and laid upon the table. It takes the crotchets and the turns and the twists and the peculiarities of one’s personality out of them and .makes them really plans. ‘The scheme works. It is effective, from the democratic point of view, because the people know exactly on whom to lay their finger when anything goes wrong. And we have got to have that kind of government, if we are going to get away from Bolshevikism. We must have a government which the average man in the community believes is responsive to his will-a government everyone knows is on the level; and if we have got that, we don’t need to worry very much about the thing from that standpoint. We have been trying to do that in America for the last ten or twelve years. Through the long history of progressive movements we have been striving to get government back to the people. But something has got to be done in these days. We must get the people back to the government. In the first place, the people almost exclusively are interested in winning the war. ,They don’t take an interest in the affairs of the local community, as they ought to. In our own little city of San Josh, every man who .stands for anything, who has any weight or influence or power, or any ability to judge of the merits of the municipal administration, is giving all the time that he can spare to war work of some kind or other. That leaves the old gang opportunity-the chance to slip in unawares into the controlsf the situation, a thing which, from the political point of view, is We have got to take the government to the people.

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 453 absolutely undesirable; but which, on the other hand, is difficult to avoid, when the real people are so continuously giving their attention to another proposition. INTEREST IN GOVERNMENT? Now, sometimes the people don’t want to know about their government-they don’t in peace times. We have in our San Jose charter a lot of provisions about the publicity of the budget. You have to have copies of the budget on file in the office of the city manager, and print abstracts for general distribution. I had a copy of the budget on file in my office last year for six months, and there was but one citizen came in to look at it; he turned over one page, spent three-fifths of a minute in the examination of the budget, and went out. There wasn’t another soul examined it. When we came to distribute the printed copies of the abstract, which were worked out according to the best of modern systems of accounting to throw light upon the transactions of the city, you couldn’t get fifty people in San Jose to apply for a copy of it. You couldn’t cram them down their throats, or oblige them to read them. Therefore, to have good government in the United States we have not only got to have good mechanism; we have not only got to have a system that will work; but we have got to bring the people back to the desire to run that mechanism. There has got to be, in these days as there has been at times in the past, the same kind of an appeal to the people, the same kind of propagandism, the same kind of preachment, the same kind of moral argument addressed to the conscience and the heart of the people, to induce them to perform their civic duties. No mechanism can automatically bring it about; and it seems, sometimes, as if all our efforts to reproduce that civic conscience, or a civic consciousness if you want to put it that way, on the part of the people, were unavailing; because they don’t seem to have any more of it now than they did before. That perhaps is what makes the problem of politics interesting. MR. P. W. WILSON4 I am only visiting this country; and, therefore, I take no part in what may be described as American politics, and what I say must be taken rather as applying to Great Britain. I am not quite sure whether we wish to “head off” unrest in Great Britain. It is much more important, I think, to remedy the unrighteousness which is the cause of unrest. I am not, also, quite certain whether we put the same meaning on the word Bolshevik in Great Britain that you do here. I rather agree with the President of the United States, who, in a message which had a great effect in England, associated himself in sympathy with the Russian revolution. That freedom of opinion in Former member of the British Parliament.

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454 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September England has not meant any relaxation, whatever, of war effort. You may take it as certain that no country in the history of the world has ever done more or sacrificed more than Great Britain has done and sacrificed during the last year for the cause of liberty. Professor Reed, in his most interesting speech, said that every job should be run by one man. America is, of course, a country of presidents. We are a country of committees; the British Empire, which has not been entirely without effect on human history, was built up on committees. We prefer, on the whole, discussion to dictation; on the whole, we like to have all sides put; and that shows how difficult it is for one man on one side to express any opinion upon the affairs of a nation on the other side; because the genius is usually so different. I do not in the least doubt that your plan is right for yourselves; I am equally convinced that the cabinet or committee system is right for us. ENGLAND A SOCIALIST COUNTRY Of course, England is very rapidly becoming a socialist country. I suppose that, in the matter of representation, we shall have 400 labor candidates at the next election. We have in the present government the most extreme socialists, right in the very heart of the governmental system. THE CHAIRMAN: You mean in the cabinet? Oh, yes, in tke cabinet; and, broadly speaking, all through the parties. Liberalism, conservatism, and labor, all are committed to socialism as an economic policy. At the present moment, the practical ownership of the post-office, the telegraphs, the telephones, the railroads, the ships, many of the war factories and the coal mines is vested in the state-I say the practical ownership. The reason for that was, that we absolutely had to adopt the most efficient form of government in our economics. It was impossible for us to go on any system which permitted waste or inefficiency; and the industrial output of England per head has gone up very largely, since we adopted that policy, even though we sent away five million men to the war-half our wage earners; and the first effect of the state interfering in industry was to sweep away trades-union regulations and adopt American machinery; for which, if I may say so, we paid a very good price! We have found that workingmen, although they are getting much better wages than they did before the war, respond to the argument that they are putting in their toil for the state and the nation rather than for any private employer. And therefore, very largely, private employment in England today is a fabric which is preserved for purposes of convenience; and even the food is served out now, very largely, by the state. Among other things, I may mention one fact, the post-office, which is an enormously important department, employing three or four hundred

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19183 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 455 thousand people, and with a revenue of $150,000,000 a year, and with other functions of distributing superannuation allowances and soldiers’ allowances. That entire department is run by a secretary who receives, if I remember rightly, $12,500 a year. A single railway in England to-day pays double that salary to its general manager. I suppose that under the whole co-ordinated system, under the state, we will find plenty of people ready to work on a comparatively low salary with, of course, a promise of a retiring allowance and, what counts for a great deal with us, a knighthood at the close of a distinguished career. ENGLAND’S PROBLEMS, EDUCATIONAL In one sense America is a younger country than we are-in everything except brains. Our educational birthday was 1870; and, therefore, we sit at your feet in the matter of all the higher accomplishments. But there is no use educating the people if you leave them with the old social conditions; it is no use refining the child’s mind, if you send him back into the old type of house or tenement where he was living. In this, I am not saying anything about your housing, which has always been most comfortable-I have lived in the right part of New York!-but in England we shall probably spend, after the war, any sum up to $500,000,000 on our housing-rural and urban. It rather depends upon what our workmen charge per hour, or per minute, which is now, I think, the more usual way of reckoning. That housing will be in the hands of the state, or the municipalities,-one or the other. The municipality is working out this system, and the state will help to finance it. Of course, we have, broadly speaking, a minimum wage throughout the country-for everybody, that is, except my own profession! But then, I don’t do any work that can be seen-it only goes on inside! And we shall be extremely careful with demobilization, to apply the scheme through the labor exchanges which we have all over the country, so preventing the soldiers being thrown onto the scrap-heap when they come back. Your system of pensions after the Civil War contradicted fifty years ago our system of taking the soldier, using him for the defence of the country, and then sending him back into the workhouse. I am sure my ten minutes must be up; but there is only one thing further: with regard to representation, we are adding, I suppose, six millions of voters-indeed more nearly eight millions-to our register. A very large number of them are women. That, broadly, is how we are going to deal, as far as possible, with social unrest. The state must have a very clear conception of a democracy when it demands, as we are demanding, what would amount to an enrolment of 12,000,000 men here. With us, every family in the country has its sorrow, and its anxiety, and The problems which we have to face very carefully are educational. You develop your brains earlier than we do.

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456 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September its burden. A great many questions are being asked as to the meaning of the state, the rights of the state, the duties of the state; and I feel, myself, that in every country in Europe to-day, without exception, the state is on trial. The state I repeat, is on trial; and we in England, with a great freedom of opinion and a great freedom of expression-perhaps with more than some of you may think advisable-are doing all we can now to bring the state into closer relations with the human needs of the people &s a whole. MR. FRANK DILNOT5 I have followed, with considerable attention and pleasure, as I and others always do, the remarks of my old friend and fellow countryman, Mr. Wilson; but my attention has been united with some curiosity as to the relevance of his general remarks as to how we shall head off Bolshevilusm in American cities; because, so far as I understand his mood of gentle humor, it has been to demonstrate that England is a Bolshevist country and will, henceforth, enjoy all the advantages, in an extended degree, of that delightful method of government. It is true, he has adroitly dealt with the matter so as to offend no SIBceptibilities; but he cannot deceive one who has seen him in public work for many years in the old country. With regard to Bolshevikism in England, may I venture on one personal word; and that is to say, that I was associated for some years with the labor movement in that country. I was selected as the editor of their daily paper, “The Daily Citizen,” and have had personal association with the leaders, especially Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. John Hodge; and I venture to take issue with my friend on a specific point or two; because I rather think that he may have conveyed what to me are, not quite adequate expressions with regard to one or two phases. I disagree with him fundamentally withregard to the progress of what may be called socialistic legislation and administration in England. THE CONSERVATISM OF BRITISH LABOR I have told you of my association with the labor movement. I am a Liberal in politics; but I say soberly, although I do not expect all my friends in England to agree with it, that the labor interests in the cabinet of England and in the ministry are among the bulwarks of conservative legislation and administration in our country. THE CHAIRMAN: Would you say that of Mr. Arthur Henderson? Certainly. There has lately been published a program-ome parts of it impractical, other parts very visionary, but all very advanced; and Mr. Henderson indeed, had a great deal to do with it; but I would ask you to look, for one moment, at the facts with regard to our country, and I say that deliberately. I know him; he is a friend of mine. 6 London, England.

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 45T not only at the theories. The labor movement of England, is, I think we can say certainly, the most powerful labor movement in the world, In its organization it comprises somewhere approaching 4,000,000 persons, who, in their respective unions, are united together, and who exercise an enormous influence on the government of the country. There are three or four of the labor leaders in the cabinet; there are a half dozen in the ministry; and the Federation of Trades-Unions, which is the heart and soul of the labor movement, has, by suggestion, by criticism, by formulative proposals, had a great deal to do with the molding of legislation during this past ten years or more. But amid that 4,000,000 people there is not a handful-well, it may be a few thousands, amounting to a handful-of what we understand, and what this program understands, as Bolshevists. The steps which have been taken to forward socialist legislation or administration, have been taken with a slowness which would seem a tortoise pace to this swifter country. They have been thought over for years; they have been gradually taken into the programs of the other parties; and the theoretical programs-the visions for the future, which, perhaps, Mr. Henderson’s book to some extent indicates, are not practical programs in the sense that they are actual immediate legislative projects. Some parts will become assimilated; other parts remain as signposts for the future. The whole story of the labor movement in our country is that of slow progress, of gradual assimilation of ideas by other parties, and the slow accretion of aims, one by one, into the fabric of the constitution. That is the story of the labor movement in England. It is hard to realize the difficulties they have had to encounter in the last fifty yeais; it is a slow and more or less educative movement, which is entirely apart from, and is the chief enemy, of that Bolshevikism about which we hear so much in a number of countries. Some of the leaders were, in their early days, I am quite sure, rather violent in their expressions; but it is very remarkable that-to see how responsibility, even as the executive heads of their unions, has induced a slower judgment, perhaps a more conservative one; and how their voice in parliament has made them-well, let us say, as conservative in action as it is possible for British statesmen to be. No wild Bolshevist has a place in authority. He leaves off being a Bolshevist when he is put into office. It is a very wonderful story. BOLSHEVIKISM: AN ATTITUDE OF MIND Bolshevikism-I am not now alluding to the English variety with which Mr. Wilson has dealt so exhaustively-seems to me to center around an attitude of mind. I heard, with a great deal of interest, the remarks of Professor Hatton, who, to me, seemed to touch the heart of the matter. Before you can deal with Bolshevikism, you have got to know what it is. Bolshevikism as I understand it, is the creed of certain groups of people

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-458 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September whom you find in all countries. Some of them are enthusiasts; some of them are moved by very excellent motives; some of them by motives not so excellent; but they all have a mental twist. One phase of it is their aversion from authority; I don’t mean governmental authority-but any kind of authority-though when they get into power, they have no such aversion to authority. They resent and they rebel quite seriously against any kind of direction. They are not perhaps very powerful by themselves alone. When however, they have a field to work in where there is discontent, a legitimate discontent, through poverty or bad conditions-then they have a very wide field for action which, to put it mildly, does not make for the general welfare. That is my gen,era1 conception. I have been in America only eighteeen months, but as an observer perhaps I may respectfully suggest some ways to avert this cult, or creed, or danger. They have a mental twist. THE QUESTION OF LANGUAGE It seems to me for America one of the first points to-day to handle is the question of language. Those who accept the responsibilities of citizens of this great, free and wealthy nation, should accept fully the responsibilities which that relation brings to them; and although language may seem a small thing to many, the one tongue among a people introduces a unity not merely of expression but, in some directions, of thought, of impulse, and adds enormously to the general unity of the community. A foreign language, however excellent it may be in its own country, brings with it certain shades of thought-merely from association, it may be, but which are not to be disregarded in a great country in which millions of its inhabitants are directly or perhaps a generation back, from other nations. I would suggest, secondly, that there should be a very systematic and extended effort to get the cities-the young people-to take an interest, a vital interest, in studies affecting local government; because interest in local government leads to interest in the national government. How that can best be done, you are much better able to say than I am; although I know something about it in my own country. There are not only practical things affecting economics, and administration, but ideals as wel); enthusiastic work springs from high ideals. Real work can only be done by those who feel a very deep and profound interest in it. NEED FOR REPRESENTATION Another point which was touched upon by Professor Hatton is, that there should be a wide opportunity for the introduction into the government of those classes-I speak now of what I know in our own countrywho in years gone by have not had a great share in government. Labor .should be drawn on. When you have an aspiring laboring man and you

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAlGUE 459 find him a man of character and capacity holding maybe advanced views, give him a chance to enter into the government of the community. You will find that it works out for the advantage not only of his own constituents, tct also for the advantage of those he doesn’t profess to represent at all. The final point is, that among all these great, vast masses of millions of people here, many of whom are but a generation old, you should never cease the great work of implanting the spirit of love of their country upon them; because in that is the greatest bulwark against Bolshevik progress. People who come here should learn that Americanism-when they become American citizens-must become a sacred thing to them. They may have affections for the land they have left; their children may have imbibed that; but, after all, they are Americans. When they become imbued with the spirit of regarding their citizenship not merely as an obligation, but almost as a religion-when that spirit becomes the possessing spirit over all sections of the country-you won’t have much bother about Bolshevikism in any part of the United States. A. LEO WEILG I can only skip from one high place to another in the ten minutes allot bed to me. Municipal leaguers have learned these many yeais, that, our greatest opposition, or better stated, the least sympathy, in the movements we initiated was encountered among those elements of the coinmunity from whom we would naturally have anticipated co-operation and assistance. Let us call them the “interests,” not in any evil sense, but, as embracing the captains of industry: the manufacturers, the financiers, etc., of each community. Whenever and wherever advances in municipal government, experiments in social betterment have been launched, the interests were either openly opposed or dishearteningly complacent. We know to-day that after the war there can be no return to conditions prevailing before this war. We know that the taking over by the government of the railroads, the practical control of industry, the administration of fuel and food by the government has brought about a public sentiment that will leave its impress and will have to be reckoned with when the war shall have ended. I have no time now to inquire why, or to explain. LABOR LEARNING ITS POWER We know that labor-and when I say labor, I mean that even larger element of the community which does not work with the hands, but sympathizes with labor, the masses, have learned their power, their indispensability to every activity, of war or peace. We knew in 1914 the President, Pittsburgh Voter’s League. Mr. Weil’s address has been printed in pamphlet form and copies can be had upon application to him.

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460 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September danger that confronted this country; we knew it in 1915; we knew it in 1916. What did we do? What preparation did we make, until we were thrown into the midst of war? What preparation are we making now for that struggle, that contest which is to come when the war will have ended? Looking at history, we find that the great political parties of this country have arisen out of the issues or have been brought about by the clash of arms; and isn’t it manifest now, that the post-war contest is going to be between labor and the masses,-for want of a better name to designate the then political party-on the one side, and capital or the interests, on the other. COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION What preparation can be made for that coming contest? It is this, remove the antagonisms by getting together, by the interests on the one hand becoming aroused to their social obligations to the community and the community on the other hand recognizing the importance and the necessity of the interests in the working out of the community’s welfare. Neither can get along without the other. Why not get along together, consulting together, working together? This is no utopian dream. There were movements on foot to introduce this plan in at least one great industrial city when the war stopped the movement. Great captains of industry had approved the plan and promised their co-operation and support. One part of this plan provided for a committee to consist of every interest in the community-capital, labor, education and the arts. The great industrial and financial, as well as educational and artistic organiaations, were to loan their experts in working out this plan, looking forward perhaps twenty or a hundred years and having regard to the physical, financial, moral and intellectual development of the city and its people. I have no time for elaboration. Such a getting together of all the elements would do much to arouse the social conscience of the whole community, and this public sentiment after all is the only protection we have under our system of government against the extremes of radicalism or of reaction against capitalism or Bolshevikism, against the evils of selfishness by whatever name it may be called. They were to consider and plan for the city. My ten minutes have run. MR. GEORGE EVERSON’ It is my part to discuss the administration of the criminal court as it is connected with the topic of the afternoon. Until I came here, I had a vague idea of what Bolshevikism is; and I sat here hoping to get a more intelligent idea of it. And I will be frank to say, that I am more confused now than at the beginning; but I’m convinced that it is something bad, 7 Executive Becretary, committee on criminal courts, Charity Organization Society of New York.

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 461 that we are supposed to fear, which may come along and cause us a great deal of trouble; and therefore we have got to stop it; and it is my duty to tell you how to stop it in the court administration. In the public mind the picture of the court generally is a murderer up at the bar, and a counsel pleading for him; the jury are there asleep, or half asleep; and all sorts of people sitting around weeping. That is t~ spectacular trial; and there are very few of them. If you want to see the courts of New York city, you go to the inferior courts. There are 250,000 people of New York city who go through the courts each yeaq. They are mostly the poor, the misguided and the unfortunate. I suppose there are a million people affected by the cases that come in the courtsthrough their relatives and families. You mean in the criminal courts. THE CHAIRMAN: THE INFERIOR CRIMINAL COURTS Yes, the inferior criminal courts of the city. The courts are the right hand of the city administration. If they do not support the city departments and the police administration the orders of these departments are of no value. If a police order goes out to suppress this, that or the other thing, or to arrest people for this, that or the other offense in a public health campaign or for seditious utterances, the police’s hands are absolutely tied if the men are brought in before the judge and the judge discharges them and gives the police a calling down. The courts are the right hand of the law. If the regulations of the city departments, the health department, the labor department, are violated, it is the business of the inspectors to bring these people into the courts. If the violators are turned out, these great departments fall down in their administration, but, aside from that, the courts are most important institutions in New York in that they handle such a vast number of the poor and the unfortunate and the ignorant. It is strange to say, but may be said with truth, that there are a great many of these people, largely foreigners, that get their only contact with the American government through these courts; therefore, if these courts are not just they go away with the idea that the American government is an unjust government; so these courts must deal justly and rightly if our institutions are to survive and to have any respect in the minds of these people. They are also of educational value; and if the courts are dignified, and well manned, and well organized, and the people receive courteous and just treatment, it is an education in the dignity and solemnity of our institutions. They can be made great American institutions. A very large number of foreigners cpme into the courts that have to be spoken to through an interpreter. These interpreters can speak in I don’t know how many different languages and assist the court in the way .of interpretation. In spite of their great versatility in language it is often They are the courts of the poor.

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462 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September necessary to search the town for one who can speak some particular dialect. Therefore, if these courts are to do anything in heading off this Bolshevikism that we are talking about, they must first be intelligent; then they must be kindly, they must be fair and they must be helpful. NE'ED FOR A NEW SYSTEM OF COURTS In the most of our American cities the courts have sort of grown up out of justice-of-the-peace courts. There has been no idea of any attempt at sitting clown and working out a system for a great city, or semi-great city, or for a city of 100,000; the courts are mostly simply a sort of patchwork of the old justice-of-the-peace courts. Politics, which ten years ago were the controlling interests in the city, made it very difficult for the courts. Because lawyers and judges are very conservative, you cannot expect reform to come from within-it must come from without. In New York city, reform has come from without. It has come from without through the work of citizens who have awakened public sentiment, who have put their idea of office administration and organization into the courts and have practically reorganized the administration of the courts of the city. In most any community where you want to reorganize your courts you can't simply go and preach about it and say that the courts are rotten; you have got to have them fixed over. But you have got to get down to brass tacks and run out a rotten administrationsee that you get some people interested in it and awaken public sentiment and go to it and get it clone. It is the prime essential to have a body of intelligent citizens become interested and work for administrative changes. It should be their business to stucly the courts, suggest changes for the better and enlist the public interest in the clean, honest and kindly administration of justice in the courts of the poor. MR. RICHARD S. CHILDSS The committee on new industrial towns has its eye on one of our social. problems which has a bearing on the subject of the afternoon. Boiling it down to its last analysis, the social problem is essentially one. of securing at the same time and place, high wages and a low cost of living. It is an economic fact, with some fluctuations and limitations, that high. wages are apt to carry with them a high cost of living-at any rate, areapt to cariy along high rents. In a community where wages are high, you will find that rents are higher than they are in a community where wages are low. In other words, rents are largely determined by the paying capacity of the people of the neighborhood. And, as rents come partly from land values, that leads us, in the end, back to the unearned increment which follows the flow of population into new territories. *Secretary of the Committee on New Industrial Towns.

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 463: For example, we know that if we provide sewers in a certain locality, you can assess the cost of those sewers against the land, and do this equitably and reasonably. In this city we could have built the subways by assessment on the land benefited and still left to the landholders ninetenths of their profits. A great many other benefits of human progress adhere to the land values. If for example, New York city created a municipal market that reduced the cost of food for people who lived within a reasonable radius thereof , the neighboring landlords would urge that as one of the advantages of their properties-one of the reasons justifying such and such an enlarged rental for an apartment. One of the forms of human progress that is capitalizable by land owners, is high wages. When the government builds the big shipyards along the Delaware river, the back country feels the effect, and realizes that here in this region men can get good jobs at high wages. Land values feel the effect; rents feel the effect. I know of two manufacturers in that part of the country that have been attempting for some time to buy land for the housing of their workers on an adequate scale; and I think a year or two ago it would have been possible to find any amount of cheap agricultural land, favorable for the purpose; now it is almost impossible to find a parcel that is loose. It is related that certain landlords near one of our great new shipyards recently advanced rents that were alreacly absurdly extortionate. The workers pleaded that they could not afford the new rentals. “Oh yes, you can,” said the landlords. “ We’ve heard that your wages will go up next month. ” It is said that in Detroit, when Mr. Ford made that spectacular increase of wages in his great plant, Detroit real estate felt the benefit. It mould seem reasonable to believe it. Certainly, if there is a sudden and large increase of wages, or of demand for employment, or a cure of the unemploynient problem, in increasing ratio it results to the benefit of the land values; which is another way of saying, after all, that rents, not only for the housing for workers, but for the housing of their purveyors, the grocer ancl the meat man and the rest, will go higher, too. Prices are up. There is a land boom now. ENGLAND’S RADICAL SOLUTION Now, then, England has found a most remarkable and radical method of giving at one time and place high wages ancl low rents. It had to be a radical solution-it was a radical solution. Several hundred thousand English workers now are living in towns that have been built by the government on land that was purchased at pre-war values, regardless of the fact that the deveIopment of the great munition plants in those neighborhoods had caused a boom in land values. Nevertheless, they ignored that boom and that tempoIary war value, and retained the right to take additional land adjacent to the new villages that they built, at the prewar value. Furthermore, by law they limited landlords, and prevented

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464 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September them from raising rents. The result is, that there are now several hundred thousand British workers living adjacent to the munition plants, where they can get good wages, who, nevertheless, are not being charged on the basis of an unearned increment of the land values adjacent thereto, but are being charged there on a basis of costs-the cost of the land at the pre-war value, and the cost of the housing. That procedure was the final, and, indeed, the only effective solution of the great difficulty with the labor turnover which England had experienced. As a result of finding that solution, England, to-day, is turning out an overwhelming munitions output; and the statesmen of England say that they could not have maintained any such output from their munition plants without solving the housing and living problems by some such radical method. In this country we have an appropriation of a hundred million dollars for housing shipyard workers and munition workers; and the Washington authorities are now spending that money and building towns. The first and most important of those towns is now being built for the workers of Camden, for a population at first of about 5,000 and presently of 12,000 people, all on one tract-a tract of land which, a year ago, was known as the Cooper farm. That village when completed will be owned by the government-more accurately, it will be owned by a corporation capitalized by the government through the loan of some 80 or 90 per cent of the necessary funds. It will still be under government control, in effect, The town will be completed presently with the first 907 houses, which are now being built-beautiful little houses, all in colonial style, by Electus D. Litchfield, a prominent architect of this city, with its own commercial center, a complete municipality with an ideal town plan, and all public utilities, and a permanent limitation on the profits to the company which operates it all, of 5 per cent a year. In other words, the workers will enjoy boom wages without the corresponding burden of boom rents. To perpetuate that condition, is the object of our committee. RICHARD P. FARLEY9 A WINNIPEG PRECEDENT It seems to me that Bolshevikism or any equivalent of it is the natural and logical result of Romanoffism. The outbreaks in Russia are only what might be expected from the regime of corruption and tyranny which for 'so long existed in Russia, and while it would be unsound to suggest any single and universal cause for industrial unrest in the United States where conditions are so utterly different from what they are in Russia, nevertheless there is a strong probability that where there is anything in the States which may generally be described as Bolshevikism, it is Formerly of London and Winnipeg; now educational secretary of the Baltimore alliance of charitable and social agencies.

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 465 due to something corresponding to Romanoffism,-to be more explicit, to corruption and industrial tyranny. A recent experience in Winnipeg may be of some interest. A few weeks ago the firemen in that city went out on strike, their slogan being the right to have a firemen’s union. Inasmuch as the trouble was not settled by the city council, the workers in the city public utilities and a large number of other labor unionists went out on sympathy strike. The city council at first tool: the attitude that under no circumstances would they countenance the formation of a labor union of firemen. As soon as there appeared a danger of a general stiike a large and representative meeting of citizens was held at which it was unanimously agreed to support the action of the city council. From this meeting a committee of 100 was formed which represented mainly capital in the shape of industrial and manufacturing interest, with a sprinkling of disinterested people. This committee of 100 were asked to confer with the two parties to the strike. After sitting in constant session and conferring with both parties a sub-committee of the committee of 100 presented a unanimous report and set of recoinmendations to their full committee. The report was accepted by the full committee and in turn by the strikers and the city council. What is important to notice is that this report granted practically all of the strikers’ demands, and I was assured by several active members of the committee that the more they heard the case of the labor unions the more it became clear that the real faults have lain with the city council, although naturally in this as in most quarrels there was some blame to be attached to both sides. The fact that an independent committee of this kind which certainly at the outset was not biased in favor of labor should come to such a conclusion is remarkable. It seems to me that if the machinery already established by the federal government is not sufficient to deal with unrest of the kind in question, it might be helpful to have independent and representative committees such as that appointed in Winnipeg, which, while not having any legal authority, could make impartial inquiry and present independent recommendations which would have R fair chance of being generally accepted. FREDERICK L. ACKERMAN’O As the affairs of the week develop I find that the urgency of housing ship workers prevents me from being present at the discussion of the topic How shall we head off Bolshevikism in American Cities?” This is a tremendously important subject; for I take it for granted that Bolshevikism means substantially restlessness of men raised to the nth degreeor chaos. I interpret the phrase: “How shall we head off . . . as meaning,-what conditions must obtain in order that there be no la Mr. hckerman is a New York architect now connected with the Emergency Fleet Corporation. 11 2

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466 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September occasion whatsoever for the growth and the development of restlessness of men? Or in a broader sense, “ How can we lead the rational life?” THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE HOMES If all factors of the complex question be eliminated, except that which, relates to that phase of interest concerning which I am asked to speakwe have this simple answer. Provide adequate homes in an adequate environment for every man, woman and child in the U. S. A. This expresses, in a word, the goal toward which a certain phase of British social politics was directed in the pre-war days: this is the goal toward which England is striving during the days of this great world conflict; this is the basis of the program of action through which she sought to attain the maximum production of munitions of war to support her vast armies at the front; it was this program conceived in war and phrased in terms of the future which has made vivid to the British workman that the sacrifices of the war were not to be made in vain,-which actually developed maximum production and brought into being that magnificent expression of integrated social and industrial purpose which it was my privilege to experience during my visit last fall. Within this field of interest, expressed by the phrase “physical environment,” the “heading off” of Bolshevikism means, not the thwarting of rational purposes in men, not the repression of rational instincts and desires, but rather the adequate provision for the expansion and development of life in an environment which will not thwart nor stifle nor crush the social, the spiritual or even the wholesome animal instincts in men, The swelling tide of discontent which we witnessed in the Western World before the days of the conflict had its root in the condition that the modern community, the niodern city, is at bottom an artificial development. All of our talk about leaving the development of our physical environment,-the town, the city, the nation, to “natural laws” is sheer nonsense. Their growth and development results from action based upon irrational conceptions; and we attempt to direct their growth by statutory rulings and laws based upon social and economic fallacies. By our feeble remedial measures we have tried to curb the evils; but the restlessness of men within them grows apace. Here is a problem for science, for the expert; but the aims of science and the vision of the expert must be expanded if the aims of a rational life are to be attained. A LIBERAL PROGRAM OF HOUSING AND TOWN PLANNING What we must have-and right speedily-is a “liberal” program of an action within a field popularly expressed by the phrase housing and town planning which will make it vivid to the men who live in the cramped quarters of the tenement or the slum or the utterly inadequate social and

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19181 BOLSHEVIK SESSION OF THE LEAGUE 467 physical environment of the “factory towns” or the “industrial area” that life in a democracy contains a clearly defined hope,-not that a man or his son may some day become president of the United States or a captain of industry or even a multi-millionaire,-but that he or his son who labors may, in the days to come, live a rational life in an environment which will neither blight nor utterly depress. In our scheme of education we hold out the former hope-but not the latter; and to the millions, therefore, who live in our slums and our tenements and our sordid industrial towns the education which they receive is but a taunt. Here is a problem-a real problem-a problem which must be solved; for if we fail, that discontent of men of which we heard the mumblings in the days before the war, will be with us again. That element which was merely restless has measured its strength in the days of war and sooner or later it will try its hand. Let us hope that its first attempt will be no less worthy than that which we see expressed in the program of the British Labor Party. THE USE OF COLLECTIVE CAPITAL AND INCREMENT To head off Bolshevikism in American cities, therefore, is not to thwart nor curb, but with a “liberal” open mind to attempt to grasp the aims of the mass of men and to train ourselves to make their aims vivid and tangible. And to make those aims vivid and tangible means that in our cities there shall be no slums, no sordid tenements, no congestion. And this means that the huge increments of land values which result from the growth of the community must be conserved for the benefit of the community. It means that credit, collective capital, shall be organized and used equally for the advantage of those who consume as well as those who produce. It means that the state must project its cities along rational lines to the end that men may lead rational lives within them. To talk about “heading off Bolshevikism” before we “head off” the increment of land values which squeezes the mass of men into more and more inadequate quarters-before we turn this increment to a proper use, or before we “head off” the use of credit for the sole benefit of the speculation in jerry built houses and tenements,-before we provide that our collective savings represented by state credit and the vast sums controlled by our huge loaning institutions be used equally for the benefit of those who consume and those who produce; or before we “head off” by constructive legislation the development of the slum, the congestion of population, the sordid insanitary towns,-in a word, to seriously propose that we attempt to “head off” Bolshevikism before we head off the forces which render our environment a sterile waste of buildings, is not an act of intelligence to say the least.

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468 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September NEW RELATIONS OF CITY AND STATE GOVERNMENTS BY LAWSON PURDY' New York HAVE been asked to speak to the National Municipal League on the relation of the national government to the states, the relations of the state government to counties and cities, and the counties to the towns and cities. I was brought up in my early days to feel that home rule, that is to say, the doing of all things political by the smallest possible unit, was vital to the welfare of the nation. I feel just that way still, and yet we cannot in these days fix upon any particular unit as the sole unit for all governmental functions. Conditions have so changed that the proper unit of government has changed with those changing conditions. A good many, I think, still worship the idea of local self government and resist the ehanges which are inevitable, instead of guiding those changes and plaiining such powers for local government that the old advantage of home rule shall not be lost. If you will think back a moment over the well known history of the development of this country, you may see exactly what I mean. When the country started every community was an economic entity, practically sufficient unto itself; and until after the Civil War new towns were planned on the verge of civilization that were still practically sufficient unto themselves. That made for a very great strength in the country from the point of view of self sufficiency. You cannot crush a country where each town can live on its own resources. It had enormous value in the education of our people. I TRAINING FOR GOVERNMENTAL SERVICE Our governmental institutions of late years have lost in efficiency because of that concentration of governmental powers locally, but I am not sure but what they have gained still more in the education of our people. I believe we all take pride in the fact that our selective service law, a new idea to this country, was framed in a few weeks, and over night was put into execution, and in the main has been well administered. I believe the underlying cause of the good administration of that law is the fact that in every town of the United States there are men who have been trained to perform governmental functions. I have become acquainted more or less with a good many men throughout the state of New York who have been town supervisors, who have been town assessors, who have been town trustees, who, in one way or another, have carried on local self government in this state. Nowhere can one say that that 1.4nnusl address, President, National Municipal League.

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19181 CITY AND STATE GOVERNMENTS 469 government has been in a high degree efficient government, but it has had enormous influence in training the citizens of every one of the nine hundred fifty towns in the state of New York. When it became necessary to find some 13,500 men from 4,500 small units throughout the United States to administer the selective service law, there was material all over the United States in every community from which to select the men to perform that duty. It seems to me that it must be the fact that that is due to the kind of government that we have had in these United States. From the south we had the county, with larger powers, and those two forms have spread westward, the county form perhaps being more prevalent throughout the states west of the Alleghany Mountains. The state of New York is sometimes said to have obtained all the evils of both, and if you will examine the chart of county government in New York produced by the Association for Improving County Government, or by the Short Ballot Association, I think you will believe the story. From New England we had the town as the unit of government. DISSATISFACTION WITH OLD UNITS It is no longer true, however, that many functions of government now necessary because of the complexity of our economic life can be carried on with any degree of satisfaction by the old units. For illustration, here in this state of New York, a little over twenty years ago, it was found absolutely essential that the insane of the state should be cared for by the state. The same thing was true of the state care of prisoners. In recent years we have found it necessary to espend by the state an enormous sum to aid in the building of highways. More and more we have found it necessary to extend state aid for the proper administration of our public schools, that the rich communities of the state shall help out the poorer communities of the state. The condition of local care was intolerable. THE TOWN AS THE UNIT Only two years ago, or a year and a half ago, a very great reform, although a partial one, was effected by the agency of the department of education of the state in making the town instead of the school district the unit of the state of New York, and there has been a reversion of feeling, I am inclined to believe, solely on the part of those who pay more money now toward the schools than they did before. That reform has been for the time being undone, but it will not stay undone. It is no more fair to impose upon little school districts of the sparsely settled parts of the state of New York the care of their school children than it was in the city of Pittsburgh, which, up to a few years ago, raised all the money for each school district within the city separately. Now, that may not appear to you at once such a dreadful thing, but Pittsburgh will illustrate the state of New York and the rural parts of the state. Stand

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470 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September on the hill at Pittsburgh and look over the valley, and you may see a part of the city shaped not unlike our downtown financial section in the borough of Manhattan, and they pay for%he schooling of their own children. There was the concentrated wealth of Pittsburgh, and there were the fewest children throughout the whole city. Practically there were no children there except those of the janitors of the great buildings. Turn a little to one side and you will see, thickly clustered; little houses one and a half stories high, the homes of the factory workers of Pittsburgh, swarming with children, and that poor territory had to pay for its own schools. OUR PUBLIC UTILITIES That is the condition that to a degree obtains in the state of New York in spite of improvements, and that obtains throughout many of the states. But, I must not spend further time on that illustration. Turn for a moment toward the administrative regulation and taxation of our public utilities. One hundred years ago they were unknown, the problem did not exist. To-day it is impossible effectively to control a public utility that runs across a state, save by state power. It is impossible fairly and effectively to tax the property of that public utility save by the state power, and it is more difficult for the state to perform that function than it would be for the nation to perform that function, far more difficult. We have recently empowered the United States to have an income tax, and, thank Heaven, we got that amendment to our constitution put through in time. You cannot satisfactorily administer an income tax for state purposes. It may perhaps be a better system for some states than we n3w have, but, it cannot be as efficient as if you coverthe whole United States, because in each state and especially in the rich states, the men who live there own property in many states, and corporations again own property in many states. The state boundaries are political and not economic, and government must proceed on economic lines as well as on political lines. CHANQES IN UNITS OF GOVERNMENTS NECESSARY I am not to-night intending to attempt to lay down any plan for change, only to point out the fact that, as conditions of our economic life have changed, our old ideas of political units must change with them, and if we are to have a government which shall be responsive and effective there must be changes in units of government. With all that it is vital that we shall not lose the old interest and participation in local government. One of the recent successes of political reform, one to which many of us have looked forward for these many years, has been an election of city officers at large. Still, the movement is confined to cities not of the greatest size. The election of a commission to perform the functions of a board of

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19181 CITY AND STATE GOVERNMENTS 47 1 aldermen, and the election by the commission of a manager to perform the functions of a mayor, is progress toward an efficient government, and a government that is brought close home to the people and under their control, and yet that form of government, if applied to a city of the size of Chicago or Philadelphia or New York, may lose something that it is vital and necessary to preserve. We cannot slavishly follow the example set by smaller cities that have won success. REPRESENTATION ESSENTIAL A friend of mine pointed out to me not so very long ago that the board of aldermen of the city of New York performed a very useful function. It performs other functions, and some of them it has performed in recent years very well. If you should listen to the debates there, however, you might not, perhaps, come away with the idea that the board of aldermen was a highly expert body. But, he said to me, “Suppose you went to the district of some of these men from parts of the city with which you are not very well acquainted and attempted to explain political institutions, how well do you think you would succeed?” I confess that I should have no success whatever. I am not in touch with those constituencies, I do not speak their language. I do not mean that one must speak a language other than English; not at all, but I do not use the terms to which they are accustomed, I do not think about things in the way they think about them, so that I could not effectively present city affairs to those people. The fact is that these aldermen do represent their constituencies, some well, some less well; but when they speak to their own people they speak to them in the language that those people understand, and so bring back to the board of aldermen from their own constituencies some part of the ideas of those people with whom they associate, who have just as much right to have their thoughts and their feelings expressed in the legislature of the city as have any communities throughout the city. We must not lose that, whatever change we may make in our political institutions. There are coming, however, in the very near future, hastened greatly by our experiences due to the war, very great changes in the structure of our state governments and of the relations between state governments and the local governments. How those changes are to come perhaps no one can foresee. Many of us believe and hope that they will make for far greater efficiency in local government. The fact I wish to leave with you is that while we seek that greater efficiency, that greater responsiveness, if you please, to the public will, you must at the same time keep close contact with all the people of our towns and of our cities and not let them lose that old contact, that old close relationship with their own government; for, after all, what government is for is not cheapness of product, it is not clean streets, it is not efficient administration, it is the making of a self-governing, educated, happy constituency. It is men and women that we want to make for the future.

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472 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September THE CIVIC WORK OF STATE COUNCILS OF DEFENSE BY CLAUDE H. ANDERSON' Princeton, N. J. W 'AR for war's sake is certainly not socially profitable but if it were possible to divorce this war from the great and heroic cause for which it is being waged on the part of the Entente Allies it would still be found, notwithstanding its colossal cost in blood and wealth, to have produced, as by-products, many much-desired improvements in our social, political and economic affairs. It was recognized immediately, if not before, the United States entered the war, that this was a war not between armies but between nations, and one of the first acts of the administration was to create a Council of National Defense whose duty would be to organize and direct the civilian part of our population in such a way as to contribute most to the winning of the war. It is undoubtedly a fair statement to say that the Council of National Defense faced a task as big and as difficult as that faced by the commanders of our armies. In the condition in which our country found itself at the time of our entry into the war, it was absolutely essential that all the forces of the nation be organized and co-ordinated so as to provide, equip and maintain our armies in the fields and at the same time keep the social and political structure of the nation intact and continue the operation of the activities at home which were essential to the life of the people. State councils of defense were created at the instance of the Council of National Defense. Even before we formally entered the war the governors of the various states were requested to effect such an organization. The ideas of the national council were not then thoroughly developed, however, nor were their recommendations detailed and specific. Therefore, the different councils in the various states were not uniformly organized, although to-day they have attained a much greater degree of uniformity. But regardless of the degree of uniformity in organization, state councils are accomplishing in general the same tasks. ORGANIZATION All state councils regardless of the nature of their original organization, have amplified their organizations in much the same way. They have all found it necessary to create numerous committees and elect associate members properly to perform the many and varied tasks which they have been requested by the Council of National Defense to undertake. In general these committees are as follows : home guard, agriculture, 1 Secretary, New Jersey State Council of Defense.

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19181 STATE COUNCILS OF DEFENSE 473 publicity, state and local legal committees, Americanization, scientific research, public policy, co-ordination of societies, sanitation and medicine, food, industrial survey and preparedness, survey and organization of man-power, labor, military affairs, transportation, communication, shipping interests, public morals, coal, education, women’s activities, employers’ co-operation, training camp activities and recreation. Some councils have decentralized their organization into departments. A few states have organized separate state and local auxiliary councils or divisions for negroes where it was thought that all citizens, regardless of color, could not co-operate to the best advantage. Justice Brandeis has called the state councils forty-eight laboratories in which exciting experiments in war government are being conducted. POWERS AND DUTIES The powers of state councils vary. In twenty-three states they have been given an official existence by legislative enactment, but the powers specified in such acts have been in most cases very general, granting power to carry on all war enterprises that may be requested by the Council of National Defense or initiated by the controlling body of the state council itself. In some cases they have been given the power to examine witnesses, hear testimoiiy and compel the production of documents, but this is not absolutely essential to the successful prosecution of their work. The duties of state councils are so varied as almost to defy classification. Where a jurisdiction has been mentioned in the creating acts it is, and very properly, like the definition of powers, very general and extending to all war activities. However, it is our chief purpose here to outline the work that the state councils have done and are doing and we shall, therefore, mention their duties in some detail without exercising any special care in the matter of logical classification. In summarizing the work of state councils, the state councils section of the national council has said: “State councils have developed a wide range of activities both at the instance of the Council of National Defense and various federal departments and on their own initiative. ” The chief object in all state council work is to promote efficiency, Each one acts, and endeavors to get its local councils to act, as though the entire burden of making the democracy of their state and community efficient to win the war against autocracy, depended soleIy on them. CO-OPERATING ORGANIZATIONS Are, of course, not the same in each state but each state council is actively co-operating with at least the following organizations : state medicaI section of National Council, woman’s committee of National Council,

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474 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September Labor Department and U. S. Employment Service, Food Administration, American Red Cross, war loan organizations, National War Savings Committee, state department of agriculture, state agricultural and mechanical colleges, department of education, four-minute men, Army Y. M. C. A., U. S. Fuel Administration, U. S. Boys’ Working Reserve, liberty loan committees, War Department commission on training camp activities, U. s. Shipping Board and the Emergency Fleet Corporation. THE HOME GUARD One of the first tasks undertaken by state councils was the creation of a It home guard” or substitute militia organization to take the place of the regular state militia or “national guard” that was being called into federal service. In states where the “home guard” organizations have been taken over as a militia reserve, the state found itself deeply indebted to the State Councils of Defense for providing such an admirable source upon which to draw for the second line of defense which the state was obliged to have. Perhaps no phase of state council activity has been greater than that which might come under the head of “thrift, economy and’conservation. ” In an endeavor to induce the people of the nation to practise thrift and economy state councils have given wide publicity to, and requested all local councils to reach all citizens with, the recommendations of the national council, the Commercial Economy Board, the federal, state and local food and fuel administrators and war savings committees. Undoubtedly state councils have been of great value in extending aid to these agencies in their conservation activities. FOOD CONSERVATION The first distribution of the food conservation pledge cards of the Food Administration to the housewives of the nation was performed by state councils through local councils. The thorough propaganda of food conservation ideas and the almost universal recognition of the necessity and importance of conservation of food which exists in nearly every household of the land to-day is due primarily and in by far the greatest measure, to the U. S. Food Administration, but state councils of defense have been of some value to Mr. Hoover in his work. State councils were able directly to aid the Food Administration in at least one other of its big endeavors, namely-inducing wholesale bakers to abolish the policy, which was in practice everywhere, of accepting returns of unsold bread from retail dealers. It was recognized by Mr. Hoover almost immediately after he undertook his big job, that here was a great wastage in labor and in efforts expended all along the line of bread distribution as well as a tremendous waste of flour that went into bread left over from day to day in the hands of the many bread retailers and sold as stale bread for animal feed and other purposes. The plan generally

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19181 STATE COUNCILS OF DEFENSE 475 followed by state councils was to furnish every wholesale baker with full information about the matter, show him of the need for a change in the policy, convince him that it was to his interest voluntarily to accept the plan recommended and secure his pledge to do so. In addition to this co-operation, state councils have done valuable food conservation work by means of educational instructions on canning, drying and preserving foods. REORGANIZED DELIVERY SERVICE Perhaps the biggest single task undertaken by state councils in the matter of conservation has been their efforts to carry out the recommendations of the Commerical Economy Board (now the Conservation Division of the War Industries Board), for curtailed delivery service by retail stores and reduction in exchanges of merchandise. This board, under the direction of A. W. Shaw, discovered that conservation of almost unlimited magnitude in the matter of both men and materials might be effected by taking advantage of the existing emergency to put into operation through the country, efficient, non-duplicating and systematic methods of the delivery of goods by retail stores. After fully perfecting their plans they called upon state councils to carry them out. They were requested to see that each retail merchant doing a vehicle delivery business, was reached with the information on the matter prepared by the board and induced to put the recommendations into operation. The specific recommendations were: 1. One delivery a day over each route. 2. The establishment of co-operative delivery systems wherever possible, especially in small and medium sized cities and towns. 3. The limiting of the privilege of returning merchandise to three days. 4. The adoption by merchants of plans to curtail special deliveries and C. 0. D. orders. It can readily be seen that it was no small task to effect this big change in the manner of doing retail business. Many merchants have attributed their success to builging up a reputation for service of excessive and duplicating deliveries, many of the articles delivered being, very often, so small as to yield a profit less than the actual cost of the delivery of the article. The retail merchants of the country were doing, before the war, a delivery business far in excess of what was required by the needs of the communities and the consumers had to bear the cost. Now the distribution of commodities by the retail distributing agencies of the nation is placed on a much more efficient and economical basis and promises not only to be permanent so far as it has gone, but to be extended and improved, and that particular part of the business of our country permanently better managed. FIRE PREVENTION The National Board of Fire Underwriters proved that the needs for conservation rendered this a favorable time for carrying on an educational

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476 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September propaganda among the people to prevent unnecessary fire losses which annually run into many millions of dollars in the United States. They have shown that a large percentage of fire losses might be prevented by the exercise of simple and easy plans of care and forepight. Their plan was endorsed hy the Council of National Defense and the state councils were requested to give their endorsement and lend their support to the board in securing the adoption of their recommendations by manufacturers and other large insurers. Further efforts to prevent fire losses have been made in many cases by state councils by insisting that better niet,hods of fire fighting are provided by municipalities, co-operation in the use of apparatus by adjoining or near-by municipalities and general publicity and education regarding proper methods of fire prevention. HEALTH It is apparent that the war places a premium on human life barely rerognized, and rarely exercised, before. The startling revelations made by the draft with regard to the physical incapacity of a proportion of the male citizens of draft age, much too large for the welfare of the nation, also indicate physical incapacity in a large percentage not touched by the draft, which, if not seriously alarming, must nevertheless give concern to all who have the best interests of the people at heart. Therefore, the national council has endeavored to stimulate interest in the conservation of human life and to promote such activity as will insure better and more virile generations of Americans in the future. Splendid efforts are being made to aid in this matter by eliminating and preventing diseases in the army, but we are concerned here with only such efforts, which may be considered civic in character, among the civilian populfition. This includes all increased efforts in the matter of public health and personal hygiene and sanitation. Aside from the accelerated activity of the regular public healt’. service of the nation and states, the national defense council has instituted efforts in this direction, for the performance of which they have depended upon state councils, which will undoubtedly aid greatly in promoting better health and maintaining the citizens of the nation in better physical condition. The regular health departments in many states have been the best co-operating agencies of state councils in carrying on these activities and the work has resulted in securing a support for health departments which they have long desired and has forced a recognition of the importance of matters which the health authorities can teach that previously were unheeded. A large number of states have carried on campaigns against venereal diseases and made other efforts to inhibit the spread of these diseases among the civilian population comparable to the efforts along the same lines as applied to the army. In Oklahoma they had a “Social Hygiene Sunday. ” In New Jersey a law was passed by the 1918 Legislature which

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19181 STATE COUNCILS OF DEFENSE 477 considerably enlarged the powers of control of the state department of health over venereal diseases, giving them the power to isolate persons suffering therefrom. The Colorado council co-operating with its state board of health has perfected a plan for the proper care of tuberculous soldiers upon their return. The whole movement for increased health activities has resulted in such encouragement for the appointment of full-time health officers that it is probable that few communities will fail to appoint such officers in the near future. The matter of physical welfare is one which can best be begun, if not with those yet unborn, at least with those who have just seen t.he light of day. It has been discovered that a large proportion of those men discharged under the draft for physical defects could have been made physically fit by proper attention in their childhood. Accordingly the National Defense Council, through the child welfare committee of the medical section of its general medical board, has formulated an elaborate plan for child welfare. The woman’s committee of the council has been charged directly with the duty of seeing that this program is followed by all states. The program covers a year’s activity as the necessary preliminary work to the establishment of proper childhood welfare efforts and the year which began April 6, 1918, has been designated as “Children’s Year. ” In some few states this work is not yet well started but 29 states have already reported preparations for launching the campaign in accordance with the program. This gives promise of results of a civic nature in the matter of the improved physique and the general health of coming citizens that will improve the nation immeasurably. OTHER CONSERVATION EFFORTS Such other conservation projects as the saving of wood ashes to secure potash to be used as fertilizer, which has been undertaken by the Connecticut council and the extermination of pests of various kinds, have been effectively carried out. In New Mexico a campaign has been conducted to exterminate wolves, coyotes, bobcats, prairie dogs, rats and other noxious and destructive animals. The California council has made war upon rats and ground squirrels. They designated a week as “Squirrel Week” and issued instructions as to the best means of eliminating them. The dog has come in for considerable blame for the meagerness of sheep raising. It has been found that sheep raising in a number of states is practically impossible, on any substantial scale, because of the large number of dogs. There are few wasteful and inefficient processes in our ways of doing things not now under scrutiny and attempts at the correction and elimination of which will not be made by the forces now in operation as a result of the war.

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478 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September PUBLICITY Publicity has undoubtedly been used to more civic advantage than ever before. It was early conceived by the national defense council and the committee on public information that the morale of our fighting forces could only be kept up by a proper morale at home and publicity as a means of enlisting the solid support of the public and keeping public opinion informed on war activities, has been considered a most vital part of the war program. Here the state councils have carried on work for the committee on public information which is not a part of the Council of National Defense. However, the work has been done with the approval and under the direction of the national council. One of the first of these activities was the effectuation of organizations of “Four Minute Men.” Their work is too well known to need extended comment: Suffice to say strong organizations of Four Minute Men have been effected in practically every state and there are something over 50,000 such speakers in the United States. State councils were the instruments through which these state organizations were effected. These state organizations are most thorough and satisfactory, each being under a state chairman and each local organization under a local chairman. Each of the 50,000 speakers receives regularly the same instructions and information from the committee on public information which enables each man to present a standardized speech. Twenty-five state councils have organized state speakers’ bureaus to furnish speakers on war and patriotic subjects. The work of such bureaus has been quite extensive and to the same degree educational. One of the best instances of effective work in this field is in Indiana where the bureau issued a speaker’s syllabus giving instructions to all speakers both on effective speaking and on the particular war subjects about which they were to speak. The motion pictures as a means of publicity has not been overlooked by state councils. Taking the lead from the division of films of the committee on public information and taking advantage of the opportunity to secure films from this division, a number of councils have presented war pictures to the people in even the small villages and rural districts. The Texas council made a special appropriation for stereopticons, slides, and mo tion-picture films. Colorado originated the idea of mobilizing barber-shop publicity for spreading reliable information. A barber was placed on the publicity committee of the state council and assigned the duty of perfecting the plan. COMMUNITY SINGING Community singing has received a decided stimulus by the war, not so much as a matter of publicity as a means for stimulating and maintaining

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19181 STATE COUNCILS OF DEFENSE 479 patriotism at a high degree. Such organizations as patriotic choruses, community singing associations, and “ Victory” and “ Yankee Doodle” glee clubs have been organized everywhere. Membership and participation in these organizations has not been limited to trained singers but has been thrown open to the entire population of the community. Pennsylvania has done excellent work in this regard. Connecticut has also successfully mobilized the musical forces of the state and reports the organization of 120 choruses. RETURN LOAD BUREAUS A particular activity of state councils of considerable importance in aiding in the solution of the transportation difficulties, has been the endeavors to establish “return load bureaus” in the chief cities and rural motor express lines. This has been done at the instance of and under the direction of the highways transport committee of the national counciI defense. Like the plans of the Commercial Economy Board for curtailed deliveries it is a movement which has already resulted not only in aiding in relieving transportation congestion to a considerable’extent, but is of such importance and value, of such obvious benefit to all concerned, so siniple in operation and of such timeliness in view of the rapidly increasing use of motor trucks, that it will undoubtedly be established on a permanent basis and continue with growing .improvements and extensions after the war. The idea in the “return load” movement is that all important cities shall establish a central office to be known as the “return load bureau” which shall perform the function of gathering information from shippers as to available shipments for points reached by trucks leaving or passing through the city, this information to be furnished to owners and drivers of auto t,rucks thus bringing truckman and shipper together to their mutual advantage, and also to the advantage of the public in relieving transportation congestion. As the plan now stands no attempt has been made to establish rates although that will very likely be a natural outgrowth of the plan as it develops. At present, however, the return load bureaus act solely in an informational capacity and assume no responsibility whatever to either party., INCREASED FOOD PRODUCTION Supplementing efforts at food conservation, state councils have also been active in endeavors to increase food production. Here state agricultural departments have, of course, been made use of, also state departments of labor in efforts to relieve the farm labor shortage. Many of these activities have been very extensive and permit of only brief mention here. The national council, in co-operation with the U. S. Department of Agriculture, furnished to state councils of defense an agricultural program for 1918 which was very elaborate and thorough. It includes such matters as agricultural publicity, purchase and proper distribution of

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480 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September seeds, financial aid to farmers, introduction and further extension of the use of farm machinery, attempts to relieve the farm labor shortage and, passing from the farm to the cities, towns and villages, it includes the widespread cultivation of home gardens and methods for their proper cultivation and supervision is order to insure the production of the greatest possible amount of food. Such a large amount of work has been necessary in this field that it could not have been done by state councils alone. They have only been useful co-operators of the regular agricultural departments but have at least been able to lend sufficient official impetus to the activities of agricultural departments, placing them upon a war basis that it has aided in bringing success to the various agricultural enterprises. Much good work has been done by extending financial aid to farmers in the form of farm loans. It was found that even under the new federal finance law it has been still too difficult in many cases for farmers to secure money. California has done especially good work in extending financial aid to farmers, thus bringing about increased crop production and the development of hitherto undeveloped lands. A big impetus was given direct by the U. S. government to the introduction and extension of the use of farm tractors by providing that federal reserve banks should re-discount notes secured by farm tractors. Express provision was made that the tractors purchased were to be used for agricultural purposes. The Ohio state council was able to help solve the farm labor shortage in Ohio by providing for the purchase of 1,500 new farm tractors for that state and established a school for training tractor operators. The war board of Michigan contraqted for 1,000 tractors to be supplied to farmers at cost. WAR GARDENS The growing of war gardens has not only been a means of adding greatly to our food supply but has caused many people to profit by getting back to the soil to that extent and has been instrumental in greatly improving and beautifying the backyards and vacant lots of our cities, The national council sometime ago requested state councils to encourage all local councils in cities of 10,000 and over to employ a full time paid supervisor of gardens and where this has been done it has resulted beneficially. In Indiana a thorough survey of vacant lots and unused land resulted in turning practically every foot of available land into war gardens. Under the plan followed, when any idle land was found, the owner was compelled to use it himself or make it available for other people. In Utah an elaborate system of prizes for efficient work in the growing of war gardens resulted in their successful cultivation. EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES The educational activities of state councils have been considerable. In addition to the educational value of the publicity work already explained,

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19181 STATE COUNCILS OF DEFENSE 48 1 state councils have, at the instance of the national council, created state and local legal committees which have had for their particular duty the education of drafted men and their relatives and dependents on legal matters with which familiarity was necessary for the proper discharge of the domestic obligations of the men being inducted into service. Home service sections of the American Red Cross have been valuable co-operators in this regard. State councils have also, through their local councils, held meetings for drafted men, immediately preceding their departure for cantonments, at which the men have been instructed by lawyers, physicians, business men and others, in matters pertaining to their legal affairs and their obligations as citizens and soldiers, and matters of health and personal hygiene and sanitation. State councils have also performed an educational function in the establishment of scientific research committees whose duties it has been to encourage the inventive genius of citizens, especially students in mechanicalandscientific coursesof universities and colleges, with a view to stimulating the production of war inventions. Many state councils have carried on somewhat extensive educational work among the entire state population, some of which has been of a very elementary but highly valuable nature. Such work in some cases has also served other purposes than education. For instance in Colorado information was issued to all the householders of the state on how to save fuel. In teaching the people how to save fuel they also taught them how to provide proper living conditions with respect to the consumption of fuel, proper ventilation, and care of the heating plant. Interest in reading and study have been stimulated to a very considerable degree by the exceedingly valuable work done in practically every state in sending books, magazines and papers to the soldiers in camps both here and abroad. It is safe to say that many enlisted men who have heretofore had very little or no interest in learning have been stimulated to the pursuit of knowledge by the encouragement thus received, the contagion of the demand on the part of their fellows for reading material, and the premium placed by the government upon trained men. AMERICANIZATION A further sphere of educational activity of state councils is one which has been referred to under the particular designation of ‘‘ Americanization. ” Various enterprises to educate foreign-born citizens and aliens have been undertaken. These activities have been more than efforts to merely naturalize them. We have come to realize that naturalization must be accompanied with a thorough process of Americanization. The national council, in co-operation with the bureau of education, has issued extensive and elaborate plans. Much of the work called for by these plans must naturally be performed by the schools, but state councils have 3

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482 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September been and will continue to be useful in aiding in the matter. Many different methods have been followed in almost as many places for giving foreigners who are regularly and fully employed, instructions on subjects which after a course of time would provide them with a fair educational basis. WAR LEGISLATION War legislation, much of which has a civic value, has been enacted by every state legislature that has been in session since the entry of the United States into the war. Much of this will remain permanently on the statute books. It covers subjects too numerous to mention at this time, among which have been soldiers’ and sailors’ civil relief acts which follow in general the federal act, as a movement on the part of the states to aid the government by enacting a law to safeguard the interests of soldiers and sailors by protecting them against civil suits in their absence. In a few cases, where legislation was desired at a time that the legislatures were not in session and it was deemed inexpedient to call a special session, uniform municipal ordinances, suggested by state councils, were passed by a large number of municipalities, thus securing practically the effect of the desired legislative enactments. An instance of this is the passage of a vagrancy ordinance simultaneously by 300 towns in Minnesota at the suggestion of the Minnesota commission of public safety. HOUSING All state councils in states in which shipyards, ammunition plants and other war industries are located have made effective efforts, in some cases with financial help from the government, to provide proper housing accommodations for the influx of workmen. While such efforts have been iiiade primarily for the benefit of the newly-migrated workers, it is clear that the provision of proper housing will react in providing substantial improvements in the housing of the regular resident workers as well, and will be an improvement the good results of which will continue after the war. THE OUTLOOE It is manifestly clear that out of these efficiently-directed efforts of the citizenry of America, exercised in conjunction with other forces now in action, is going to come a new nation. We know that we will win the war and everybody knows, even down to the humblest and the most ignorant, that in the winning of the war we are placing such an emphasis on democracy as has never been placed on it before; and it is no mere lip emphasis. As President Wilson well said in speaking of the organization of community councils, “It will result when thoroughly carried out in welding the nation together as no nation of great size has ever been welded before. ” Long-cherished ideals of free government, economic, industrial and

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19181 BETHLEHEM BUILDS TWO BRIDGES 483 social, as well as political, are being sought for anew and with greater vigor, old faiths in man and his destiny are being strengthened, old hopes of the attainment of at least a somewhat saner social system are being revived, and, with it all, new forces are being liberated and exercised which must certainly lead to the establishment of a better as well as a safer democracy. BETHLEHEM BUILDS TWO BRIDGES BY W. J. DONALD’ Ntagara Falls, N. Y. HE amalgamation of seven or more contiguous boroughs, comprising a mixed population of about 85,000 persons, and the T unification of the citizens by a vision of “The Model Industrial City of the World,” is an undertaking which is worthy of the admiration of the best judges of civic advancement and which challenges the courage of the best of leaders. It is this program, however, which Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, with its “ hill-to-hill ” bridge, its commission form of government and its remarkable chamber of commerce, proposes to achieve and is certain of accomplishment. Twenty-nine years ago, George H. Meyers conceived the idea of a bridge to link the three boroughs of Bethlehem, West Bethlehem and South Bethlehem, which were separated by two valleys through which run the Lehigh River and Monocacy Creek. Several plans of bridges were prepared and from time to time the subject was seriously considered but as frequently abandoned. Responsibility for delay in such an important proposal rests on the usual plurality of causes, both minor and major. The physical separation of the three communities had been met, only by means of an ancient covered wooden bridge joining two winding and hill encumbered streets, together with two single track toll bridges, only one of which is used by the interurban trolley company which operates the city’s only street car service. To a certain degree racial and religious antagonisms played an important r6le in preventing an understanding of the larger problems of the district. The usualsome say unusual-doubters, critics and pessimists opposed every progressive suggestion before the wisdom of the idea was fully apparent and before the possibility of success was proven. The boroughs lacked good streets, the libraries starved for lack of financial assistance: But why recount? The situation was neither better nor worse than in a hundred or more other cities familiar to civic reformers both professional and lay. The past in Bethlehem is being quickly and deeply interred. Without doubt, civic affairs did not prosper. Secretary, Niagara Falls, Chamber of Commerce.

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484 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September Neither is the city living in or on its future. active and constructive present. It is living an extremely A VISION AND AN IDEAL For a good many years, Charles 111. Schwab, chairman of the board of directors of the Bethlehem steel corporation, who had made Bethlehem not only his place of business but also his home, had been looking forward to making Bethlehem an ideal industrial city. First, however, must come unification and, of first importance in such a movement, physical proximity. The “hill-to-hill” bridge was the key to the long locked door. As early as 1903, the necessary proceedings had been instituted in the courts of quarter sessions in Lehigh and Northampton counties, but nothing had actually been accomplished, chiefly because the two boroughs were keen, if not bitter, rivals and opposition was too great. In 1913 Dallett H. Wilson, a young attorney who had recently come to the city, suggested an overhead bridge as a means of eliminating three exceptionally bad grade crossings over the Philadelphia and Reading, Lehigh Valley and New Jersey Central railroads. At first the idea was not taken seriously, but Mr. Wilson secured the necessary three signatures to a petition and presented the case, with favorable results, to the Pennsylvania public service commission. Fortunately or unfortunately, according to the viewpoint, the commission had not the power to order the construction of a bridge that would do more than eliminate the grade crossings. Such a plan would indeed provide a bridge beginning at the top of a hill on the south side, but it would not reach the high land on either side of the Monocacy Creek on the north side of the Lehigh river. The ideal plan provided for ramps runnings into the business district of the south side and ramps running to the residential and business districts of the north side, without descending to the flood endangered Monocacy valley. Neither would it provide a bridge with the architectural and artistic merits desired by the awakening community and especially the leaders in the movement. Taxation under the direction of the public service commission was certain to provide $533,000. At least $280,000 more was necessary to provide for the ideal. This had been anticipated by Mr. Wilson, who promptly asked for thirty days in which to raise the balance by public subscription. Doubters agreed to the plan but predicted that $15,000 could not be secured. It was not ten minutes, however, before J. E. Matthews, chief of the ordnance department of the steel company, had pledged $25,000 for himself and associates or if necessary for himself alone. The financial campaign which was immediately organized, was concluded by contributions of $100,000 from the traction company and $250,000 from Charles M. Schwab and the steel corporation. The campaign for funds conducted in October, 1916, raised not only the necessary $280,000, but

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19181 BETHLEHEM BUILDS TWO BRIDGES 485 $418,000 in addition. There were 64,687 subscriptions and the enthusiasm of the city ran riot. The necessity for the campaign may have been a misfortune. For the most part it was a God-send, for it gave the occasion for the first expression of the civic patriotism of the neighborhood of boroughs. The way had been opened for the building of a new city. “THE MODEL INDUSTRIAL CITY OF THE WORLD” The crystallization of the new spirit into definite plans occurred at an historic dinner given by Mr. Schwab in November, 1916. Over 800 attended as his guests. Mr. Schwab outlined his plans for the city: one Bethlehem comprising the seven or eight separate boroughs and districts, one citizens’ organization and ‘(the model industrial city of the world.” A committee on a program of civic improvement which met at Mr. Schwab’s office the next day, appointed two sub-committees: one to establish a Greater Bethlehem Association with R. S. Taylor, a leading attorney, as chairman and another to consolidate the BethIehems, with Archibald Johnson, vice president of the steel company, as chairman. Consolidation of the boroughs of Bethlehem and South Bethlehem, containing the chief business districts of the affected area, waa undertaken first. Every ward in both boroughs was organized, every ward boss was made a captain of a team of workers for consolidation and every legitimate method conceivable was used to exercise all the pressure necessary to guarantee the success of this step in the program of the Greater Bethlehem movement. In May of 1917, an extensive campaign was conducted to take a “straw vote” on the proposals. Luncheons, held daily at the Colosseum, were attended by 522 workers. Parades were held daily. On the final day of the campaign only 23 persons had expressed opposition to consolidation, while 7,860 had pledged themselves to support it later at the polls. Several bands led 7,500 people in a final parade. It was therefore scarcely surprising when on the occasion of the official balloting on July 10, 1917, 5,994 voted in favor and only 169 against the unification of the two boroughs. The letters patent were issued seven days later, on July 17. THE NEED FOR CITIZEN ORGANIZATION To secure an administration of the new city by competent public spirited citizens was the next step to be solved. Sixty days later the primaries could be held. By consolidation of the two boroughs, the new city had become a third class city and automatically under the Clark Act became a commission government city. Meanwhile, every ward boss had circulated a petition asking Archibald Johnson, vice president of the steel corporation, to be a candidate for mayor. At first Mr. Johnson persistently refused, but over 7,000 names on the petition provided too convincing an argument.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September Bethlehem could not, however, be the “model industrial city of the world” without a large and effective citizen organization. R. S. Taylor, chairman of the committee on Greater Bethlehem association, expressed the need fully at a meeting of the newly organized chamber of commerce in the following words: An almost ideal form of municipal government was provided in early American history, by the New England town meeting. Every citizen participated in and took active interest in the affairs of the community. Obviously, however, this form could not continue indefinitely and the next stage was the large council form of municipal government, such as exists in England and on the continent to-day. Just as the town meeting form of government had the effect of educating all of the citizens in civic matters, so too the experience of a considerable number of men in the council had the effect of training a large number of community leaders. But with the adoption of the commission and city forms of government, the number of persons who take a direct official part in community life is greatly reduced. As a consequence, there is in every commissiongoverned city, an especial need for a citizen organization to bridge over the gap between the official governing body and the citizens at large. A COMMUNITY PROGRAM The Bethlehem chamber of commerce (under the name Greater Bethlehem association) was organized during the first week of December, 1917. Local citizens hoped to secure as many as 800 members paying dues of $25 annually and a budget of 320,GOO. The campaign2 closed at the end of a week with 2,100 members, which total was shortly increased to 2,253, providing an organization income of nearly $60,000. The board of directors was elected by the Hare system of proportional representation. Instead of immediately going to work on a haphazard lot of activities, the chamber took the time to develop a carefully prepared Community program as a basis of action for the community. The members of the chamber were called in small groups of from ten to forty to discuss the scope and possibilities of the new organization, and the probIems facing the new administration and the new city. To those who expect nothing except the traditional activities from a chamber of commerce, it will be of interest to know that scarcely a single selfish note was struck in all the program of work meetings. Manufacturers, retailers, bankers, real estate men, and citizens generally joined in a demand for the provision of those amenities of life without which no city can be ideal. “Getting industries,” and the ordinary first hand stock in trade of the uninventive * Mr. Donald, the author of this article, waa oiie of the staff of four men of the American City Bureau that in December, 1917, conducted the campaign in Bethlehem for the chamber of commerce. Later Mr. Donald was acting secretary for three months. The result was, the largest membership of any city in the United States having a population under lO0,OOO and dues of $25. This waa accomplished in a city which never had a chamber of commerce and where consequently the people were not aware Of the functions Of One.--EDITOR.

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19181 WAR TIME CITY CLUBS 487 chamber of commerce, were passed by as negligible compared with the human lives that must be conserved and developed. Thus it was that the Bethlehem chamber of commerce presented to the city a program of community action on which industries, city officials, the chamber of commerce and citizens generally may work for a generation. Bethlehem is building two bridges: one to close the physical gap between the two sections of the city, the other to bridge the chasm between the new city administration and the people. Charles M. Schwab’s dream is on a fair way to realization. WAR TIME CITY CLUBS BY HENRY G. HODGES, PH.D.* Philadelphia RGANIZED flexibility requires occasional write-up if posterity is to appreciate some of the stages by which it “arrived.” 0 One needs only to read Dr. Beard’s article on “Recent Activities of City Clubs.” published in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW? to appreciate the progressive activitity of these organizations. We extract one line from that article, dealing with a noteworthy feature of the New York city club, to wit: “The club entertained His Excellency, Count von Bernstoff .” Scarcely a year ago the Civic Secretaries Association was organized in Detroit. The group now has 27 members, most of whom are secretaries of city clubs. Prior to the Detroit meeting the association existed as a committee of its foster-mother, the National Municipal League. The secretaries of the women’s city clubs of Los Angeles, Cincinnati, Chicago, Louisville and Cleveland, and the civic club of Philadelphia, a civic organization for women, are members of the association. In the past three years a goodly number of new city clubs has been organized, in all parts of the country. In the far west and the southwest the movement has been particularly active. From the region of the Great Lakes come reports of several new clubs. Probably the women’s city club of Cleveland has made the most rapid strides to sizeableness and influence. Organized in January, 1916, it had, in June of this year, a membership of 2,500, its corporate limit, and a waiting list of 375. The dues are nominal, and the general policy is modeled after that of the men’s club which does not participate actively in civic affairs. Word comes of contemplated clubs in Minneapolis, Columbus, Atlanta, Phoenix, and a number of smaller cities. On the other hand, several names appear on the list of the merged, Formerly; secretary, City Club of Cleveland. *vol. i, p. 431.

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488 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September moribund and the unconscious. Three years ago the city club of Brooklyn was merged with the Brooklyn civic club, which, in its turn, merged, in February of the present year, with the reorganized Brooklyn Chamber of commerce. One or two other places report such mergers. From one large city comes the report that the organization of a city club is contemplated to offset the dominating conservatism of the leading agency already in existence. The secretary of the city club of New Rochelle, New York, writes of a gloomy outlook for his organization. After a career of twelve years, during which time its committees were active in fighting for ‘(a new charter, better municipal garbage incinerator, improved street lighting, intelligible municipal accounting, and an improved trolley system,” the membership has dwindled until “the club is now on the eve of disbanding.” The city club of Galveston, Texas, gave up the struggle three years ago. Letters addressed to several other clubs were returned, marked “unclaimed.” Binghamton, New York, was in this group. TWO TYPES OF CLUBS City clubs are of two distinct types, the “militant” and the “nonmilitant.” The former, as the name signifies, interests itself actively, through its committees, in pushing a definite civic program. The latter attempts, through its open forum, unconsciously to guide civic public opinion in finding itself, depending on some other method for expression. This type provides post-prandial discussion on popular and civic topics, usually having all sides of a given question presented. It aims to turn the civic container inside out and expose the idea. Neither method is, per se, the correct one. Local conditions must determine which will produce the best results. Proponents of the latter type prefer to define it as ‘a social club with a civic purpose,’ while the friends of the militant idea would rather define it as ‘ a socially organized group of civic Sitting Bulls.’ The one type emphasizes opinion organized, while the other expresses itself through organized opinion; the latter is the non-partisan intellectual melting pot, while the former is the bi-partisan enunciator. The Boston city club represents the forum idea, and the Chicago club is an example of the militant organization. Between these two extremes there are all shades of “militancy.” LOS ANGELES CLUB The success of the militant club depends largely on the size and prestige of its membership, and the efforts of its civic secretary. The Los Angeles club has been active during the past year in safeguarding the interests of the city’s municipal electric power system. Although essentially a forum club the Kansas City organization developed a hobby in correcting the smoke nuisance. They kept at it until a municipal ordinance was passed providing for a smoke commission and a smoke inspector. The chairman

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19181 WAR TIME CITY CLUBS 489 of the city club smoke committee was named chairman of the new municipal smoke commission. MILWAUKEE CLUB The Milwaukee city club has grown from a membership of 700 to one of 1,375 during the past year, due, as the secretary explains, to new club quarters. This organization is unique in that its membership includes both men and women. Sixteen civic committees cover, in a thorough fashion, municipal activities. The city beautiful committee pushed the spring clean-up campaign, its chairman being made chairman of the city’s clean-up committee. The city forestry committee gave active support to the agitation that secured a city forester. “Know Your City Better ” work, by means of models, charts and architects’ perspectives, displayed in downtown windows, was conducted by the committee on civic education, co-operating with the Milwaukee society of engineers. Salary revision was pushed by the civil service committee. The public health committee made an investigation of the South View hospital, and issued a six page mimeographed report. Probably the best piece of civic educational work conducted by the Milwaukee club is its “Tuesday Noon-Day Talk,” at which a subject of local civic interest is discussed by some city official or the representative of an agency working for civic betterment. LOUISVILLE WOMEN’S CITY CLUB The youngest of the militant city clubs to record anything like a successful program is the women’s city club of Louisville, Kentucky. Organized March 17, 1917, it gives ample evidence of a strenuous babyhood. Its 387 members raised $1,000 for a survey of the collection and disposal of the city’s garbage. Co-operating with federal officials, the club engaged the services of garbage disposal experts from Chicago and the model piggery at Worcester, Massachusetts. The recommendations of the club’s committee are being put into practice at the present time. The committee has now turned its attention to an economical and sanitary system of waste collection and disposal. The club was headquarters for the campaign for raising funds for playgrounds, for the organization boosting for a responsible juvenile judge, and for women strike leaders to explain to the public and sister workers the causes for their action. CHICAGO’S WOMAN’S CITY CLUB Another woman’s club is a new factor in this field. The woman’s city club of Chicago, although an organization of some years standing, entered the active civic arena in January, 1917. Chicago’s financial situation was the proximate cause of this change of front. The women supported their pledged candidates in every ward in the city, and prepared and defended on the floor of council their “communication concerning the city’s

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490 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September present financial situation and some available remedies.” A large portion of their recommendations have already been adopted. The club is now assisting the water-meter propaganda. This active interest in municipal affairs has not served to dismember the club, even in war times. The increase in membership during the past year is given as 570. The working arrangement is similar to that of the Cincinnati woman’s city club, which functions, with unusual success, through sixteen committees. CHICAGO CITY CLUB (MEN’S) The men’s club of Chicago is living up to its historical standard in fighting for progressive municipal management. Twenty-four committees guide its civic destinies. A few titles of these committees will serve to illustrate their work: city planning; civil service; drairiagz and sewage ; public education; public expenditures; fire protection; labor conditions; vice; taxation; housing, etc. Every committee has at least one bull’s eye to its credit during the past year. A summary of the accomplishments, announced under committee headings, appears in the club’s year book. THE NEW YORK CITY CLUB Lists its civic contributions for the year under eighteen headings. The state military census, organization of the interstate metropolitan planning conference, extension of the system of public employment bureaus, important amendments to the election laws, and the new highways traffic law, are a few of its services. The board of trustees feels that much of the success of the past two years has been due to “the strengthening of the committee system, the development of a larger group of members qualiJied to assume leadership, and the greater participation of the membership in the formulation of club policies.” THE PHILADELPHIA CLUB In December of last year the Philadelphia city club put itself on record as a militant organization. Several years ago the club employed a secretary whose duty it was to formulate and guide an active civic program. This plan was later abandoned. Of the older clubs the Philadelphia organization seems to have suffered most from a lack of progressive enthusiasm and normal growth during the past two years. Having lately moved into a fine new home in the heart of the city, there was the natural introspective examination for the causes of unhealthy development. As a result the following resolution was adopted at a special meeting of the members: “RESOLVED-That the city club take a more positive part than heretofore in questions affecting the government of Philadelphia. That it shall actively further or oppose, through appropriate committees, legislation afecting the city, whether at Harrisburg or in the city councils.’’ At the present time no committee program has been worked out.

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19181 WAR TIME CITY CLUBS 491 THE CLEVELAND CLUB Non-militant clubs must measure their success by intangible standards. Growth of membership is only one criterion of the increasing influence of the club in the community. The publicity given its activities often stirs other organizations in the local field to civic action. The Cleveland city club held several well attended exhibits of local municipal departments. The welfare exhibit included visual lessons from the sanitarium, division of health and baby welfare, workhouse, boys’ farm, and an expose patent medicine exhibit from the labratory of the city chemist; 35 automobiles took 200 members on an outing and inspection trip to the county workhouse farm of 2,200 acres, immediately after a speaker’s meeting. Besides the usual inspection and a baseball game, the party spent an hour at a specially prepared sociological clinic. An elaborate college exhibit, representing 27 colleges and universities of the United States and Canada, afforded an interesting rivalry and served as a social intermingler for professional shouters of divergent political faiths. The club has enjoyed a 30 per cent increase in membership during the past year. BOSTON CITY CLUB The Boston Daily Advertiser, commenting on the resignation of Addison L. Winship, civic secretary of the Boston city club, struck the fundamental of the non-militant city club. “The Boston city club has been a wonderful influence in bringing the various elements in the complex of life of our metropolitan community into better mutual understanding. . . . The fundamental idea of the city club is sound-that men of differing points of view, differing interests, differing spheres, will find a common denominator if brought into natural contact, one with another.” Aside from its wonderful success in a material way, the Boston club has undoubtedly contributed as much to bring its community harmoniously to a higher civic level as any civic agency in the country. With one of the most attractive homes in America, and a membership of 7,000 it is able to maintain a social-civic program of the highest order. OTHER CLUBS The Rochester and Baltimore clubs are influential open forum agencies. No action may follow discussion at the Rochester club, and yet there is evident a distinct civic service to the community. To have a large city grasp the neighborhood idea is the aim of the Baltimore club. And it is succeeding. The Indianapolis Saturday luncheon club is practically an embryonic city club of the forum type. Gustavus Tuckerman, for the past seven years civic secretary of the St. Louis city club, has exerted a remarkable influence in prying loose for his city standards whose attainment would have been at the cost of a certain amount of civic irritation had they been accomplished by less

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492 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September insiduous methods. The continued social-civic contact of men of divergent political opinions moulds them, at times against their wills, and certainly unconsciously, to a homogenity of ideals which finds expression in a more concerted group action. Individual emphasis shifts from organized differences to points of common social and civic interest. The city gets the benefit. Most of the clubs hear from all candidates for important local offices. Practically every club distributes, periodically, an organization bulletin to its members. These publications are usually weekly affairs. The Boston club issues a sizeable monthly announcing the following month’s program, and giving arather full summary of the current month’s addresses. The Philadelphia and Kansas City clubs do not issue such bulletins. THE WAR’S INFLUENCE In the first place, it is not unusual, when writing a secretary for local information, to receive a reply from an assistant to the effect that “Mr. So-and-so has been loaned to the Government for work at .,, All clubs are flying large service flags, which the finance committees view with practical significance. In spite of the large number in active military service, it is safe to hazard that the general average increase in active membership during the past year has been fifteen per cent. The Baltimore, Los Angeles, and both of the Cleveland clubs were interrupted by the war from carrying forward contemplated building programs. In those cases where the militant club could not cover the financial loss from remitted club dues of military members with a proportionate increase in membership, there has been an enforced check on some of the committee work. Even in clubs not so affected the committee program has been retarded by absorbing war interests. From Milwaukee: “Our committees have been active this year, however, not to the extent that they would be in a normal year. The members are so busy with various kinds of war work that civic work suffered by comparison.” Again, the chairman of the special committee on club activities of the Chicago city club writes: “The Chicago club has found that the war has had a marked effect on its committee work. Those committees which deal with subjects affected by the war continued with probably increased interest, while the committees dealing with other subjects were inclined to let up somewhat on their activities.” The feature meetings are all war talks. A returned soldier draws 200 to 500 per cent more members than a municipal specialist. The war’s influence is easily traced in all city clubs. The same is true with the non-militant club.

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19181 WAR TIME CITY CLUBS 493 WAR WORK If there has been a let-up on the civic programs there has been a remarkable speeding-up of the war work. The Chicago and New York city clubs have ambulance units at the Front. Every club has committees for Red Cross, Liberty Loan and other “drives.” The secretary of the state council of defense of Wisconsin, writing on this subject for his state: “TO tell the truth the city clubs and chambers of commerce haven’t any other plan in mind but to co-operate in war programs.” The secretary of the Baltimore city club is doing organization work, in Texas, for the Food Administration. The women’s clubs are probably more active, in point of personal service, than the men’s organizations. This is not unexpected nor phenomenal. The woman’s city club of Chicago raised $2,000 for the recent Red Cross drive; $56,000 for the Third Liberty Loan; and $10,000 worth of pledges for Thrift Stamps. In Cleveland, the men’s club bought $5,000 worth of Third Liberty Loan bonds with club funds, besides subscriptions secured by teams working the membership, and others doing assigned work under the city’s general committee. The women’s unique contribution is a “patriotic shop,” located in the center of the business section, where the use of substitute foods is taught, both by window demonstrations and by supplying desired recipes. Inexpensive luncheons made of war breads are served, and yarn is soId. The foods and markets committee of the Louisville club is operating canning stations in all parts of the city. War time food substitutes are served. Another committee aids in the enforcement of food prices among the retail grocers. The city club history of the past two or three years amply justifies the existence of both the functional types. The movement is enjoying a normal healthy growth, and so long as these clubs continue to supplement the commercial activities of chambers of commerce and the expert investigational processes of bureaus of municipal research we may look for an ever broadening influence of their activities.4 ‘See pamphlet, “The City Clubs and Kindred Organizations,” by W. J. Donald, secretary, Niagara Falls chamber of commerce. Reprint of an article in the Amen’can Citg.

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494 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September WAR TIME WORK OF BUSINESS BODIES BY RALPH H. FAXON’ Des Maims, Iowa C HAMBERS of commerce have never done better or more efficient , work in their history than in respect of war. Every civic and commercial body in the land has become an active organization to promote patriotism, to prepare for war, and to save American institutions and ideals. A little organization in Iowa said early in the days of America’s participation in the war: “We will discontinue our organization and let our secretary go; we will be too busy during war.” Today, that organization is stronger than ever before and its secretary is paid and is at work carrying out the task cut out for him by his officers and committees. In Canada, they said at the beginning of war t.hat organization would have to go for the time. Organization did fall to low ebb, and then it became a positive fact that the splendid work that Canada has done in war was almost entirely accomplished by means of a glorious revivication of the sld organizations. FOUR VARIETTES OF ORGANIZATIONS Four kinds of commercial and civic organizations have been at work since America started out to help win the war: 1. Those which felt it was no part of their business to do war work, but must continue to concern themselves with commercial and civic affairs; 2. Those which felt they must work through auxiliary or affiliated bodies specially created to do war work; 3. Those which divided their work as between old time activities and war work; 4. Those which welcomed war work, took it all on, and called for more. Now fortunately for the country, most organizations in the land are coming into Class A. Nearly every organization, especially in anything like military centers, before the war had their committees on military and naval affairs. During preparedness campaigning, and for some months before America went definitely into war, these committees became numerous. Just the other day, the great Chicago association of commerce witnessed a significant thing: Its committee on military and naval affairs went voluntarily out of business, and suggested to the board of directors that a “war committee” be created! It changed its name, its style, its personnel, and its ordinary place as n co-ordinate standing committee, and urged the creation of a small, compact, extra poiverful band of men in Then later on nearly every organization had one. 1 General secretary, Des Moines chamber of commerce.

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19181 WAR TIME WORK OF BUSINESS BODIES 495 that organization which should be a veritable war board for the greater body. At the same time, and alniost as by prescience and collaboration, an average-sized and normal-going city of the midwest, through its organization, formed a war commission predicated upon much the same instinct and motive. It went a step further, however, in that it sought to regulate and systematize all solicitation in the name of war. It didn’t approve of the “war chests,” but it did believe in intelligent direction of all war solicitation. Coincident with this came the action of a small town organization which formed a war bureau. The same motive lay back of all three, from the big body down to the small one-a realization that systematic war work must be done, and that war is the chief business of organizations of a civic and commercia1 kind these days. It’s a settling-down process which bodes well for the spirit of the American people. It is a realization that this war is a man’ssize job, and that it takes precedence over all else from now on. THE CIVIC BODY-ON THE JOB-ALL THE TIME Now the ordinary town is like the ordinary family-it’s a eo-ordinateunit of government and of society. It is typical. It is THE government, in reality. It is a definite entity. It cannot do business without a head, without a home, without intelligent direction, without collective thinlring, and without a strong arm and a keen brain as well as a sympathetic heart. Hence the powerful fact is driven home that a local body, call it what you will-chamber of commerce, commercial club, civic and commerce association-must be on the job, all the time, clay and night, with boards, committees groups, and member councils. A midwest organization believes that its chief work has been to raise the people of the community to a degree of intelligent conception of what war and patriotism and citizenship mean in these times. It has done this by persistent and consistent meetings, drawing men from everywhere who had a thoughtful message. It makes singing, and martial singing, at that, a feature of all such meetings, and some days it has these meetings in number-luncheons, dinners, membership meetings, public meetings. It means that all persons are arrayed on one side of a road or the other-those who fight in uniform or in citizen’s apparel-but FIGHTING!-and those who do no fighting or working! There is no halfway business ahout it. One is either loyal or disloyal, these days; he is a patriot or a slacker. The writer of this contends that no greater factor has been at work in manufacturing future citizenship than these commercial bodies now so busily engaged in war work. The removal of selfishness has been the leaven. One man has been as good as another. Leaders have arisen.

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496 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September If he didn't have money, he had time. Some had both, all had something to contribute to the cause. Men have been drawn closer together than ever before. And they are going to stay close together after this is all over! THE WEEDING PROCESS Commercial rivalry has been eliminated. Sectional and class lines in communities have been wiped out. State lines have been obliterated. Men have gathered vision. Their horizons have been extended. They looked up and down and to both sides. They blinked at first; but their eyes became used to the big things they sarv. Washington and government were no longer intangibIe. They, the communities and the community men, were the people, were the government, were the great pulsing, throbbing, doininant America-the giant awake, and ready for great things. Inspiration and the spiritual side have crept. in. Loftier idea and ideals have been'created. The little bickerings and jealousies, the slavish customs of years, the bonds of precedent and environment, have been swept aside. Men are big in their simple earnestness, and earnest in their simplicity. Through it all has run the essence of spiritualization. The fire has purified. SEEING BIGGEB AND FXNER War has done this-war plus organization. War might have done it; but war and Organization have done it better. Organizations see themselves and they see the future. They see a world freed of despotism and autocracy. They see the bigger and the finer things. They see peace and comity of nations. They see a restoration of things at home. They visualize normality in business, in citizenship, in industry, in agriculture, in social relationship, in social justice, in brotherhood. They see commerce in the world at large. They see a new generation and a new age. They see veterans returning from the war and dropping into line at home. They see the veterans who remained at home transformed into better and bigger men. But above all, they see and feel this: That the very fact those at home and those in the trenches have in fact become seasoned, trained, disciplined veterans, with a capacity for work of which they had never dreamed, will make of them, combined, in local, state, and national organizations, a band of workers who can accomplish literally anything their hearts and minds desire! War and organization have done much together already; they will have done more for our future! They see a new era.

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19181 THE BUREAU OF PERSONAL SERVICE 497 THE BUREAU OF PERSONAL SERVICE BY QEORQE L. TIRRELL New Yo~k City N THE recent city campaign in New York which resulted in the most sweeping Tammany victory in the history of the greater city, one of the promises made by the successful candidate for mayor and other candidates for places in the board of estimate was to get rid of all L‘efficiency experts, bureaucrats, social experimenters and high brows.” At its meeting on February 1, 1918, the new board of estimate adopted resolutions to ‘‘ abolish and discontinue” the bureau of personal service which had been created in 1914 and had been for the past two years the agency through which the city had been putting its household in order. By the action of the new board the staff of trained examiners was retained and the work of the former bureau continued pending the adoption of policy. The object for which the bureau of personal service was organized: to place the civil employment on an intelligent basis where in every municipal activity there would be the required number of employes at proper salaries, is one which confronts every municipality as well as every public and private employer. Therefore the results and methods appear to be worth review. I NEW YORK’S PAY ROLL New York City has on its pay-roll approximately 90,000 men and women. Excluding the 23,000 teachers, 10,000 policemen, 6,000 firemen, 10,000 day laborers, 6,000 street cleaners and miscellaneous groups aggregating about 3,000 whose management is controlled by special laws, there are approximately 30,000 general employes of all sorts under direct control of the central city authorities so far as number and salary is concerned. In the Fall of 1915, after eighteen months study of the duties and salaries of the 30,000 general employes, the bureau reported back that this force was from ten to fifteen per cent larger than needed; that there were glaring overpayments in salaries in about, 1,000 positions; substantial overpayments in about 2,000 more; underpayments in between 5,000 and 6,000 cases; and that the civil employment suffered greatly in effectiveness because of the haphazard methods of appointment and advancement based upon special considerations of personal and political favoritism. Because of this failure to offer either permanency or future advancement based upon meritorious service the quality of the employes was gradually deteriorating. The bureau based its report on a careful and detailed study of the duties of all positions in the 150 units of government in the city. After 4

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498 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September the work in the field the duties of the positions were put in writing in certified form, with additional personal information regarding the age, length of service, etc., of the incumbents. The duties were then studied and classified with only a collateral relation to existing salaries and titles. STANDARD SPECIFICATIONS FOR PERSONAL SERVICE An exhaustive inquiry into the current rates of compensation for each of the different kinds of employment in the general industrial world not only in New York City but in other American and foreign citys was carried on. The result was the publication in book form of the Standard Specifications for Personal Service. These specifications have for two years been the basis for appraising the value of positions. A description can hardly be attempted here, but in the various grades of the one hundred and sixteen groups or kinds of service, there are more than seven hundred definite types of duties and ranges of compensation from a minimum rate for the beginner to a maximum reached after a stated period of satisfactory service. When the bureau in 1915 made its report of the outstanding defects in the city service, its recommendation was that these defects be cured by taking advantage of vacancies currently occuring. It was argued that this method could be carried out without hardship to existing employes. Opinion in the board of estimate was divided regarding the course best to be followed. Mayor Mitchel and ComptrolIer Prendergast were for the outright program of dropping useless positions and fixing salaries at proper figures. Other members of the board were for a partial reduction of the salaries of overpaid employes, while still others were for the vacancy method proposed by the bureau. In the preparation of the city budget for 1916 what might be termed a modified form of the outright method was followed. Several hundred positions were dropped and adjustments in salary were made in about 3,000 positions. Twothirds of these were increases for the underpaid and about one-third decreases for the overpaid. As subsequent events proved this action was politically a mistake as the criticism caused far outweighed the credit given. Since January 1, 1916, the method originally recommended by the bureau has been in operation. Through the power given in the city charter the board of estimate in appropriating money for its annual budget may prescribe the terms and conditions under which the money is to be spent. It imposed as one of these conditions a provision that when vacancies occurred in the schedules of any department, they should be filled only when the necessity for filling them could be shown to the satisfaction of the board. When so filled it was to be done, if possible, by transfer from an unnecessary or overpaid position, but always at a proper rate of compensation under the specifications,

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19181 THE BUREAU OF PERSONAL SERVICE 499 DEPARTMENTAL PAY-ROLLS With this requirement in operation the obvious key to the situation became the departmental pay-rolls. The comptroller refused to pass any pay for newly appointed persons unless accompanied by a certificate from the board of estimate that it was necessary and at a proper rate. Requests to fill vacancies were referred for report to the bureau and careful examinations made. These examinations naturally led to consideration of improved methods under which results could be achieved without waste by fewer employes than formerly. During the years 1915, 1916 and 1917, there was a very great increase in departmental activities especially in the health, social and correctional fields. There was a striking development of governmental control in the prevention of dependency, disease and criminality. Yet during this period by reason of the operation of the system put into operation through the bureau of personal service there was a net decrease in the cost of personal service, as employment is called, in those departments directly under the control of the board of estimate. SALARY INCREASES Because of the extraordinary industrial conditions created by the war it was decided in the Fall of 1917 that it would be necessary to provide increased compensation for the lower paid employes in the 1918 budget. In the entire employment of the city of about 90,000, more than 65,000 received increases. This figure included of course the police, fire and street cleaning forces as well as teachers and librarians. Of the 30,000 general employes slightly more than 18,000 received increases usually of a single rate increment from six to ten per cent of salary. This was done on proof of a year of satisfactory service within the limits of the rates prescribed for the services performed. The opposition board of aldermen endorsed the action. When the new board of estimate abolished the bureau of personal service retaining the staff, it also adopted a resolution to continue the system which the bureau had put in operation. Vacancies are still being filled only when the board deems it necessary. The work of straightening out the city employment is in great part accomplished, but if the system is abandoned it will take but a short time to revert to its former condition. The great body of the lower paid employes have seen the way opened to regular advancement on merit. The chances are that they will have something to say before this is closed against them. Since the system described has been in operation in New York, administrative men from all parts of the country have visited the bureau to study the procedure. At least four of the national government units in Washington are now trying to put it in operation with special adaptations to their special problems. The state governments of New York, Massa

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500 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September chusetts and several Western states are trying to follow New York City's example. The work of the bureau of personal service has been called an experiment. Politically there is truth in the characterization. As a piece of governmental machinery, a method of achieving a definite result, the system is a demonstrated success. If the result is not desired the system should not be adopted.' AKRON'S TWO WAYS OF DRAFTING A CHARTER BY GEORGE P. ATWATER, D.D.~ Akron, Ohio AM very glad to give you my impressions of the charter commission of You will realize that the charter is not yet I completed and that I cannot, therefore, comment upon results. Having served upon the previous charter commission I find that the contrast between the work of the two commissions is worthy of notice. The first commission of 1913 began its work by a consideration of the types of charter. Almost from the beginning proposals were offered which involved a vote. The members were, therefore, put on record as for or against certain definite proposals which in the nature of the case were tentative and partial. The newspapers immediately jumped to conclusions with reference to the opinions or convictions of the members and we had had but a few sessions before the members were all tabulated and a forecast made of the type of charter that would ultimately be drawn. This was most deplorable, as many of the members thought that the duty of the commission was to study and grow in knowledge concerning the question of city government. I feel confident that many of them would have changed their earlier opinions if they had not been held to the line so rigorously by public advertisement. As a result, the fight against the charter began before it was completed. Inasmuch as many cities will from time to time have charter commissions I think that our method would possibly be of value not only as it proved itself out in this instance, but it seems appealing in the first instance to those who have the duty of drawing up a charter. I have heard that other cities had great difficulty in making a start. the City of Akron. The present commission began in a totally different fashion. A SCHOOL OF GOVERN-NT The principle of our method was this: Before determining upon a general type of charter we made a study of all three types, which were 'Since the above was written the board of estimate and apportionment has discontinued the essential practice of requiring reports on the need for filling vacant positions. G. L. T. * Rector of the Church of Our Saviour, Akron, Ohio.

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19181 AKRON’S WAYS OF DRAFTING A CHARTER 501 presented by committees appointed by the chair and whose duty it was to gather the information and to present the arguments for and against each type, but without making any recommendations. Then committees were appointed which included the entire membership of the commission to study the various phases of city government and especially to study Akron. In this way the entire commission became a school in both theoretical city government and in practical government with reference to our own city. No votes were taken and no member became committed to any type of government or feature of government which he presented. The discussions which followed any presentation brought out opinions and information, but inasmuch as it was not necessary to influence a ballot there was no keen advocacy of any principle; only an intelligent presentation of it. When it was thought advisable to secure a notion as to the prevailing opinion in the commission upon some clear cut issue, such as whether members in a council should be determined by elections by wards or at large, the commission went into session as a committee of the whole and the members wrote their opinion upon a slip of paper without signature. These opinions were gathered and read by the secretary. In this way the general opinion of the commission as formulated up to that time was made known. This made progress toward our ultimate goal easier as it did not leave the commission in the dark as to the prevailing opinion. At the same time it did not commit any single member as a strict ballot would, to retain this opinion to the end, but permitted him without embarrassment to be influenced by further information and to change his mind. One of the most interesting features of the method in this respect was the fact that representatives of labor who were present and came committed to present representation on a council by wards, went away after a discussion convinced that representation at large was the most satisfactory method for electing a council. After this long study the commission as a committee of the whole received and discussed a plan proposed by one of the members. The plan might properly be called the council manager plan. It proposed the election of a mayor and a council of from seven to eleven members, all elected at large, who should hire, appoint and employ an administrator or manager who in turn should appoint the heads of all the various departments. This is as far as we have reached, but we are rapidly approaching a conclusion. I believe that this general form will ultimately receive the votes of at least thirteen and perhaps fourteen out of the fifteen members. CITY GOVERNMENT’S TWO PHASES I believe that our commission has been influenced by certain ideas which were presented early in its sessions to this effect: City government has two phases; one which deals with the proper administration of its business These committees made written reports.

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502 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September affairs, and one which acknowledges direct responsibility for the welfare and happiness of the people of the community. In the past there has been enormous emphasis made upon the business side of city government. It has been called a strictly business affair best administered by a man of business. It was clearly brought out that city government differs from business in this respect: that a business must produce as well as sell its products; that its income and production are dependent upon many conditions which might influence the country at large; upon the state of demand; upon the conditions of labor; that business is in competition with other business of similar nature and that therefore it must exercise every possible economy, every efficiency of management, in order to be successful. A business man of high calibre entering upon the administration of the affairs of a city would find his problem quite simple. He would have a fixed income produced for him by taxation and not secured by the uncertain fortunes of selling a product. Again he would have no competition. These considerations modify the usual business methods to such an extent that many a man unequal to the task of conducting all the departments of a great modern business would be quite equal to the careful, wise and efficient management of city business. But in addition to that, the city is a great community of living persons. City government heretofore has been so greatly concerned with protecting the material interests of the city that it has been almost forgotten that its chief responsibility lies in protecting the human interests of the city. A policeman has been considered an agency for the protection of property against humans rather than the protection of humans against the evils which grow up in a large community. We are getting a broader outlook, and a city administration should have as its first consideration the health, welfare, the uplift, and the happiness of its citizens. Consequently proVisions should be made in a city government for these primary interests, and the secondary interests of a purely business administration might be properly left to one competent to undertake it. These considerations should influence every charter commission and the department of public safety, the department of public health, and the department of social service should be given the greatest support and the widest possible scope for action. While in no way condoning extravagance in the business administration, it is the far lesser evil that a few thousand dollars should be unwisely spent than that the lives of a few citizens should be jeopardized by improper inspection of sanitation, housing conditions or garbage dis~osal.~ 3 The Akron commission has been unusually careful and conscientious in the prosecution of its work, and has established a number of interesting precedents and methods of procedure, of which the one described by Dr. Atwater is perhaps the most important. See also Mr. Baker’s article, entitled “The Organization of a Municipal Health Department,” Vol. Vii, p. 281.

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19181 MAYOR MITCHEL’S CAREER 503 THE CITY’S LOSS-MAJOR MITCHEL’S CAREER AS A LESSON IN MUNICIPAL POLITICS’ BY ROBERT S. BINKERD New York City N the afternoon of July 10th I went up to the City Hall to pay my respects to the memory of John Purroy Mitchel. I saw 0 thousands of my fellow-citizens gathered there who, with instinctive and deserved reverence, bared their heads as his body went by. I saw their eyes glisten, their faces light up with a reflection of the glory and wonder and tragedy of human life. Yet how many of these were of the same people who, less than a year ago, resented his attempts to prepare them for war! How many were of the people who believed the lie that this dead and gallant soldier sought to make slaves of their children in the public schools! How many were of those who visited this man with political annihilation because he fought his own Church for enlightened treatment of orphans, or who believed scandalous innuendo about his motive in treating with a great railroad corporation ! And yet there he passed, gallant to the last, dying, as he had lived, a poor man-a silent and noble answer to all his calumniators. And, dear friend of mine though he was, I shed no tears for him then. We are the ones to be grieved for. We are the ones for whom life is too great. Thrown by chance as citizens of a great city into the most momentous years of human history, we could bring forth only narrow, contemptible little ideas and suspicions. We resented conscription then. We have forgotten our opposition now, because we see, as he saw before us, that it is the fair and democratic method of raising great armies. But they go on substantially as before, and the promised crop of child slaves is yet to appear. We raged against the garbage plant. But most of us have forgotten about it now, for it is a main reliance for glycerine for the war, and the national government is trying to get other cities to follow our example. But we have forgotten about it now, because the city’s credit went unscathed through the opening of the war, and the “pay-as-you-go” policy has been written into law, We said that he conceded too much to the New York Central railroad. ‘From the New York Times. We allowed ourselves to be duped about the schools. We said he surrendered to the bankers on the $100,000,000 loan.

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504 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September But we have forgotten about it now, and when we have difficulty in shipping adequate supplies for our troops and shiver on “ coalless ” Mondays we demand to know why our all-rail facilities are so inadequate. Oh, the waste, the futility of human effort caused by our petty passions and prejudices and politics! If only a breath of clean air had swept through our minds last Fall! Then had we conspired to keep this extraordinary administrator at his right appointed job! He cared too little about our petty ideas and prejudices. He saw the enduring things to do, and he did them. And his only reward is that even without him they continue to endure. But he does not grieve, he does not complain; no, he even need not care. But we, fellow-citizens of New York, let us grieve, let us complain bitterly of ourselves! Let us at least learn a little less presumption, a little more generosity toward those who in high places and in troublous times carry with brave and gallant spirit the great burdens of our public affairs! But he was too big for us. EDITORIAL’ JOHN PURROY MITCHEL The tragic death of John Purroy Mitchel, on the morning of July 6, shocked a nation into deep regret that one of its youngest and most gifted political personalities had at so early a date and so far from the actual front of battle, paid the last full price of devotion to his country’s weal. To those who knew from personal touch the operations of his mind and heart during the fateful years since the opening of the world war, and especially since our entrance as an active participant, Major Mitchel’s untimely ending brought not only poignant sorrow but something of bitterness. To those who knew him merely as a public official or solely by the quality of his works, it could not have brought less than a keen realization of the loss to the country of a superb fighting spirit. To all who ‘The Suruey publishes a symposium of opinions concerning the social work of Major Mitchel aa mayor of New York. In introducing it Lawson Purdy, president of the National Municipal League and former president of the board of tax commissioners of New York City, said: “It was the unanimous opinion that, while most persons might regard his best work as an increase in the efficiency of government, that achievement waa only auxiliary to a broad program of social welfare. Because of this opinion it was thought that brief articles prepared by those commissioners who had most to do with the social welfare side of the administration would be interesting and might present a record that would be both instructive and stimulating.” Those contributing to the symposium include Katharine Bement Davis, Henry Bruere, Burdette G. Lewis, Henry C. Wright, John J. Murphy, S. S. Goldwater and William G. Willcox.

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19181 EDITORIAL 505 knew even of him, it must have brought hush; to some, it should have brought penitence. It is sometimes the best thing-the crown of ultimate and supreme fulfillment. Save as an event which, at a critical hour in the history of the nation, put the life and example of this man forward as a luminous inspiration to the young manhood of America-and this was far from being a negligible service-it is difficult to view the death of John Mitchel as anything but a calamity without mitigation. That he would have distinguished himself as a soldier nobody who knew him doubts. That he would, by his intelligence, his bravery, his conspicuous capacity for leadership, have contributed in some very substantial way to the victory of our arms is more than highly probable. Had he done this, and had he fallen in the active field of service, the fulfillment of his life in death would have seemed more nearly fitting and complete. But Major Mitchel’s career and service as a soldier were before him when he laid down his life. Except for his service as an apostle of preparedness in a wilderness of hesitation, and except for the inspiration of his thwarted purpose to fight, his fame must rest upon his civic achievements. The offices which he filled in rapid succession during his career of public service in the city of New York, are well knownspecial assistant corporation counsel, commissioner of accounts, president of the board of aldermen, collector of the port, mayor. It were impossible here to recount even briefly the distinguished character of his services in these several capacities or to recapitulate in any adequate fashion the more important achievements of his administration as mayor. It seems futile, likewise, to attempt to describe his accomplishments or to characterize his personal and official qualities in terms of generality. Suffice it to say, that among all the phrases of appreciation and laudation that his untimely death has called forth, there have been few if any that were not true in a very literal sense. Intellectual capacity, probity, fearlessness, energy, fair-mindedness, passionate hatred of expediency-these and other admirable attributes of mind and of method have been extolled; and they were his. And this is not to say that Major Mitchel was not an intensely human being. If the nation was shocked into deep regret over the death of Major Death is by no means the worst thing in life. Surely here is laurel enough for his thirty-nine full years.

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506 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW[September Mitchel, it is to be hoped that the people of the city of New York were shocked into profound reflection over the death of ex-Mayor Mitchel. Eight months before he died, these people overwhelmingly defeated him, a reluctant candidate, for re-election to the office of mayor. Why? Because he bothered more about being mayor, more about doing a thoroughgoing and clean job in that difficult office, than about making himself solid with party organizations, or building a political machine of his own, or doing the thing that would catch the popular fancy; and because in doing this job as it should have been done and as no one else had ever done it, he trod upon the toes of group after group whose class or factional interests stood in the way of the interests of the general public. Every such offended class or faction opposed his re-election openly or secretly; and collectively they were more than sufficiently numerous, each with its particular complaint and with no solidarity whatever among their several groups, to defeat him at the polls. Aside from the pacifist and pro-German support of Hilquitt, the contest was fought not between Mitchel and Hylan but between Mitchel and anybody else; this anybody else chanced to be Hylan. The voters thus factionalized against him were unwilling to lose sight of their personal and often petty grievances before the large merits of his truly remarkable administration. It will remain on trial for many years after it has won the war. It must be made square with its assumptions and competent to its gigantic task. The democracy of New York proved its immediate incompetence by its failure to reelect Mayor Mitchel. This is the significant, the heart-searching lesson that the death of this defeated representative of the democracy of tomorrow should burn into the hearts of every one of us who loves his country and has faith in her destiny. Democracy is conspicuously on trial the world over. HOWARD LEE MCBAIN.

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DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS I. BOOK REVIEWS CITY M.4N.4GER PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Edited by Edward Charles Mabie. New Pork: The H. W. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series. Pp. 245. 81.25. Mr. Mabie’s hook is typical of the “Debaters’ Handbook Series” and possesses the usual merits and defects which the compilation of such works present. The city manager plan is a somewhat more difficult, subject than many of the others in the series owing to the lack of ythoritative written material upon it. 1 ,Mr. Mabie has gathered a great deal of interest,ing matter, some of which, however, it must be admitted is of a rather ephemeral character. It is unfortunate that the preparation and the publication of the book were so far separated. Although published in May 1918 it contains scarcely any information of a later date than the first half of 1917. In other words, at the present writing it is already a year out of date, and in a subject with regard to which evidence is being so rapidly accumulated a year’s time makes a great den1 of difference It would appear from the nature of the material gathered and from other internal evidence that Mr. Mabie is strongly in favor of the city manager form of government. Nowhere is this shown more plainly than in the brief at the beginning of the book. The affirmative brief is very carefully worked out and presents admirably the main points of advantage in the city manager form of government. The negative brief, on the other hand, is exceedingly weak. Believing as I do in the city manager form of government I cannot agree that the case against it is as poor as Mr. Mabie’s brief would indicate. The lack of negative references in the bibliography explains perhaps the difficulty of developing a cape against the city manager form of government. The material included has, I think, in general been wisely selected. The charter of Springfield, Ohio, which is set forth in full is perhaps as fair an example of its class as could be found. Several of the articles quoted are of high merit. They are, however, mostly general discussions of the subject. There is a dearth of actual information concerning the working of the city manager form of government. This cannot be ascribed to any fault of Mr. Mabie’s, but simply to the absence of available material. The reports of city managers included are pertinent and vahable as far as they go. The most interesting matter contained in the book from the point of view of general students of municipal government are the cautious opinions of William Dudley Foullce and Howard L. McBain, and I cannot refrain from discussing their opinions in the light of actual experience with the city manager form of government. Mr. Foullce at the Toronto meeting of the League (Mabie, p. 210) spoke in part as follows: “I think we know exactly how Doc Zimmerman would act if the city manager plan were now put on in the city of Richmond. He would lay his plans for the place before the election-the place, not of mayor, but of city manager, and he would have his slate of five commissioners who would go in and vote for him, and he would get men who were personally popular and knew how to pull the ropes. His skill as a politician is much better than that of the men who would oppose him. He would have his five men who would vote for him, and the issue before election would be, Are we to have Doc Zimmennan for a manager or not?” This argument has been one of the most potent in the hands of the opposition to the city manager form of government. Experience has refuted it. For some

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508 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September reason or other-it may be a new birth of civic patriotism or it may be the pitiless publicity which the new system lets in upon the city government-city councils have not chosen former bosses as managers. As a matter of fact, it would be a great deal better to have the boss as an open -and acknowledged and legally responsible manager than to have him operating as a concealed and corrupting force behind the scenes of ostensible government. There is not, however, a city council in this country which would dare to name a notorious boss as manager. Professor McBain in an article quoted by Mabie from the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW dwells at some length upon the probability of the council dominating the manager and dictating to him the detailed administration of his office. “The truth of the matter is,” says McBain, “that you cannot write into law a precise division between two authorities where the tenure of one is absolutely at the mercy of the other.” Here again experience has absolutely belied prophecy. The relation between the manager and the council is a normal and well understood relation. It is that of the manager of the private corporation to his board of directors, of the superintendent of schools to the board of education, of the president of the state university to his board of regents. Its translation into the field of municipal government does not alter its character. While it would be impossible to say that there have been no examples of council dictation, councils in general have readily fallen into the habits of most boards of directors and allowed the manager a wide latitude of action. The public have proved themselves prone to look straight, over the council, to the manager and the real tendency is toward manager government rather than council government. Just as the executive head in national and state affairs has tended to gather in his hands more and more exclusive control so the manager tends to outweigh at least in popular estimation the importance of the council. The city manager form of government cannot be said then, as Professor McBain would have it, to be a “return to the system of councilmanic control.” It is a new and vital principle of organization taken over from other fields into that of municipal government. San JosB, Calijornia. THOMAS H. REED. * SELECTED ARTICLES ON MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. Compiled by Julia E. Johnsen. New York: The H. W. Wilson Company. Debaters’ Handbook Series. Pp. 334. $1.50. Third edition. Revised and enlarged. The outstanding result of the war on this side of the Atlantic is the sudden acquisition by the national Government of various interstate utilities. This little anticipated move has but added to the rapidly growing interest in, and demand for, the municipal ownership and operation of local public utilities. As pointed out by Dr. Wilcox in a previous issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, the state utilities commissions may have proved excellent training schools for corporation attorneys but their rulings, with certain notable exceptions, have not always redounded to the benefit of the municipalities affected. In view of this interest, the publication of the present handbook is timely. While the compiler has retained a large part of the material which appeared in earlier editions, she has added many new articles and has enlarged the brief and bibliography so as virtually to make of it a new book. The book opens with the brief which furnishes an excellent analysis of the question, with arguments pro and con. A bibliography of more than 260 titles follows, arranged in affirmative and negative groups. We hd no reference in the lists to the Census Bureau’s report on central electric light and power stations and street and electric railways (1912), to Mr. J. Francisco’s “Municipal Ownership,’, 4th edition, Rutland, Vt. (1895), to Library of Congress’ select list of references on municipal ownership and operation of street railways, nor to articles which have appeared in Municipal

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS Journal. As in the bibliography so in the text there is a preponderance of articles dealing with the affirmative side of the question. There are occasional typographical errors, as on page ix, where “sought” is substituted for “solved” in the title of Mr. Brandeis’ article, and on page xxvi, where the name of Mr. Thompson’s association, the Public Ownership League of America, should be separated by punctuation from the title of his report “hlunicipal Electric Light and Power Plants in the United States and Canada.” The conipiler’s short introduction might well have been extended to greater length and it would have been well to point out the scarcity of statist.ics regarding municipally owned public utilities and the urgent need for the collection and collation of such data. Recent studies have shown that many of the alleged “failures ’’ of municipal ownership were illusory -aa evidenced by the enthusiastic writer who thus classified certain municipal gas plants which had exhausted the natural supply. Facts of this kind are of value to the debater. All things considered, Miss Johnsen’s handbook is a real contribution to a muchabused subject. DORSEY W. HYDE, JR. New York Citg. * A COMMUNITY CENTER-WHAT IT Is AND How TO ORGANIZE IT. By Henry E. Jackson. New York: The Macmillan Company. 1918. Published also, in part, as a bulletin of The United States Bureau of Education. This book proves that the community center movement has at last grown familiar to the general mind. It is a popular book and its language is wholly nontechnical. It is the kind of book which an author writes about a subject whose existence, and a knowledge about which in the reader’s mind, he can take for granted. The value and the shortcomings of Mr. Jackson’s book grow out of this very quality of popular-ness. For while it is true that the community center has become a familiar thing to perhaps hundreds of thousands of people, there are millions more who know nothing about it as yet. Here, in this book, the community center talks about itself as one can imagine a city street talking about itself. There is none who debate the existence, the necessity, of the street. Most of those who traverse it worry themselves but little about the problems of engineering, about the network of buried pipes and conduits, about the city-plan of which the street is a part. The millions who do not know about community centers will, if they read Mr. Jackson’s book, feel vaguely that they are in the position of a man who does not know about t.he existence of streets. It is good propaganda to assume that of course any intelligent man 1;nows that the object of propaganda exists and that it is important. A book like Mr. Jaclrson’s will strengthen the confidence of community center members in their movement, and wherever it circulates it will create a sentiment that community centers are now accomplished facts about whose urgency it is needless to talk any longer. The shortcomings of Mr. Jackson’s book lie precisely in this, its popular value. Community centers are yet in their experimental stage. In the main, they are like streets not built, or streets which have been built without reference to the larger social plan, or streets which need to be torn up again in order to introduce conduits or superimpose rapidtransit lines. In other words, community centers are an engineering problem and there is great need for a treatise which will space the problem with a full recognition of its difficulty, which will bring together the existing experience, and which will develop out of the problem as stated and the experience as described, one or more prescriptions for the community center of the future. Mr. Jackson’s book does not meet this need. For example, Part I of the book contains a somewhat detailed recommendation for the establishment of community banks and co-operative exchanges but has nothing to say about community health work,

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5 10 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September night schools, community branches of the public employment bureau, the organization of competitive recreation. The community bank and co-operative exchange are highly important but as yet speculative topics, in so far as they are treated from the standpoint of community center work, whereas this second group of activities, omitted from this book, is a set of opportunities confronting every community center and most community centers do something about one or more of them. The book likewise fails to illuminate, by applying it to community center enterprise, President Wilson’s eloquent letter addressed to the state councils of defense, incorporated in the book, endorsing the establishment of community councils of national defense. The community council of defense is not a community center, although the community center should be a part of the community council. Community councils are being established all over the country. Community centers exist in many parts of the country. HOW can these two movements or types of organization be brought together, articulated? The question is not answered here, so that President Wilson’s letter is left with no more than an implicit relation to the substance of the book itself. Yet the perusal of the book as a whole leaves the reader encouraged-nay, more, aroused, and more than hospitable toward the community center. It is a distinct addition to the growing literature of the community movement. JOHN COLLIER. New York. c CO-OPERATION, THE HOPE OF THE CONSUMER. By Emerson P. Harris, assisted by Edgar Swan Wiers and Florence Harris. New York: The Macmillan Co. 1918. 328 p. $2. “To the toilers of America, many of whom know undeserved want through the reduction of the purchasing power of their hard-earned dollars by our wicked and wasteful mercantile distributive system, this book is dedicated.” Co-operation is a social philosophy, even a religion. When once the idea grips the mind and heart of a man of intelligence and generous instincts he must start a co-operative store or write a book. Mr. Harris has done both, for it may be inferred that, aa president of the Montclair (N. J.) co-operative society, he was a prime mover in its organization. The reviewer would not imply that this volume is the product of mere enthusiasm. The author brings to his task exceptional qualifications not only of conviction and enthusiasm, but of actual experience with co-operative store management and many years behind the scenes of the existing system as a publisher of advertising periodicals and editor and author on advertising and selling.’ To this should be added his evident familiarity with the literature of retailing and the history and present status of consumer’s cooperation in other countries. A more convincing indictment of the present system of transferring goods from the producer to the consumer would be hard to find. The aggressive selling methods of competitive advertising and salesmanship cost the consumer billions of dollars without giving him information needed for making a wise choice. To the economic evils are also to be added grievous moral and social sins. The Rochdale plan of co-operative buying furnishes the key to “pecuniary relief, easier access to the good things of life.” “The ideal arrangement for a town, as I see it,” says Mr. Harris, “would be the organization of a strong and efficient co-operative society to conduct food distribution with all figures audited and made public by the municipality.” The answer to this formidable array of facts and convincing arguments is furnished, perhaps unintentionally, by one sentence in the introduction contributed by John Graham Brooks. “The form of co-operation for which Mr. Harris pleads,” says Mr. Brooks, “has never appealed with any real force to the American business sense; its savings seemed too insignificant, its range too narrow and its management too insecure.” There is little reason to suppose that even the

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS 511 Great War will make the consumer’s it is that nothing but an awakened conproblems so acute as to force him to take sumer will ever make co-operation practian interest in co-operation. “Awakening cable in the United States. the Consumer” is the title of one of the shortest chapters in the book, and certain C. C. WILLIAMSON. 11. BOOKS RECEIVED THE ABOLITION OF INHERITANCE. By Harlan Eugene Read. New York: The Macmillan Company. pp. 312. $1.50. AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND ASIATIC CITIZENSHIP. By Sidney L. Gulick, D.D. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. pp. 257. $1.75. GOVERNMENT. By Albert R. Ellingwood, Ph.D. New York: The Macmillan Company. $2.50. THE SCHOOL YEAR ENDING July 31, 1915. By Thomas E. Finegan, Deputy Commissioner of Education, New York State. Albany: University of the State of New York. 1918. HEALTH AND THE STATE. By William A. Brend. New York: E. P. Dutton & Company. pp. 354. $4.00. LEGISLATIVE REGULATION OF RAILWAY FINANCE IN ENGLAND. Parts I and 11. By Ching Chun Wang. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences. Price, 75 cents each. MUNICIPAL HOUSECLEANING. By William Pam Capes and Jeanne R. CarpenDEPARTMENTAL CO-OPERATION IN STATE ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. REPORT FOR 111. REVIEWS City Managers’ Year Book.‘-The printed proceedings of the City Managers’ Association are here again,-the fourth since a dozen city managers got together in Springfield, Ohio, in 1914, to talk about themselves and their jobs. One reads these proceedings,-which now bear the more dignified title of year book,-not for typography or for the pictures of a score of city managers; but for facts which indicate the progress of municipal governments since 1913 when city managhg became a fact. Here are some of the “high spots” of the report: 1Fourth Year Book of the City Managers’ Association, 1917-1918. Price, 8.15. H. G. Otis, Becretsry, Auburn, Maine. ter. New York: E. P. Dutton & Company. $6. By J. Grove Smith: Ottawa, Canada: Commission of Conservation. pp. 319. 50 cents. OUR COMMUNITY: GOOD CITIZENSHIP IN TOWNS AND CITIES. By Samuel H. Ziegler and Helen Jaquette. Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Company. pp. 240. OUR NEIGHBORHOOD: GOOD CITIZENSHIP IN RURAL COMMUNITIES. By John F. Smith. Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Company. pp. 262. SOCIAL INSURANCE IN THE UNITED STATES. By Gurdon Ransom Miller. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co. pp. 136. GO cents. By Lyman P. Powell and Gertrude W. Powell. Chicago: Rand McNally & Company. TEE STANDARD BEARERS. By Katherine Mayo. New York: Houghton Mifflin Co. pp. 324. $1.50. WELFARE AND HOUSING. A PRACTICAL RECORD OF WAR TIME MANAGEMENT. By J. E. Hutton. New Yorlr: Longmans, Green & Co. $1.50. FIRE WASTE IN CANADA. THE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRACY. OF REPORTS 1. Running a city by city managers has become an accepted fact in American municipal government. Over one hundred communities, big and little, have managers, and half of these managers are members of the city managers’ association. 2. City managers are realizing that their job is rapidly becoming a profession. Advancement as a profession depends upon co-operation, not only between managers but with organizations which are trying to make city government effective. 3. City managers are giving up the idea that they are the best judges of their own jobs, and are inviting outside critics to point out their cardinal virtues, and, also to indicate conditions which are neither cardinal nor virtuous. 4. While the engineers are still preferred as managers by small communities, the larger cities are getting away from the belief that every manager must be an

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512 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September ,engineer. The fact is being accepted that this job requires a capabIe and trained executive rather than the representative of any distinct profession. 5. Even the brief report of the manageys concerning the results in their cities indicate that un recedented results have been accomplishex. However, there are some shortcomings in the association which am emphasized by the reading of the booklet. City managers have apparently been too busy to realize that this plan of government must grow from year to yearl and adapt itself to bigger cities and different conditions if it is to be a real success. In the past four years not a material improvement has been made in the city-manager plan laid down in the Dayton charter, and many of the errors of the Dayton charter have been copied in other charters. The managers have gotten together and talked about some of these errors, but have never done anything about them. From the floor of the convention they have raised such pertinent questions as how the corporation counsel or the city controller should be appointed. Sometimes on the floor, but more commonly in the ante-room or foyers they have discussed accounting and financial problems, records and reports. But few of these questions and little of the discussions have found their way into the year book. The managers have been too busy telling what they have done in their cities or rehearsing unimportant troubles which they have had. One committee which had to do with the overwhelming job of the standardization of records reported “progress” at the last meeting. An outsider who has been looking at the city manager job since it started would like to venture a suggestion or two. Suppose the managers next year take up some of the real problems which are bothering them, as well as a lot of others. For example: 1. What changes in the -Model City Charter of the National Mmcipal League have four years of city managers’ experience dictated? 2. What charter changes would secure the principles of the city manager plan for the big er city without committing its sled lengtf to the term city managerlwhich most of our larger communities dislike? 3. What are the qualifications which go to make up a good manager? And with these qualifications in hand how should a city start out to hunt a manager so as to eliminate the present bungling and chance selections? 4. What are some of the common accounting problems which are met in every mall city, and how much could the city managers’ association help by laying down some simple fundamental principles? 5. How far would a knowledge of the cost of service help city managers in little towns and big cities, and what can the city managers do to get these costs? 6. What has :experience shown to be the best methods of keeping the public in touch with city governments? And can theae methods be forrnul&ed into a definite program which any city manager can follow whether he bas a ‘‘news instinct ” or not? These are just a few of the things in which it is possible that the city managers might help others as well as themselves. It is fully realized that at every convention the delegates want to tell what they have done in the past year; also by long established custom they want to hear some other fellows tell what they would have done. But after all this there is some time left for sawing wood. A convention lasts three days and the city manager job lasts twelve months in every year. From one point of view a small part of this time would be well spent in hunting up the solution of some real questions. If the city managers don’t do these things the National Municipal League or the Governmental Research Association will come along and do it for them,-which would be most discourteous. LENT D. UPSON. * Citizens’ Business.‘Some one has said of the municipal research movement * that it is an effort to build a brick house without mortar. Substantial materials are available, but the elements that give the move1 With ~pecisl reference to the publications of the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research. *See National Municipal Review, vol. v, pp. 278,652,854. ’

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 513 ment distinction are lacking. There are those who suggest that the materials have not been used with sufficient skill or with the exceptional skill required. Doubtless this is a factor, but it is not the only explanation of the fact that the bureau movement has not become “popular.” I prefer to attribute this condition of affairs to the fact that the movement has to do with subjects that are frightfully uninteresting to the layman; accounts, purchasing methods, cost records, statistics of all sorts. It is not of these that the issues of life are made. The average American can be stirred only by moral questions. The school system, the fairness of wages, vice, graft-all of which have direct ethical implications-are fair subjects of controversy. They are the popular material for a political discussion. But make a party program out of the objects of attention of the average bureau and see how much popular interest can be stirred up! It will create as much interest as the usual college skeleton and will be treated with about as much reverence. Consciously or unconsciously bureau men have recognized this fact; witness their efforts at “publicity.” To be sure not all bureau productions are as dry as dust even though they treat of nonpopular subjects. Bureau men write and speak in a human vein and are admirably human themselves. Both in personnel and in results the movement has almost fifty seven varieties. It varies too from time to time within each bureau;-in Philadelphia and elsewhere, as well as in New York. Hence it is hard to generalize concerning “Citizens’ Business.” More than one bureau man has admitted that these little “salt and pepper” bulletins have been used as a means of interesting contributors to the treasury. At least one bureau is very loath to send copies of its bulletin to persons from whom financial assistance cannot be expected. That an appeal for funds is not made directly in the bulletin means nothing. Flank movements on private sources of financial assistance are usually the most effective. The tactics of some bureaus are such as 5 to make it quite evident that their bulletins are designed to appeal to the prospective contributor patron as well as the captured patron. This is a legitimate method. One gets a good impression, however, when the Philadelphia brand comes out squarely in an appeal for funds from time to time. Moreover the Philadelphia bulletin has several hundred subscribers who are not contributors to the support of the bureau. “Citizens’ Business” is not of itself an effective means of publicity. In no city is its circulation wide enough to have much effect on the public mind. The underlying mumption on which the preparation of most bulletins depends is that the average “tired” business man is also too busy to read an extended article on public questions. His attention must be secured by means of brief and pointed statements of the case. Hence all of the arts of commercial advertising are used. Without doubt, as a means of reaching this class of readers, (which is usually the class that contributes) “Citizens’ Business’’ is effective, provided the editorial work is well done. Perhaps, too, these bulletins have the effect of securing newspaper publicity which would not be provided otherwise. The bulletin makes “news.” The claim that this sort of pamphlet is written not so much for the limited number who actually receive them a.7 for the wider public which will read them through newspaper summaries has much weight. Unfortunately, however, when published in the newspapers the statement usually loses a good deal of its effectiveness by reason of the omission of the advertising display features designed for the busy business man. An interview “hung” on a prominent citizen would be more in keeping with newspaper methods and more effective. All sides of the question considered, I beJieve the publicity value of bulletins known in most cities as “citizens’ business” has been grossly exaggerated and in some cities it is doubtful whether their purpose had or has anything to do with bona jide publicity.

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514 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September The quality and character of the Philadelphia issue have varied a great deal from year to year and from week to week. The subject matter varies from “what is a bureau’’ to “Athletics 64iants 4” (apropos of municipal statistics) ; from “milk for babies” (with illustrations) to “municipal accounting.” The attitude toward the personnel of Philadelphia’s city government has varied too; there is very little of the vindictive in recent yean; the eyes are on the ultimate goal of human needs. They have a distinctly social tinge too; they are visionary in the acceptable sense. There is a distinct flavor of intellectual honesty and fearlessness about Citizens’ Business in that city. When the Philadelphia bureau sent out hundreds of bills some weeks ago to readers who had been receiving Citizens’ Business for a year through a mass subscription, it received a few cards saying that the bulletin was worthless, but a great many more readers were cordially appreciative and a considerable proportion of the group subscribed for the current year. The Philadelphia bureau has an honorable and growing place not only in Philadelphia but also among civic workers generally. No one will question the statement that the bulletin has had something to do with this condition of affairs. To the mind of the writer thCe does not seem to be any clear-cut policy or understanding concerning the nature and purpose of this type of publication. Some bureaus do not uae the form at all. Usually those bureaus which need funds least either do not use this method of publicity at all or use it least. In other cities it haa the characteristics of an inheritance from the psst with which the present director scarcely knows what to do. The Philadelphia issue has still a little of th+ I. The whole situation calls for a comp sifting ta the end that every element 7f ”he problem may be brought out in relief and a clear-cut policy made available for adoption. As it is, the bopeless mixture of purposes involved in the contents of the average edition of Cilizas’ B-siness creates a somewhat nondescript result. However, by clearly stating its appeal for funds when necessrtw and by fearlessly discussing public questions with obvious intellectual honesty, the Philadelphia bureau has helped to clear the air. W. 1. DONALD. * The New Traction Problem.’-Anyone who picks up Mr. Shonts’s pamphlet with the expectation of getting really new ideas about transit matters in it is likely to be greatly disappointed. The treatise is mainly a, defense of the Interborough company and its methods of handling traffic in New York City. There are figures and statistics given to show how great the transportation problem of New York is, and how difficult the situation is to handle. But there is nothing really new in the facts given and no indications of any policy on the part of the Interborough company in meeting the growing congestion on the rapid transit lines in New York City. Mr. Shonts’s pamphlet appears to be a part of the publicity campaign which has been carried on for some time in New York City with the evident idea of convincing the public that the Interborough management is in no way responsible for the over-crowding of its cars, for the congestion in the subway, for accidents and interruptions in service. The real aim behind the.campaign was not apparent at first, but now it would look m though Mr. Shonts’s real purpose was to work up a public sentiment in favor of his company, which would support him in his recent agitation for six cent fares on the rapid transit lines. While the publicity work was very ably handled, and the Interborough company may have gained something in the good will of the public, by the lavish display of reading matter in the car windows, when it came to the suggestion of paying an extra cent as the price for reading all the posters, the public balked most decidedly, and the campaign for higher fares has remained at a standstill. borough Rapid Transit Company. 1 By Theodore P. Shonts, president of the Inter

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 515 There is not much to be gained by criticising the Interborough company, as it is an institution which we must have with us in New York for a long time to come. But it is difficult for those who know the history of its management from its beginning not to take exception to a number of statements in the pamphlet if not to the whole document. Take the sentence on the very first page: “It is a portentous fact that no increase of transit facilities, no matter how great, has ever permanently relieved congestion.” Instead of this it is a fact, altogether too well known, that the Interborough company has believed congestion such a profitable thing for its business that it has never made any real effort to reduce it materially or to avoid it in the future. When the New York subway was first opened, the company adopted a type of car which was already obsolete because of its slowness of loading and unloading; its small size and its extremely limited seating capacity. The dimensions of this first type of car have never been changed, and while one more door has been added and the size of all openings widened, the latest cars have even fewer seats than the first cars, and the comfort of cross seats has been entirely eliminated. And yet, by following the far-sighted example of European railways, the Interborough company could not only have furnished 100 seats in their cars in place of the present 44, and been giving practically a seat to every passenger throughout the day, but by so doing could have effected such an economy of operation as to make it pay to scrap all the obsolete car bodies and earn a handsome profit on new bodies as-’well as paying dividends on the old ones. If the Interborough management only had a little more public spirit and a little less of the blind belief that nothing pays better than congestion and strap-hangen, Mr. Shonts would not have to be trying to convince the people to-day that overcrowding is unavoidable, and that the increase of the riding habit in New York City will always keep ahead of facilities that can be furnished. A great deal is said about the magnitude of the dual subway system now approaching completion in New York. Without disparaging the planning and construction of that system in any way, a fundamental mistake was made in not increasing the capacity of the first subway to the limit instead of waiting years for the completion of new lines, undertaken at a fabulous cost and with street obstructions about which Mr. Shonts haa been constantly complaining to the authorities. It waa long ago found perfectly feasible from both engineering and operating standpoints to run fifteen or even twentycar trains in the first New York subway. Twenty-car trains would have doubled the capacity of the subway and while their adoption in the rush hours would have required the lengthening of the stations and re-arrangement of signals, the cost of such changes would have been small compared with the cost of entirely new lines, while the doubling of capacity could have been obtained in a period of time short in comparison with that taken to build the dual system. If the Interborough management had really honestly tried to relieve congestion in New York City, it might be furnishing in the present subway to-day at least five times as many seats per hour as are now furnished, by the relatively simple improvements of modern cam and longer trains. And if it were doing this, Mr. Shonts would have had something really worth writing about instead of trying vainly to prove that the problem of meeting congestion is an insoluble one. The real “new traction problem” today is how to get companies like the Interborough to take a broader viewpoint, and to really try to give adequate service, instead of conducting publicity campaigns to prove why it cannot be done. The idea that it is impoa .ble to furnish every passenger with a seat even in the New York subway, is one which never had any real basis of fact, as conclusively shown by European experience. And yet most. American railway men, like Mr. Shonta, influenced by the belief that congestion pays, and failing to really try to relieve it, still go on claiming that sufficient seats

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516 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW[September are impossible, and still manage to convince the public that they are right. As long as the companies fail to see their shortsightedness, and as long as the public is content to put up with overcrowding, it seems hopeless to try to change existing conditions. As the new lines of the dual system are put into operation, it will be possible by reducing the train service to the minimum, to keep the trains of the new routes overcrowded from the day of opening and Mr. Shonts may be able to go on for some years contending that congestion can never be caught up with. The chief hope for the improvement of transportation in our cities lies in the war. The way in which so many business men have undertaken to help the government, and the steady growth of patriotism, all lead to the possibility that the electric railway owners and managers may see the light of day and become imbued with a new spirit of service. And yet, the electric railway industry was never Bt a lower ebb than it is just now. All overfhe country, companies are taking advantage of the war to demand an unwarranted raise of fares, without making any pretense at trying to keep down the rising costs of operation by war time economies. Employees are even being encouraged to strike in order to force the public to consent to paying higher rates. Some companies are trying to use war prices as a basis for excessive valuations, in order to justify excessive capitalization and excessive rates of return. In almost every case the higher fares bring in no increased return and yet so selfish are the motives behind the movement for higher fares that the companies go on raising their rates just the same regardless of the results in other places. Mr. Shonts himself is one of those who have been most active in the campaign for higher fares. But, fortunately for the people of New York City, the public service commission of the &st district has not been stampeded by the insistent demands for higher fares, nor misled by the arguments of higher costs. Nor has it yielded to external pressure to do what was neither fair nor lawful, and, unlike the up-state New York commission, it took the 6rm stand from the outset that a municipal franchise is a contract, binding on both parties, and not to be overthrown at will by either a company or a public service commission. Upheld in this same position by the court of appeah in the Rochester fare case, the New York City commission deserves the praise of every believer in municipal home rule and its clean-cut recent decisions are a warning that no company within its jurisdiction can use the war as an excuse for excessive capitalization or unfair rates.’ JOHN P. Fox. * Civic Organizations and Chicago’s Fiscal Problems.-Considerable reductions in revenues available for the corporate purposes of the city of Chicago, due to a falling off in miscellaneous revenues, notably those derived from liquor licenses, placed the ‘Chicago city council in a position of extreme parsimony in making up its 1918 budget. The finance committee of the city council last November asked Governor Lowden to call a special session of the Illinois general assembly in order that the city’s corporate tax rate might be substantially increased by law. The governor, forseeing that either hast,y legislation would be rushed through, or the money and energy of the state would be taken for a long legislative controversy, told the city fathers if they would go back and get the agreement of the civic bodies of Chicago and of a substantial majority of the Chicago delegation in the general assembly to a definite legislative program, he then would consider the request. Governor Lowden’s action has given to the civic bodies a position of responsibility and importance which it is hoped will prove of real value to the community. Thus far they have held the lid down against all efforts for purely makeshift measures and their opportunity to exert constructive influence at the next regular session of the general assembly would appear promising. A joint committee composed of mem1 This article was written early in July.

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 517 bers of the council finance committee and of state senators and representatives from Chicago districts held several public hearings at which representatives of civic organizations were present. This committee then framed a program of proposed measures for enactment at a special session, which program, however, was rejected almost unanimously by the Chicago organizations, and never wa.s taken up with Governor Lowden. Several of the leading organizations published valuable educational literature during the period of these negotiations. The most exhaustive treatment of the city’s first request for financial-assistance was published by the Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency under the title “Chicago’s financial dilemma.” It pointed out progressive impairment, to the point of exhaustion, of the city‘s working capital; criticized an absence of careful analysis 011 t,he part of the city of probable revenues, a.nd Suggested that the bureau would be glad to join in a request for emergency relief when the need therefor was stated in budgetary terms and accompanied by a constructive program of legislation looking toward a permanent improvement in Chicago’s financial system. The woman’s city club in a. communication, “Concerning the cit.y’s present financial situat.ion and some available remedies,” laid particular stress upon variclus economies and administrative reforms which had been proposed from time to time in official reports and otherwise, but never acted upon, and suggested t,hat a more accurate statement of the financial situation probably would show the additional revenues needed for 1918 to be considerably less than the $5,000,000 requested by the joint committee. (The fist request of the hance committee had shown a deficit of $7,500,000.) The citizens’ association in its Bulletin Xo. 39 pointed out to its members that t,he association’s refusal to give its endorsement at this time to the joint committee’s appeal for a special session was not prompted by indifference to the city’s real needs but was due to the failure of the joint committee to outline any definite policy of retrenchment or of seeking fundamental reforms. A bill to provide non-partisan elections for municipal officials was emphasized in this Bulletin as legislation which should accompany any taxincrease. The civic federation of Chicago in its monthly bulletins, “published for the information of taxpayers and citizens,” has given considerable attention to the municipal situation. In Bulletin No. 17, the advantages which have followed Governor Lowden’s reorganization of the Illinois state government upon a modern business basis were cited as a reason why the reorganization of the Chicago city government along the general line suggested in the council-manager plan of the Chicago bureau of public efficiency should be included in any special session call that might be issued. This Bulletin also showed discrepancies in the city’s preliminary fiscal statement; showed how the operation of the Juul law would always embarrass the city’s finances, and urged economies and the framing of a constructive program based on a careful survey of Chicago’s needs. Bulletin No. 18 criticised in detail the proposals of the joint committee. The Chicago association of commerce, the Chicago real estate board and other prominent organizations, while publishing no literature on the subject, replied to the city that a more definite and a more satisfactory program would have to be submitted before they could join in asking for a special session to increase municipal taxes. The council finally passed its appropriation ordinance for 1918 strictly upon a basis of revenues actually in sight, making curtailments where necessary, except that salary increases were granted to all employees receiving $1,800 a year or less. This was made possible by certain citizens who had not taken part in the special session negotiations, and who agreed to advance the $1,757,000 necessary to meet this increase. They will be repaid in judgment vouchers bearing five per cent interest per annum until redeemed. The latest Bdetin of the Civic Federation

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518 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September (No. 24) relates that requests for supplemental appropriations totalling more than $15,000,000, and including more than B,OOO,OOO of outstanding debts other than bonded indebtedness have been presented to the council finance committee, but have received only superficial consideration. Failure to take action until after July 1 (the last date for passing supplemental appropriation ordinances), this Bulletin points out, will merely defer the solution of a vexing problem and will relieve neither taxpayers nor city officials from serious troubles, which will be thrashed out before the general assembly next winter in all probability. 9 “Story of the Detroit Police Department.”’-The annual report of that department for the year ending June 30, 1917, is a volume “arranged as a classbook for Detroiters, young and old, in school and out. . . . ” This report is of particular interest because it is compiled and published not merely as a matter of annual habit, but with the conscious purpose of making it usable. To help attain the end in view, the superintendent of schools was induced to co-operate by having the report used as a supplementary text in civics. The book was attractively arranged, interesting photographs were judiciously used, and in every way was made easy to read. In its aims and methods this volume is a recognition of an important function of municipal departments, which is usually neglected. It contains, however, considerable extraneous matter which defeats the purpose of an annuaI departmental statement. So far as general articles such as “European Police Systems,” “Relative Problems of Health and Crime,” “American Municipal Progress,” fire prevention rules, Rudyard Kipling’s poem, “If,” “Story of the Animal Welfare Association of Detroit,” and others of a similar nature are of interest, they interfere with the real object of an annual police department report, which should be to tell whether crime is on the increase 1 Annual report of the police department, City of Detroit, for year ending June 30. 1917. or decrease, what the department did during the period in question, what progress was made as compared with previous periods, what problems confront it and what the program is for the subsequent year or years. Like the reports of other police departments, big and little, no relationship is shown between complaints received and their disposition, although the disposition of arrests is recorded. Nor does this report, in common with police department reports generally, contain any information to indicate how the public can do its share in helping to reduce crime and to preserve law and order. In the last analysis, if crime is to be reduced, a police department must get the co-operation of the community, through a comprehension of its aims, and sympathy with its policies. The police force itself is necessarily limited in the preventive work it can do unless every person in the community takes measures to make it more difficult to commit offenses or crimes. To accomplish this, it is essential for the department to communicate with the people through reports, annual or quarterly or both, newspaper articles, special feature stories, bulletins and any other meam by which the people of a community can learn the facts about the problems of the department and what the public should do to help solve them. Detailed analyses of the cause of accidents, published not only in reports but spread throughout the city by newspapers and circulars posted in conspicuous places are attracting considerable attention. To get facts to the people is a most difficult performance in any event, but it is almost impossible to do it through the medium of a limited number of copies of an annual report sent to a select mailing lit. ARCH M. MANDEL. ?Ir ‘LMunicipal Affairs” of Milwaukee, published by the voters’ league of Milwaukee, was temporarily suspended with its July issue. The other activities of the league will be continued as usual because “good municipal government is as essential now as ever-if not more so. Careful

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 519 records of officials will be kept, m usual, for the voters will want to know how their local officials attended to their duties, and how well they supported the national government when called upon, when their terms expire. There can be no relaxation in work such as this especially at a time when public attention is focused largely on national matters. ‘War must not destroy civic efficiency.’ ” * The 1916-19x8 Hand-Book of the Civics Department of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs, prepared by Mrs. Bessie Leach Priddy, Chairman (502 Forest Ave., Ypsilanti, Mich., price 15 cents), deserves more than passing mention because it represents the high water mark of the civic activity of the most progressive women’s organizations. The Civics Department has been attempting to reply helpfully to an astonishingly large number of inquiries, not only from women’s clubs but from a variety of organizations and individuals. The hand book is the result. Through it Mrs. Priddy hopes more easily to meet the appeak for information, to secure continuity of efort on the part of civic chairmen, and to provide a basis for cumulative work in the future. The nhe sections of the pamphlet cover such topics as The city political,” “The city sanitary,” ‘‘ The city beautiful,” ‘‘ The city social,” ‘‘ Education for citizenship,’’ and “Americanization.” In each section a brief introduction is followed by suggestions for programs and other activities of clubs. The bibliographical notes and suggestions for civic workers should be especially helpful to those for whom they are designed. * Civic News in Tabloid Form.1-Among all the current civic publications there are few that are shorter or easier to read than “Women and the City’s Work,” the 1“Wornen and the City’s Work,” published by the Woman’s Municipal League of New York, 110 West 40th Street, New York. Agnes de Lima, editor. weekly bulletin of the woman’s municipal league of New York. It is a little fourpage leaflet which fits easiiy into an ordinary envelope and which seldom runs over one thousand or fifteen hundred words. But a remarkable amount of civic truth can be told in that space and because of its brevity the bulletin is probably more widely read than most civic leaflets. One leading fact of civic or social sign5cance a week is taken up and dealt with in as short, concise and pithy a manner as possible so that she who runs may read. Ordinary notices of league activities are printed in smaller type on the fourth page of the bulletin. The following titles represent some of the subjects treated this .year: “The Schools and New Yorlc’s Mayoralty Campaign”; “Fusion’s Failure and Women’s Opportunity”; “A Call to Service Among New Americans in New Yorlr City”; “Women and the New Citizenship” ; “First Aid to New Voters”; “Raising Advertising Standards”; “Women in Men’s Places-the Need for a National Policy”; “Shall the Parole Commission be Abolished”; “Facts about New York’s Underfed School Children’’-a plea for school lunches; “Is ‘Labor’ Against Reform?”; “Labor and the New Social Order-Program of the British Labor Party”; “The Baby and the Draft”; “The City as a Foster Mother”-an account of the children’s home bureau. Members of the league and civic workers find the bulletin useful and suggestive. Teachers of civics in the public schools have often ordered several hundred copies of a given issue containing an account of some city department and of course those issues which deal with some controversial problem such as the choice of a new city superintendent or the Gary plan have been ordered reprinted in great numbers. The bulletin wm expanded into a pamphlet to make a report two years ago on the Gary plan and this report,“Modern Schools for New York City,” has been generally used RS a textrbook and work of reference by school workers everywhere.

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520 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September War Activities in Madison, Wisconsin. -The Madison association of commerce, of which Don E. Mowry is general secretary, has issued a little booklet of 46 pages containing a very full directory of Madison’s war activities. Whether this really is the first directory of the kind for any city, as is claimed, it would be well if every city were provided with such a useful compilation revised at short intervals. The mere cataloguing of existkg activities ought to have the effect of centralizing and co-ordinating them, and at the same time checking the organization of unnecessary agencies. Q New York Municipal Reference Library Publications.-This interesting institution has begun the publication of a series of special pamphlets dealing with matters of interest to the users of the library. The first is entitled “What to Read on New York City Government,” and is prepared by Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr., the librarian. The other is by Ina Clement on “Teaching Citizenship via The Movies.” It is a most interesting survey of civic motion pictures and their availability for use by municipalities. It contains some admirable suggestions concerning the need for a film libraiy and a bibliography of available films dealing with such questions as Americanization, child welfare, education, crime and criminals, municipal government, milk supply, fire protection and prevention, health problems, police, safety, roads and pavements, and public utilities. * Akron Municipal University.--A section of the annual report of the president of the Municipal University of Akron, published in the bulletin of the university for April, 1918, emphasizes, chiefly by means of photographs, the close relation between the university and the municipal government and the city’s industries. The bureau of city tests, maintained at the university, makes chemical, bacteriological and physical tests for various city departments. Akron’s manufacturing plants co-operate with the university by employing engineering students so that they gain practical as well as theoretical training. An illustration of the way in which a municipal university may adapt its curriculum to local needs is the course on the chemistry of rubber which the Miinicipal University of Akron offers. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 , Accounting COMSTOCK (L. Ii.). A method for a compensated wage by index numbers. (Jour. of accountancy, Jy., 1918: 1-22.) MEMPHIS. Manual of accounting procedure, City of Memphis. 1918. 157 pp. char@ statistics. MOREY (LLOYD). Financial reports of ublic institutions. (Jour. of Accountancy, fy., 1918: 33-37,) An address delivered at the annual convention of the Association of Business Officers of State Universities, Bloomington, Ind., 1918. Americanization ANON. Americanization. A problem in human engineering. (Engrg. News-Record, Je. 13, 1918: 116.) LOEB (MAX). Compulsory English for foreign-born. (Survey, Jy. 13, 1918: 426427. table.) See also Citizensbip. Baths BLISS (C. E.). Lar e outdoor swimming pool built in circufar form. Bottom 1Edited by Miss Alice M. Holden. Wellesley College. increasing in depth toward center is paved with reinforced concrete-water pumped from river and filtered. (Engrg. NewsRecord, May 23, 1918: 997-998. illus.) This pool is in an amusement park in Agawam. near Springfield, Mass. SMITH (CHARLES E.) and SCHOBERG (HERMAN M.). The sanitation of swimming pools-preliminary survey of local conditions. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 424-430.) . UNITED STATES. PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE. The application of ozone to the purification of swimming pools, by W. A. Manheimer. 1918. 8pp. (Reprint no.456.) Charters ANON. The purpose of the proposed new charter as defined by the Charter Board [in Baltimore]. (Baltimore Mun. Jour., Je. 7, 1918.) BALTIMORE. Charter. A charter for the City of Baltimore prepared b the Charter Board elected at the generarelection held . on the 6th day of November, 191i. 1918. 156 pp.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 521 DETROIT BUREAU OF GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH. Detroit’s new charter. Je. 1, 1918. , 4 pp. (No. 19.) Consists mainly of a chart of government as proCitizenship ASPINWALL (WILLIAM B.). Making citizenship training effective. (Educ., Je., posed by the new charter. See also Americanization, Motion Pictures. 1918: 733-739.) BAKER (S.), Education in citizenship. L1918.1 3 pp. typewritten. The author is bitv Clerk. London. Ontario, Cannda. BROWN (HORACE G.). The part of normal schools in the training of the new citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918: 767-771.) HART (A. B.). The lesson of the obligation of citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918: 740-754.) MILLS (LEWIS S.). Purposes, sources and methods in the teaching of citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918: 754-766.) OS~ORNE (T. M.). The man, the citizen and the community. (Educ., Je., 1918: -791 .) TION. Education in patriotism. A synopsis of the agencies at work. Apr., 1918. 10 pp, (Teachers’ leaflet no. 2.) UNITED STATES. BuREaU OF EDUCAWEBSTER (A. G.). Foreign versus ilmerican ideals of citizenship. (Educ., Je., 1918: 772-774.) The above items, from Education, for June, 1918, xere addresses delivered at the Sixth Annual Conference on Rural Education. held at Worcester, Mass., March 15. 1918. City Managers ANON. Why some city managers fail. (Short Ballot Bul., Je., 1918: [l-21.) yearbook. Proceedings of the Society, fourth annual meeting held at Detroit, Nov. 19-21, 1917. Achievement reports. May, 1918. 128 pp. CITY MANAGERS’ -4SSOCIATION. Fourth The secretary of the Association is hlr. Harrison G. Otis, Auburn, Me. REED (THOMA* H.). Some things engineers serving &s city managers may be expected to meet. Notes based on two years’ experience at San Jos&-Accounting, civil service, legal, ‘health, fire, police, engineering and political problems solved. (Engrg. News-Record, Jy. 25, 1918: 177179.) Civil Service DANA (RICHARD HENRY). Address of the President. Thirty-seventh annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League, held at New York City, April SIMONS (S. C.). Honesty is not enough. Los Angeles County auditor now selected, instead of elected. Progress in city also. 11, 1918. 18pp. (Good Govt., Jy., 1918: 101-103.) Community Centers See also Citizenship. ANON. List of references on community centers; their organization and application. to war work. (Special Libraries, Je., 1918: 149.) COLLIER (JOHN). The community movement in the world crisis. (Rep. of 16th an. meeting, Canadian Conference of Charities and Correction, 1917: 56-63.) UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Lessons in community and national life, 1918. 6 pamphlets. 32 pp. each. (Community leaflets, nos. 19-24.) -A community center. What it is and how to organize it. Bv Henry E. Jackson. 1918. 82 pp. platei.. (Bid., 1918, no. 11.) . DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. Forestry and community development, by S. T. Dana. Apr. 8, 1918. 35 pp. plates. (Bul. no. 638.) WHITNEY (ANICE L.). Communal kitchens in European countries. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 58-63.) ~VOOD (ALBERT G.), Jr., Architect. Community homes. 1918. 25 pp. lans. Co ies may be obtained from Albert Woodl Esq., Correction ANDERSON (VICTOR V.). The relationship,of mental defect and disorder to delinquency. Je., 1918. [9 pp 1. CABOT (FREDERICK P.). The juvenile delinquent. Je., 1918. [lo pp.], 141 8onnecticut Ave.. Detroit. The two nbove-mentioned amphleta were published by the Massaehusetts $ommission on Probation. COUMONWEALTH CLUB OF CALIFORNIA. Legislative control of courts. (Transactions, Je., 1918: 123-163.) GLUECR (BERNARD). Concerning prisoners. (Mental Hygiene, Apr., 1918: 177218. Charts.) WILSON (ROLAND K.). The cost of civil justice: who should pay it? (Athenaeum, Je., 1918: 261-264.) Education See also Americanization, Citiaenship, Motion Pictures, Plumbing, Schools, Social Work. DOOLEY (W. H.). Special needs of evening technical schools. (IndustrialArts Mag., Jy., 1918: 251-253.) GESELL (ARNOLD). What can the teacher do for the .deficient child? A manual for teachers in rural and graded schools. 1918. 47 pp. (Conn. School Doc. no. 5-1918.) [HARPER (GRACE S.)] Vocational reeducation for war cripples in France. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 72-76.) Excerpts from a longer report. HENNING (A. E.). Vocational departments in high schcol or separate voca

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522 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September tional schools? (Industrial-Arts Mag., SMITH (PAYSON). Limitations of state control in education. (School and Society, Apr. 6, 1918: 391-394.) UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Certain defects in American education and the remedies for them. By Charles W. Eliot. Je., 1918. 8 pp. (Teachers’ leaflet no. 5.) -. FEDERAL BOARD FOR VOCATIONAL EDUCATION. Agricultural education. Organization and administration. Mar., 1918. 43 pp. (Bul. no. 13.) -. Emergency war training for airplane mechanics, engine repairmen, woodworkers, riggers, and sheet-metal workers. Apr., 1918. 59 pp. (Bul.no. 12.) UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN. AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION. Rural relations of high schools. By C. J. Galpin and J. A. Jones. March, 1918. 44 pp. (Bul. 288.) WILLIAMS (HENRY G.). The state’s relation to public education. (Ohio Teacher, Mar., 1918: 339-344.) Fire Protection See also Pensions. ANON. Fire department statistics. Compiled from special reports to Fire and Water Engineering. Parts 1-2. (Fire and Water Engrg., Apr. 10, May 29, 1918: 260; 414-415.) Compressed oxygen breathing apparatus in fire departments; by Rescue, pseud. (Fire Engr., May, 1918: 156-1 58. illus. ) . Fire fighting; by High Pressure, pseud. (Fire En r., May, 1918: 153-155.) . The buifding up of a great fire department. Three-quarters of a century in the history of Chicago’s fire fighting force-how it began and developed-some of the early chiefs-ffects of the great fire. (Fireman’s Herald, May 25,1918: 445446. HARTY (PHILIP J.) and HOLMES (N. V.). The fire protection of industrial plants. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 37-39. Health Insurance See also Pensions. Jy., 1918: 258-259.) illus.) COMMITTEE ON INDUSTRIAL BETPERMENT OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS. Special report on minimum wage and sickness insurance. Mav. “I ~~~ 1918. 5-pp. HAYHURST (EMERY R.). Health insur(Ohio State Med. Jour., May, 1918: ance. .. 270-274.) MURPHY (DANIEL C.). Health insuranceendorsed by workers. 1918. 4 pp. 2, 1918. NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCE BOARD. Sickness insurance or siclcness .prevention? May, 1918. 24 pp. (Research Rep. no. 6.) Reprinted from San Francisco Bulletin for Mar. NEW YORK STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR. COMMITTEE ON HEALTH. Health insurance. 1. Official endorsement of the New York State Federation of Labor. 2. Discussion of bill endorsed by New York State Federation of Labor. 3. Advantages to industry. 1918. 16, 20, 16 pp. Prevention us. insurance. (New Republic, Jy. 27,. 1918: 364.) ance or Sickness Prevention” (See above). SECOND NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF HEALTH INSURANCE COMMISSIONERS. Proceedings of Conference held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 13 and 14, 1918. 224 pp. (Amer. Labor Leg. Rev., Je., 1918.) Heating and Ventilating HOFFMAN (G. D.), Reasons for failures of heating svstems. (Metal Worker. RUBINOW (I. M.). A critical review of report on “Siclcness InsurPlumber aid steam Fitter, Jy. 12, 1918; 30-34. illus.) What it pays to know about heating and ventilating. I. Findine the svstem that fits vour needs. HUBBARD (CHARLES L.). (FactoFy, Jy.,: 24-27. ihus.) N~QREN (WERNER). Development in heating and ventilation during the past five decades. (Rec. and Guide, Mar. 23, 1918: sec. 3, 4445, 49. illus.) Housing ANON. How Erie is solving the housing problem. Home-building work being carried out by the General Electric and American Brake Shoe & Foundry companies. (Iron Age, May 30, 1918. 1385-1389. illus.) -, The British hostels for munition workers. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 206-210.) Surveying for housing projects. (Mun. jour., Jy. 13,1918: 28-29.) . From the instructions issued by the Bureau of Industrial Housing and Transportation of the Department of Labor. CHILDS (RICHARD S.). The first war emergency government towns for ship yard workers. I. “Yorkship Village” at Camden, N. J. 1918. 11 pp. illus., plans. COMMITPEE ON NEW INDUSTRIAL TOWNS. A self-owning town. A report to Mr. F. P. Palen, vice-president Newport News Shipbuilding and Dr Dock Company, regarding a co-partnerstip scheme for Hilton. [1918.] 19 pp. The several publications of the Committee on New Industrial Towns may be secured by application at 381 Fourth Ave., New York City. . Self-owning towns of tomorrow. I-IX. [1918.] 9 sheets. ESTEP (EDWIN R.). Destinies of labor revised by war. Solvin the new problems of the turnover-8uccessful housebuilding experiments in war-working centers are being copied throughout the country. 1. Erie, Pennsylvania. (Leslie’s Weekly, Jy. 27, 1918: 114-115, 130. illus.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY ' 523 GREELEY (W. R.). Use of government money for house building. With a short preliminary discussion on beauty. (Amer. HUTTON (J. E.). Welfare and housing. 1918. 192 pp. A book containing specific treatment of practical JOURNAL OF AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTS. The housing problem in war and peace. A symposium. 1918. 120 pp., including 65 pp. of illustrations. MAGNUSSON (LEIFUR). A modern industrial suburb. 1918. 25 pp. illus., chartu, tables. Arch., Jy. 24, 1918: 97-100.) matters. Reprinted from Monthly Review of thc U. S. Bureau of Labor Ststistics for April, 1918. . Financial aspects of war housing in Great Britain. (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Statistics, Je., 1918: 201-206.) NOLEN (JOHN). The housing problem in war and peace. (Amer. Industries, Je., 1918: 40.) SWAN (H. S.). Copartnership in England, a review of the British movement for group ownership of small towns. 1918. T e two above articles have been reprinted by the Committee on New Industrial Towns, 381 Fourth Ave.. New York City, from the Journal of the American Institute of Architects for May and June, 1918, respectively. 16 gp. UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR. BUREAU OF INDUSTRIAL HousING AND TRANSPORTATION. Standards recommended for permanent industrial housing developments. 1918. 15 pp. VEILLER (LAURENCE). Industrial housing developments in America. Pt. IV. A colony in the Blue Ridge Mountains at Erwin, Tenn.: Grosvenor Atterbury, Architect and Town Planner. (Architectural Record, Je., 1918: 547-559. plans, illus.) . Industrial housing developments in America. Pt. V. Triumphing over the gridiron pIan a development at Elizabeth, N. J. (Architectural Record, Jy., 1918: 49-58. illus., plans.) WHITING (R. S.). Housing and industrg. March, 1918. . 24 pp., illus., plans: Industry and Public Welfare ANON. The safety spirit in the plant. 1918. 4 pp. (Preventive Appliances, Supplement to Amer. Industries, Je., 1918. illus.) EMERY (JAMES A.). Public affairs and industry. (Amer. Industries, Je., 1918: 33-34,44.) NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCE BOARD. Hours of work as related to outut and health of workers. Cotton manufacturing. Mar., 1918. 64 pp. (Research Rep. no. 4.) ublished by Engineering Bureau, Nationa Lum ber Manufacturers' Association, 925 Lumber Exchange, Chicago. See also Fire Protection, Housing. Labor CONNORS (JOHN R.), SAPOSS (DAVID J.), SUMNER (HELEN L.), MITTLEMAN (E. B.), HOAGLAND (H. E.), ANDREWS (JOHN B.), and PERLMAN (SELIQ). History of labor in the United States. 2 vols. 1918. 623,620 pp. HART (HORNELL). Fluctuations in unemployment in citiea of the United States, 1902 to 1917. (Studies from the Helen S. Trounstine Foundation, May 15, 1918. The o5ce of the Helen S. Trounstine Foundation is at 809-10 Neave Bldg., Cincinnati. KELLY (ROY W.), Hiring the worker. 1918. 250 pp.? plates. The author B director of the Harvarcl Bureau of Vocational Guidance. LESCOHIER (Don D.). A clearing-house for labor. (Atlantic Monthly, Je., 1918: The author is superintendent of the hlinn. Public pp. 47-59.) 773-783. ) Employment Bureau. Laws and Ordinances MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. Summary of laws and ordinances applying to streets and public places in the City of New York and the duty of police officers and citizens in connection therewith. Rev. to Jan. 1, 1918. 1918. 80 PP. [NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS. COMMITTEE ON UNIFORM STATE LAWS.] Why uniform state laws are needed. Statutory requirements of corporations doing business in states other than their own domicile. A comparative digest. . , (Amer. Industries, Jy., 1918: 2L28.) Lighting CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, KANSAS CITY Mo. SPECIAL GAS COMMITTEE. A proposed solution of the gas problem. Prepared by the Department of Civics. May, 1918. 31 pp. HARRISON (WARD). Fundamentals of illumination design. Pt. 111. Reflections and enclosing glassware. (Gen. Elec. Rev., Jy., 1918: 48-90. illus.) The two precedmg instslments of the series dealt with some of the fundamentalconcepts of the science of illumination and with some of the factors which enter into illumination design. HINMAN (L. E.). Economy effected under municipal control of street lighting in Medford, Oregon. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 44-47. illus.) UNITED STATES. ADVISORY COMMISSION-COUNCIL OF NATIONAL DEFENSE. COMMITTEE ON LABOR. Code of lighting for factories, mills and other work places, Report of Divisional Committee on Lighting, Section on Sanitation, Committee on Welfare Work. Jan., 1918. 26 pp. (Welfare Work Series, no. 3.) See also Rlunicipal Ownership.

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524 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September Motion Pictures NEW YORK CITY. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LIBRARY. Teaching citizenship via the movies. A survey of civic motion pictures and their availability for use by municipalities. By Ina Clement. Je. 26, 1918. ,323-539 pp. (Spec., rep. no. 2.) Contams a subject list of civic motion-picture films. Municipal Government and AdministraAMERICAN SOCIETY OF MUNICIPAL IMPROVEMENTS. Transactions . . for 1917-1918. 1918. 239 pp. (24th year. no. 3.) ANON. An important departure in building codes. (Amer. Arch., Jy. 3,1918: 25-30.) tion See also Charters, City Manager. Contains many valuable papers. Has reference to the new building code "now in process of conatruction" for Detroit. HORNER (W. W.). St. Louis checks public works but pushes post-war plans. Big sewer and paving programs head cut-local materiah go up-pbs for a6 projects being continued. (Engr . NewsRecord, Jy. 25, 1918: 172. chartj JAMES (HERMAN G.). Home rule in Texas. (Tex. Municipalities, May, 1918: MCALLISTER (W. F.). Practical methods for increasing efficiency in our small municipalities. (N. J. Municipalities, Je., 1918: 169-170, 185-186.) MILLSPAUGH (A. C.). Irre ular voting in the United States. (Pol. %ci. Quart., Je., 1918: 230-254.) MUNICIPAL UNIVERSITY OF AKRON. Extension work and cooperative activities. President's report. April, 1918. 30 pp, NEW YORK CITY. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LIBRARY. What to read on New York City government. A list of references. By Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr., librarian. (Notes, Je. 26, 1918: 315-320.) PUBLIC LIBRARY OF DES MOINES, IOWA. War time work of a public library. Being the thirty-sixth annual report . . for the year ending March 31,1918. 1918. 16 p. ~ULLIVAN (JAMES). The care of public records. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 33-36. illus.) Municipal Ownership ANON. San Francisco municipal bus line. COLLIER (R. G.). Public ownership making good. The story of Cleveland's electric light plants-conclusive proof that public ownership is better for you than private ownership. (Pearson's Mag., Mar., 1918.) THOMPSON (CARL D.). Municipal electric light plants in the United States and 67-76.) See also Lighting. (Mun. Jour., Apr. 27, 1918: 345.) Canada. 1918. 150 pp. (Bul. no. 1 of the Pub. Ownership League of Amer.) Chicago. Pensions The League's address is at 4131 N. Iieeler Ave., See also Health Insurance. NEW JERSEY. BUREAU OF STATE RESEARCH. Teachers' retirement systems in New Jersey, their fallacies and evolution. Introduction and Part I. 1918. 48 pp. (N. J. State Research Consecutive no. 10, Feb., 1918.) Reprint of the Introduction to the Monograph on the Teachers' retirement systems in New Jersey, their fallacies and evolution. [1918.] 16 pp. (State Research Consecutive no. 10.) Police, firemen's and other local employees' pension systems in New Jersey. 1918. 23 pp. (N. J. State Research Consecutive no. 11, Feb., 1918.) STUDENSKY !PAUL). The pension problem and the philosophy of contributions. 1917. 20pp. Periodical Publications Civic Affairs. Published by the Civic League of Cleveland. A bulletin on the public's business, No. 14 (Je., 1918) contains articles on "Paving" and on "Politics an appeal to practical citizenship." Public Roads. Vol. 1, no. 1, May, 1918. The new organ of the U. S. Office of Public Roads and Rural Engineering. to supplement its customary bulletins. The price is 15 cents to all except officials. Public Welfare. New organ of the National Public Welfare League. Information regarding the work of the League may he obtained from its vice-president, hfr. L. A. Halbert, eneral superintendent, Board of Public Welfare, Bansas City, MO. Published by Elgin Sales Corporation. Vol. 3, no. 1, Jy., . . Published under the aus ices of the Bureau of Municipal Research, New Sork City. 44 pp. illus., tables, charts. The Street Cleaner. 101Q Address, 501 Fifth Ave., New York City. The current issue (4 pp.) contains articles on "The CityManager plan," by Harrison G. Otis, and on" Motorized Buffalo." Playgrounds See also Baths. BATCHELOR (W. C.). Pure democrac in playground movement. (Playgroun$ Jy 1918: 141-146.) Mm. Plumbing GUSTAVSON (LOUIS), Vocational trainin for the plumbing trade. St. Louis sc!ool eves instruction to fit men to be leaders in trade. (Metal Worker, Plumber and Steam Fitter, May 17, 1918: 637-638, 653.) HOLMQUIST (C. A.). Principles of sanitary plumbing and drainage of buildings. (Metal Worker, Plumber and Steam Fitter, May 10, 1918: 601-604.) Sefers to the Greenwood Playground in Gardner.

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191q BIBLIOGRAPHY 525 Police and home defense guard manual. 149 pp. illus. See also Pensions. DAWKINS (WILLIAM A.). Police reserve 1918. A practical handbook, strongly endorsed by, eenent police officials, and said to be uruque in Its field. GRIFFITH (AUSTIN E.). The ideal policeman. [1918;] [~JPR;~ Reprinted from N. unicipalities, Sept., 1917. The author, whose address,is White Bldg., Seattle, Wash., is former chief of police in Seattle. Ports SAN FRANCISCO CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. COMMITTEE ON FREE PORT. Report to the United States Tariff Commission. 1918. 54pp. Power Plaits ANON. on land. The effect of daylight saving Data and curves showing how the daylight-saving law affects *pica1 central stations in the Middle West-no large coal saving-creation of a new evening valley. (Elec. World, May 11, 1918: 972-974. charts.) EVANS (IR-? N.). Co-operation of publicservice and isolated plants. (Power, Jy. 16, 1918: 88-90. tables.) Public Health See also Baths. COUNCIL FOR NATIONAL DEFENSE. COMMITTEE FOR CIVILIAN CO-OPERATION IN COMBATING VENEREAL DISEASES. List of reliable pamphlets. Il9lS.l 4 pp. Many publications on this subject, have been issued by the above Committee of the Council for Nahonal Defense. DUBLIN (LOUIS I.). A study of pellegra in the mortality experience of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, 19111916. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Jy., 1918: 488-493. tables.) HARKNESS (ROBERT R.) and TURNER (C. ELSMERE). A fling system for pubhc health literature. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Jy., 1918: 522-525.) Copies of the index may be secured from the Association, 126 Mass. Ave., Boston (10 cents, postage). HIJNT (RALPH H,). Mosquito control in New Jersey. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 421-423.) LARSON (J. H.). A maternity and infant welfare program for the United States. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Jy., 1918: 482-487.) MASSACHXISETTS SOCIETY FOR SOCIAL HYGIENE. Reading list on social hygiene. 1918. 11 pp. Boston. MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. Beware of the dangerous house fly. [1918.] 4 pp. (S cia1 bulletin.) RUEDIGER (GUSTAV 6. Rural health administration under the co-operative or local health district plan. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 406-411.) The Society's headquarters are at 50 Beacon St., SEARS (FREDERICK W.). Rural health administration under the state health district plan. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, Je., 1918: 412-416.) TRASK (JOHN W.). Health publicity an aid to co-operation between health deartment and citizen. (Amer. Jour. of hb. Health, Je., 1918: 417420.) UNITED STATES. PUBLIC HEALTR SERVICE. Stream pollution: a digest of judicial decisions and a compilation of legislation relating to the subject. By Stanley D. Montgomery and Earle B. Phelps. 1918. 408 pp. (Bul. no. 87.) Refuse and Garbage Disposal UNITED STATES FOOD ADMINISTRATION. GARBAGE UTILIZATION DIVISION. Garbage utilization, with particular reference to utilization by feeding. 1918. 21 pp. UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN. EXTENSION DIVISION. Food conservation through utilization of garbage waste. 1918. 12 pp. Roads and Highways The motor truck and trailer in road and street building, repair and maintenance [and cleaning.] (Better Roads and Streets, May, 1918: 181-193. illus.) BABCOCIC (DUDLEY P.) Ultimate costs of bituminous and waterbound macadam ANON. nearly equal in New York. (Engrg. NewsRecord, Jy. 11, 1918: 87-90. chart, tables.) BARNETT (R. (2.). Economic highway transDort.ation. (Good Roads. Mav 11. ,-, 1918241-245. ckagrs.) CANADIAN GOOD ROADS CONGRESS. Fifth annual session, May 8-10, 1918. General report of the proceedings [and papers presented.] (Canadian Engr., May 16, 1918: 42-50, 452.) The follomng papers are printed in connection with the above report: Abatement of the dust nuisance. by E. R. Gray: Concrete roads, by A. Lalonde; New traffic makes road construction an ever-changing subject, by W. A. McLean; Highway widths, by F. H. Annes; Who should ay for the roads? by Hugh Bertram, and by W. A. k cLean. Hot-mix bituminous construction using asphaltie' binder, by E. Drinkwater; Th; e5cienc of the highway in the present transportation di&culties. by W. D. Sohier; Asphalt pave ments. bv C. A. Mullen. ENR~GHT (R. E). Solving the municipal traffic problem. (Good Roads, Jy. 13, 1918: 11-12.) An addreea delivered at the 9th Annual Conference of Mayors and other City Officials of the State of New York, at Newburgh, June 11,1918. IOWA STATE COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND MECHANICAL ARTS. The use of road oil. 1918. 8 pp. (Bul. 39.) LINCOLN HIQHWAY ASSOCIATION. The Lincoln highway. 1918. 31 pp. illus., "xi be secured from the Aeaociation at Detroit, Mich. Schools See also Citizenship, Penaions, Social Work. ANON. Educational research and sta

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526 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September tistics. The salaries of teachers and the cost of living. [Pt. 1.1 (School and Society, Mav 25. 1918: 622-630.) JARRETT (M. C.). Psychiatric social work. (Mental Hygiene, Apr., 1918: 283-290.) G&es ieaults of a, questibnnaire adflresaed to superintendents of cities having populattona larger than 10,000. AVERILL (L. A.). Physical reparedness and the administration of scEool medical instruction in the United States. (Amer. Jour. of School Hygiene, Apr., 1918: 1932.) BALLOU (F. W.). Efficient finance in a city school system. (Educ. Administration and Supervision, Mar., 1918: 121132.) Read before the Round Table of Superintendents in Cities of Over 250,000, at the Department. of Superintendence meeting, N. E. A.. Atlantic City, New Jersey, neb. 28, 1918. LINN (L. P.). Organization powers accorded city school superintendents by general laws. (School and Society, May 25, 1918: 601-605.) MASSACHUSETTS. SUPERVISOR OF ADMINISTRATION. A rogram for the standardization of the s&ries of the teachers of the several normal schools of Massachusetts. Mar. 1 1918. 56 pp., typewritten. PERKINS (b. H.). One-story school buildings. (Amer. School Bd. Jour., Apr. SHAWKEY (M. P.). Theadoptionof textbooks by state, county, or district. (Amer. Educ., Apr. 1918: 402404.) UNITED ~TATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Public school classes for crippled children. By Edith Reeves Solenberger. 1918. 52pp. (Bul., 1918, no. 10.) Sewerage and Sewage Disposal ANON. Sewage treatment in Sedalia. Missouri city employs grit chamber, Imhoff tanks, sludge beds dosing tank and sprinkling filters to avdid polluting small stream-drainage and injunction suit against city in courts twenty years. (Mun. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918: 23-25.) MCDONNELL (R. E.). The new sewage treatment plant of Sedaha. Mo, (Engrg. and Contracting, Jy. LO, 1918: 3435. illus.) SAVILLE (CHARLES). Crops thrive under Imhoff-tank sludge test at DalIas. Fertilized cotton and corn twice as high as the unfertilized-soil lightened and evap oration lessened -farmera interested. (Engrg. News-Record, Jy. 25, 1918: 164165.) WALL (EDWARD E.). “Using high priced coal and labor to pump water to run sewem is criminal waste.” (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 40-42. Charts.) Social Work BEASLEY (R. F.). The principles and machinery of social construction. 1918. 3!4E%dress delivered at the North Carolina Social Service Conference Raleigh March 8 1918, b the author who is Stat~CCommidioner of PLblic WeGare. 1918: 17-20, 77-78.) SMITH’(W. F.). The fundamentals of a socialized educational program. (School and Society, Jy. 13. 1918: 35-41.) WILLIAMS (J. H.). A guide to the grading of homes. Directions for using the Whittier scale for ading home conditions, with the stangd score sheet of comparative data. April, 1918. 21 pp. (Calif., Whittier State School, Research bul. no. 7.) WILSON (H. B.). Socialiain the school. (Educ. Administration and bupervision, Apr . , 1918 : 88-94.) Street Railways ANON. Getting the zone system started at Providence. Initial difficulties in fare collection have been overcome, and zone system is now in full and satisfactory operation on the Rhode Island Company property. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918: 6566. illus.) . The space-grabbing automobile. Automobile use of highwa space at Washington only one-twentieti: w efficient as street cars and far more dangerous-regulation of both automobiles and street cars essential. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: BAUER (JOHN). What is a fair return in war time? Increase in rate of return is not justifiable because of decline in purchasing power of money, but commissions should preserve old fair returns-rate on new investments must be based on market conditions-the different rates can be 147-149.) easily handled. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918: 59-61.) Does electric traction advertising ay? (Elec. Jour., Jy., 1918: 263-265. ifus.) BOYCE (W. H.). NEW JERSEY.‘ BOARD OF PWLIC UTILITY COMMISSIONERS. In the matter of the a plication of the Public Service Railway Cpompany for a proval of increase in rates. Re ort and orler. Jy. 10, 1918. 21 pp. ~UTNAM (FRANK). Zone system does not cause congestion. Oft-repeated analogy based on European cities is false-city congestion abroad is due to other causeszone system is apparentIy needed here. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Jy. 13, 1918:49-50.) Taxation and Finance See also Schools. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL ~~EARCE, TORONTO. High taxation is hardenough to bear: . . . Je., 1918. 6 pp. folder. (Effective Citizen Co-operation, Bul. no. 66.) CALIFORNIA. STATE CONTROLLER. Annual report of financial transactions of municipalities and counties of California, for the year 1917. John S. Chambers, state Controller. 1918. 219 pp.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 527 CALIFORNIA TAXPAYERS’ JOURNAL. EXms of the state of government of Caligrnia. Je., 1918. 20 p . This official ublication of tie Tax Payers’ Association of Cali!ornia contains the following article The story of state expenses; The boards and commissions-their growth in numbers and expense; Finances of the cities and counties; Two tax hmitation measures. The office of the Association is at 522 American Bank Bldg.. LOB Angeles. Cal. DETROIT BUREAU OF GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH. City expenses-next year. May 4, 1918. 4 pp. chart. (Pub. Busi__ ness no. 17.) . City of Detroit, Michigan. Comparison of appropriations for 19171918 with those of 1918-1919. May 4, 1918.. [3 pp.] (Supplement to Pub. no. i.? \ Lf .) ROCHESTER. CITY COMPTROLLER. 1918 budget of the City of Rochester, N. Y. 1918. 47 pp. Torrens System ANON. Experts tell how new Torrens Law will work. Registrars of counties in Greater New York preparing a form for registration of titles. (Record and Guide, May 18, 1918: 631-632, 641.) TORRENS TITLE LEAGUE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. Graphical illustration of the different methods of dealing in red estate titles. 11918.1 4 pp. Consists of three charts comparing the work and charges of the old-fashioned, the title-company, and the Torrem methods. The League’s office 18 at 215 W. 125th St., New York City. Issued by the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research, Inc. Water Distribution Meters help but are not sufficient to control waste. Unham ered officials holding strictly to rigid o%servance of water ordinances brings results. (Engrg. News-Record, May 9, 1918: 918-920. diagrs.) _. Water works operation. Testing for leakage and waste in sections of distribution system--locating waste in services-Locating leaks in mains. (Mw. Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: 70-72. table.) PRACY (G. W.). Setting 25,000 meters cut water consumDtion at San Francisco. See also Sewerage. ANON. Two field crews ;laced ?&inch meters at average labor cost of $10.59. (Enmg. News-Record, May 9, 1918. 902. -. 904.Xagrs.) SPALDING (R. S.). Improvements in water distribution system undep efficient organization. Chicago Waterpipe Extension Division has engineering supervision -engineer of standards devises new appliances and methods-mme recent advances and savings described. (Engrg. NewsRecord, May 9, 1918: 921-923. illus.) WALL (E. E.). Water waste. (Jour., Engrs.’ Club of St. Louis, Mar.-Apr., Water Supply (ABEL). water supplies. 1918: 133-147.) See also Public Health. MORSE (ROBERT B.) and WOLMAN Adopting standards of quality for (Fire and Water Engrg., Jy. 24, 1918: 58-59.) Water Works Association. Excerpts from an address before the American [ORCHARD (WILLIAM J.).] Water standards of purity and necessity of advertising value of pure water. (Engrg. and Contracting, Jy. 10, 1918: 38-40.) From a paper resented before the Chemical and Bacteriological Zection of the American Water Works Association. Women, Employment of ANON. Wages of women and girls on munitions work. (Labour Gas. (England), Je., 1918: 217-218.) . The extension in the employment of women up to January, 1918. (Labour Gas. (England), Je., 1918: 216-217. tables.) INTERCOLLEGIATE BUREAU OF OCCUPATIONS. Opportunities for women in the municipal civil service of the City of New York. By Fannie M. Witherspoon and Anna Martin Crocker. 1918. 94 pp. tables. The Bureau’s headquarters are at 19 W. 44th St. New York City. KNOEPPEL (C. E.). American women in war industry. 11. Problems of living (‘onditions, state laws, co-o ration of labor agencies and the post-belf% period. (Industrial Management, Jy., 1918: 49-52.) RUUTZ-REES (CAROLINE). The mobilization of American women. Jy., 1918: 801-818.) (Yale ~ev., zoning ANON. Some advantages of the districting idea in city planning. (Baltimore Mun. Jour., May 24,1918.) St. Louis’ new zone ordinance. Cit dikricted according to use to which: eacz district can be put, height of buildings that can be erected in it, and area that can be covered by buildings. (Mun. Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: 65-68. charts, p!ans, table.) ’CHENEY (C. H.). Zomg as a wartime measure. (Amer. City, Jy., 1918: 36. plans.) ST. LOUIS. CITY PLAN COMMISSION. Height, area and use districts and restrictions. Ordinance no. 30199. May, 1918. Consists of text of ordinance, illustrated! and 11 large “use sone” maps and 11 large “height and area zone” maps. SWAN (HERBERT S.). Zoning as a protection for industry and business. (AmerCity, Jy., 1918; 7-10.)

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NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATIOX City Manager Notes.-NorfoZk, Virginia. Charles E. Ashburner, the dean of American city managers, has been appointed city manager of Norfolk and will assume his duties September 1. Mr. Ashburner practically started the city-manager plan going, as manager of Staunton, Virginia, April, 1908, serving until July, 1911. The Staunton position was created by ordinance which made the maximum salary $2,500. Upon leaving Staunton he accepted a position with the American Railways of Philadelphia at Lynchburg, Virginia. When Springfield, Ohio, adopted its commission-manager charter in the fall of 1913 it offered the position of manager to Mr. Ashburner and he was appointed January 1, 1914, at a salary of $6,000. During the four and a half years at Springfield, Mr. Ashburner has rendered such satisfactory service and has seemed to fit into Springfield’s environment so aptly that his many friends had considered him a permanent Springfield citizen. His appointment to Norfolk at a salary of $9,000 further establishes the city manager on a professional plane and indicates the certain rise that awaits the right man in the new field. Mr. Ashburner’s successor at Springfield will be 0. E. Carr, who has been the city manager of Niagara Falls since January, 1916, and who prior to that was city manager at Cadillac, Michigan. Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Bethlehem has appointed Winton L. Miller as its first city manager. Mayor Archibald Johnston made a pre-election pledge that if elected he would see that a city manager was appointed and Bethlehem becomes the second Pennsylvania city to adopt the city-manager plan under the permissive provisions of the Clark commission act of 1913. A unique feature of the manager’s position at Bethlehem is that the official salary is one dollar per year. This, however, does not mark Mr. Miller as a philanthropist for it is reported that he is receiving some $10,000 income through the liberality of the mayor and members of the council. Mr. Miller has had an interesting experience in the manager field. He served as executive secretary to City Manager Wake of Dayton, Ohio, until called to St. Augustine, Florida, in August, 1915, as city manager. His administration at St. Augustine waa marked with succes9 and considerable regret was expressed when he resigned this spring to accept a government position connected witli the ship building industry at Hog Island. Mr. Miller’s salary at St. Augustine was $3,600. His special duties for the government have been completed and he is now at work in the “Steel City.” Albuquerque, Neu Mexico. Paul G. Redington, who has served as city manager since the new plan became operative last January, has resigned to resume duties as district forester in the United States forest service. A. R. Hebenstreit has been appointed his successor at a salary of $3,600. Mr. Redington’s efforts have met with the hearty support of his commissioners and the results of his work are contained in a very readable report recently published. He gives as his two reasons for resigning: first, the feeling that he lacks sufficient experience to fill the position to hi own satisfaction and, secondly, that his services are needed by the government. Mr. Hebenstreit is a young engineer of high caliber and broad training in the various fields correlated with the manager profession. He has for some time been county engineer of Tama County, Iowa, with his office at Toledo, Iowa. He is a graduate of Notre Dame with a degree of civil engineer, has had excellent training in accountancy and has passed the United States government valuation civil service examination with high grades. Mr. Hebenstreit was placed in touch with 528

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 529 the Albuquerque situation through the office of the secretary of the City Managers’ Association which is gradually evolving into a sort of clearing house for city managers. Kalamazoo, Michigan has appointed H. H. Freeman as its first city manager. This appointment was generally anticipated and meets with the cordial approval of the Kalamazoo citizens. Mr. Freeman served the city in an unofficial capacity during the year 1917 as executive secretary of the new charter league and played a leading part in the drafting and adoption of Kalamazoo’s commission-manager charter, since which time he has served as secretary of the Kalamazoo chamber of commerce. Mr. Freeman is a New York municipal research bureau man and enters the new profession with splendid qualifications and prospects of success. Fredericksburg, Virginin. R. Stuart Royer, who has served most successfully as city manager of Fredericksburg since the new plan was adopted in September, 1912, has resigned to enter the service. He is now first lieutenant, army engineers, stationed at Camp Humphrey, Virginia. Sanclusky, Ohio. City Manager George M , Zimmerman has been persuaded by the commission to withdraw his resignation and his salary has been increased from $3,600 to $5,000. Anchorage, Alaska. The most recent addition to the membership list of the City Managers’ Association is J. G. Watts, townsite manager of Anchorage, Alaska, which has a population of some 5,000 and is under the management of the Alaakan engineering commission of the Department of Interior. Mr. Watts owes his appointment to this commission and to this extent his position differs from that of the average city manager appointed by an elective council. His duties, however, are practically the same as those of the orthodox manager and in addition he performs the functions usually pertaining to the office of the mayor and council. He has charge of the municipal water works, fire department, garbage disposal department, highways department and acts as mayor, tax assessor and city 6 engineer. He writes: “In July, 1915, there was not so much as a single tent where the present town of Anchorage stands and today we have all of the comforts of the most modern town in the states.” Mr. Watts’s salary is $3,300 and he was appointed in July, 1916. Sad Ste. Marie, Michigan. Manager J. H. Moore tendered his resignation at the request of the city commission, to take effect August 15. The reason assigned for the request was the reduction of expenditures by the elimination of the manager’s salary of $3,600 and the abandonment of practically all city improvements for the duration of the war. It is suggested among Mr. Moore’s friends that a political plot lies back of the war-economy plea. Mr. Moore was formerly superintendent of public works at Evanston, Illinois, and was one of the five candidates for the Goldsboro, North Carolina, position selected from the 522 applicants. Wilder Rich, city engineer of Sault Ste. Marie, will act as manager for the time being. Ocala, Florida. J. Newton Johnston resigned his position of city manager June 1 to except the position of city engineer at Wilmington, North Carolina. Mr. Johnston’s stay at Ocala waa rather brief aa he was appointed only last February. His comment on the situation affords a timely warning against the danger of “forcing reform on folks.” He writes: “I soon discovered that the council was averse to commission government, ignorant of the manager plan, unfamiliar with the charter, violated all its provisions and carried out a predetermined effort to run things as they chose regardless of law and charter. Only one man beside the mayor WBS in sympathy with the manager plan and it had never been ratified or voted on by the people. I understand it was railroaded through the legislature.” Glasgow, Montana. Harvey Booth has been appointed city manager to succeed Charles H. Blitman who has joined the aviation corps. Mr. Blitman served for nearly two years and the city made marked progress under his administration. San Rafael, Califmiu. No appointment of manager to succeed Captain F. J

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530 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September Boland has as yet been announced, but a letter from Mayor S. K. Herzog states that the city-manager plan is a decided success and that as long as he is connected with the city government this plan shall ,be kept in operation and the appointment of a manager is now under consideration. Beaufort, South Carolina. J. Albert Kinghorn has been elected mayor to fill the unexpired term of Charles E. Danner who died May 14. No manager has been chosen to succeed John R. Kneebone who resigned the day following Mayor Danner’s death, to enter the service under the selective draft. Appointment will probably be made at an early date. Hal R. Pollitzer, city engineer, is acting manager. HARRISON GRAY OTIS. * City Manager Government in Louisiana.-The Louisiana legislature at its recent special session passed an enabling act giving the various cities of the state the right to adopt the commission-manager form of government if they so elect. * Detroit Adopts a New Charter.-By a vote of 32,356 to 4,554, Detroit’s new charter land slid into existence on June 25. Several factors influenced this victory. The people were tired of a big ward elected council, continually playing peanut politics. War time changes have made ordinary radicalism seem conservative to the man in the street. The Detroit citizens league put an excellent pro-charter organization into the field. Finally the gang had received so many body blows lately that the best they could do was to hang over the ropes. The new charter is a long way from being a modern document. In truth, Detroit had a radical charter revision several years ago, but the people would have none of it. So the law was changed, and the recent commission was elected at large,-and were conservative business men, bent on getting rid of the big council, and little else. As a result the new charter provides a council of nine elected at large; improves a quantity of administrative methods in which few were interested outside of the bureau of governmental research; and codifies the remainder of the old document. The first two actions were commendable. The last one was done in a hurried slipshod fashion. The obsolete commissions for administering departments were retained, as were a number of expensive unnecessary “safe guards.” The result is panning about one error to the page. Some are trivial. Others are serious,-such as requiring a vote on all bond issues, and permitting salary increases at will. However, the new charter is a substantial improvement over the old one. It at least won’t handicap good government as much as the old one did. The commission considered proportional representation, but not seriously. It will be interesting to see what kind of council is elected. There are now sixty odd candidates for the nine jobs of councilman. Only seven have been designated as first rate material by the citizens league. LENT D. UPSON. ?L! Richmond’s Effort at Charter Revision, described in the May issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW (page 324) has met with success. The campaign for ratification which was financed and managed by the civic association resulted in a vote of 6,143 for the amendments as against 1,865 negative votes, representing the largest majority for charter revision in the recent history of the city. The amendments abolish the administrative and fire boards chosen by the council. The powers of the mayor are enlarged particularly in authorizing him to nominate four directors: public welfare, public works, public utilities, and public safety, who prith the mayor form an advisory board for the consideration of various questions which it is believed require the consideration of a board rather than of the mayor alone. The directors of finance and law are to be chosen by the council as the city auditor and attorney are now chosen. An executive budget is provided and the bi-camerd council is retained. Under the constitution of the state the city is handicapped in adopting a more effective form of government and no one regards the plan voted for as approaching perfection, but it rep

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1918) NOTES AND EVENTS 531 resents a great improvement over the ancient complex system existing in Richmond. The new scheme goes into effect January 1, 1919. D. R. ANDERSON. $ Three Wisconsin Cities Abandon Commission Government.-Three commission governed cities in Wisconsin have abandoned the commission plan after six years’ operation under it-Appleton, Portage, and Janesville. The change back to the old system took place in each case in April. According to the best information available the election in none of these cities turned on the merits of the two plans. Appleton was the first city to vote to go back to the old system. The election followed a long and bitter campaign characterized by personalities and mudslinging. According to official advice the commission plan was defeated largely by a combination of the liquor and labor votes, the liquor interests manipulating the labor unions to a large extent. Both factions were directed by shrewd politicians, several of whom nursed personal grievances against one or two commissioners. Several labor unions became opposed to the commissioners some two years ago during a strike among the pulpmakers of the city. The liquor interests were aroused in part by the organization of a police force which they could not control, and by the strict enforcement of the Sunday closing law. When Mayor Faville, the last mayor under the commission plan, took office, one of his first acts was the reorganization of the police department and the strict enforcement of the liquor laws. He made a change in the office of chief of police and secured a new chief from Chicago. This really crystabed the sentiment against the plan, and furnished the old politicians who had been turned out by the commission plan with ammunition for their campaign. They advocated the appointment of local citizens only to office and opposed the policy of securing experts from the outside. The rumor went around the labor unions that the new chief was appointed in order to meet possible future strikes. The liquor interests and other anti-commission forces made much of these arguments. While the commission advocates knew there was strong opposition to the plan they had no idea of its extent and their campaign was not as strong as it might have been had they been less confident. It is claimed that the opposition to commission government came largely from non-taxpayers. It is estimated that taxpayers representing from 90 to 95 per cent of the taxes paid in the city voted for the continuance of the cornmiasion plan, showing that as a business proposition it commended itself to the business men of the city. However this may be, it is certain that the merits of commission government, or the particular features of the Wisconsin law, played no part in the election. In the other two cities the elections virtually went by default, comparatively small votes being cast in both cases. The commissioners in both cities were either too busy or too confident of the success of the plan to organize a campaign for ite continuance. While elections for the abandonment of the commission plan in other cities of Wisconsin, such as Superior and Oshkosh, have been discussed, all such movements have fallen through and no elections have been held. FORD H. MACGREGOR. * Report of the Committee on Franchises.’ Since the last meeting of the National Municipal League, a little more than six months ago, events have been moving rapidly in the field that comes within the purview of the committee of franchises. The Cincinnati street railway resettlement involving the revision of the terms of the Nty-year franchise granted in 1896 under the “Rogers law” and the lease of the proposed interurban loop line, to be built by the city, to the Cincinnati traction company for unified operation in connectionwith the existing street railway system, though approved by referends vote in April, 1917, have been set aside by the Ohio supreme court as being violative of 1 Submitted at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, held at the Greenwich House. New York City, June 5, 1918.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September the provision of the state constitution forbidding any municipality to lend its credit to a private corporation. This decision unsettled the Cincinnati settlement and the problem has been taken up again in a new series of negotiations. St. Louis, after considerable acrimonious discussion, has recently passed a new street railway ordinance which will be subjected to a referendum vote before it becomes finally effective. At any rate it involves a reduction of capitalization and a necessary reorganization of the United railways, which precludes the immediate acceptance of the ordinance. Meanwhile, on petitions from the United railways company of St. Louis and the Kansas City railways company the Missouri public service commission by a vote of three to two has assumed jurisdiction to modify street railway rates fixed by locftl franchise contracts. The supreme court of the state of Washington has recently decided in a Tacoma case, in which the corporation counsel of Seattle was permitted to intervene, that the state public service comnlission is without authority to relieve street railway companies of the obligations imposed upon them by municipalities as conditions of their franchitze grants. In New York, also, this view has been taken by the public service commission for the first district, and has been sustained by the court of appeals in the Rochester case. This question has also been mooted in New Jersey, Indiana, Oregon, and elsewhere. The committee is making a study of commission and court decisions with respect to this all-important issue in franchise and home rule policy and expects to prepare a full report on the subject at a later date. The continued pressure of increasing wages and of high prices of materials has brought the whole problem of rate-adjustments to a critical stage, and the street railway companies are making a concerted “drive” to get away from the fixed fivecent fare. The influence of the Cleveland service-abcost idea has been rapidly growing, and the advantages of a flexible fare based upon the actual cost of service are receiving wide recognition. Instead of the sheer disregard or abrogation of municipal franchise contracts, which the companies have been urging upon the state commissions in various parts of the country, a marked tendency has developed to bring the companies under more stringent public control as the price of relief from the inflexible fare. Philadelphia, in its proposed rapid transit lease, now pending before the Pennsylvania public service commission for approval, has adopted the principle of the flexible fare in a semiautomatic form. Whenever the schedule of fares in force shall prove to be insufficient to bring about the fundamental financial results which under the terms of the ordinance are considered to be essential, then a higher schedule is to be filed with the state commission for approval. Likewise, when the revenues derived from the rates in force prove to be greater than necessary, a reduced schedule will be filed. This illustrates the method of getting away from the old fixed fare limitation, not by the violation or disregard of franchise contracts, but by a modification of them by mutual agreement. In Massachusetts reports have recently been submitted and legislation passed which are of the greatest significance. The principle of service-at-cost has been given official recognition and sanction, but for the relief of Boston elevated which entered into a contract with the state in 1897 to maintain a five-cent fare on its system until 1922, the plan adopted is public operation by a board of five trustees appointed by the governor. The plan isdefinitely fixed for a period of ten years, and is to be continued beyond that time until changed by legislation. The scheme for the adjustment of the fares is based upon the Cleveland plan, but without maximum and minimum limits. The right is reserved to the state or to any political subdivision thereof to take over the entire property upon the assumption by the state of the outstanding indebtedness and liabilities of the system and upon payment in cash of the sum which has been paid in in cash for the capital stock outstanding at the time of purchase. Other legislation has been enacted for the benefit of the

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 533 Bay State street railway company and of other Massachusetts street railways. One of the most carefully worked out franchises so far put into effect anywhere in the United States or Canada is the new Montreal tramways contract. This document was prepared by a special commission appointed for the purpose. Particular attention was given to the problem of incentive for efficient and economical management. This document is so important from the point of view of the recommendations made in earlier reports by the committee on franchises and the principles laid down by the committee on municipal program that the writer has arranged to prepare for an early issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW an analysis and interpretation of the Montreal contract. DEWS F. WILCOX.’ * Public Utility Settlements and Rates.Public utilities have been very much in the public eye during the past six months due not only to the increased cost of maintenance but to the necessity for increased facilities and diminished labor incident to war time. A note from Claude H. Anderson, the secretary of the league of New Jersey municipalities, describes the situat.ion in that state. On March 4, 1918, the public service railway company of New Jersey engaged in transporting passengers for hire by street railway and interurban trolley lines in 146 municipalities in the state of New Jersey, filed an application before the board of public utility commissioners for increased fares as indicated in the prayer of the petition which reads: Your petitioner, therefore, prays that your honorable body approve and by order 6x seven cents as the rate to be charged by your petitioner where five cents is now charged, and in addition thereto a charge of two cents for each transfer issued on a cash fare, and an additional charge of one cent for a transfer issued on a transfer, and that your petitioner may have such other and further relief m may seem reasonable and proper. The New Jersey state league of municipalities, consisting of 178 municipalities 1 Chairman, Committee on Franohhises. of the state and representing 69q per cent of the entire population of New Jersey, entered into a contest of the application in a most vigorous manner. The league did not, however, take the stand that no increase should be granted but rather that full and complete evidence should be produced by the company to prove that it was entitled to an increase. In view of the generally increasing price of commodities and services it was, of course, recognized that the expenses of the railway company had increased but the financial history of the corporation was such that it was by no means clear to the people that there was not great over-capitalization and that if anything like a fair valuation of the properties of the company was made, it would very likely show that the company was getting a fair return upon the actual capital invested. The league accordingly felt that the situation warranted the most careful scrutiny into the finances of the railway company. They, therefore, employed special counsel and experts as follows: Marshall Vanwinkle and counsel, George L. Record, Jersey City; Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, public utility and franchise expert, New York City; David F. Atkins, electrical engineer, New York City; Mark Wolff, certified accountant, New York City. The case proceeded before the public utility commissioners over a period of approximately three months. The witnesses of the railway company refused to produce, except upon express order of the commission, certain information with regard to their financial history and capitalization which was deemed pertinent by counsel for the league and further refused to give the experts access to certain books and records until ordered to do so. Such orders were made by the commission and as a result disclosures were made which indicated that the company is highly overcapitalized. Mr. WoM, the accountant, pointed out that the over-capitalization amounts to about $85,000,000. The board of public utility commissioners rendered the decision on July 10, denying the petition and granting only the privilege of increasing the rates by charging

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534 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September one cent for transfers on cash fares. The commission found that the revenues of the company, in order to enable it to retain its credit unimpaired and-furnish proper and adequate service, should be increased to the amount of $850,000 and estimated that the charge of one cent for transfers would yield this additional revenue. The order of the commission requires that the company shall file with the board for each calendar month, beginning with the month of June, 1918, a complete comparative income statement for 1917 and 1918 of its operations showing revenue and revenue deductions, classified in accordance with the uniform system af accounts for street or traction railway utilities (first issue) prescribed by the board, together with mileage, traffic and miscellaneous statistics as required on page 35 of the form of annual report now required to be filed by the board. The order also requires that the company shall submit before January 1, 1919, a plan whereby the method of charging at present in force may be revised by an equitable zoning system over its entire territory, proper consideration being given to all of the elements to more properly relate the cost of service with the length of haul and value of service. In order to avail itself of the increase granted it was necessary for the company to file a written acceptance of the conditions of the grant prior to July 24, 1918. The railway company filed its acceptance on July 23. On July30, the supreme court of Indiana, acting under section 122 of the public utility act, decided that the public service commission has authority to hear the rate increase petition of . the Indianapolis traction and terminal company, putting it on the ground that an unusual emergency exists. The supreme court instructed the circuit court from which the case was appealed to overrule a demurrer which that court had sustained and held that a mandamus will issue against the commission to compel it to take jurisdiction of the company’s request for a straight five-cent fare. The supreme court made this decision in the face of a contract existing between the city and the company. On this point the court had this to say: In the present case the fixing of the rate of fare was not left to the municipality as is sometimes done. The state in this res ect acted in the interest of the public, an$ to the utility it was a condition for the privilege of using a portion of its highway system. Upon the facts before us we conclude that the city in incorporating the rate schedule in the franchise inquest, acted as the agent of the state, and of its authority in this respect the public as well m the city must take notice. The city was not a necessary party. In coming to this conclusion we are not unmindful of the rule applicable to contracts made for the benefit of third persons. The management and operation of the Boston elevated railroad company is now in the hands of a board of five public trustees appointed by the governor, and an act has been passed under which the affairs of the Bay State street railway company will be administered by a similar board if the company is reorganized and the act is accepted by the stockholders. The public trustee plan was first suggested by the public service commission of the state of which Joseph B. Eastman is an active factor in a report to the legislature on the “Finance and operating methods of the Boston elevated railway company,” submitted in February. As finally passed it differed in many respects from the legislation recommended by the commission. Under the Boston elevated bill dividends are guaranteed to the stockholders but there is no similar guarantee under the Bay State bill. The state however lends its credit to the company in the latter case by supporting an issue of serial bonds. Concerning the Boston situation, Stiles P. Jones writes as follows: I have been in touch with the Boston elevated situation all through the negotiations. It seems to me that the settlement is an admirable one-to meet this particular situation. The Massachusetts fo+s have been doing some real hard and practical thinking along street railway lines lately. The results of their experiments may have a good deal to do with the character of future settlements in other places. The Massachusetts remedy will probably

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 535 not be accepted now as the correct one for general applicstion in the present quite universal street railway cris~, but it has great potential possibilities. We may ihd that in this matter, as in many other lines in the past, Massachusetts is again leading the way. An increase in street car fares has been announced by the Detroit united railway, effective August 8. The new rates will be six cents cash, or ten tickets for fifty-five cents, instead of a five-cent charge. We hope to publish further information concerning the significance of this in a future issue. In fact these paragraphs are merely to set forth some of the more important events which have occurred within the past few months. Our hope is to have an interpretation of them in an early issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REmw. Important decisions involving the rights of public service commissions to change rates have been handed down in Pennsylvania and California, and bid fair to establish precedents of far-reaching importance. John P. Fox’s review of the New York company’s literature presents another interesting phase of the development. In the August issue of Minnesota Municipalities there is an editorial, entitled “Rising Rates,” based upon a news article giving data concerning a number of increases in rates for gas and electricity going into effect on July 1. The same number contains several articles dealing with municipal ownership and operation, street lighting, and the Minneapolis water works system. * Denver Votes to Buy Water-W0rks.L Taxpayers of Denver, Colorado, on August 6 voted 6,061 to 1,782 to buy the plant of the Denver Union Water Company. Voters in general, whether taxpayers or not, by a vote of 7,296 to 2,340, endorsed five nominees put up by petition on the initiation of the city authorities to serve as a board of water commissioners to operate the works under municipal ownership. The long-term members of the board are ‘;See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii, p. 328. Charles H. Reynolds and Finlay L. MacFarland. The commissioners will take over the plant as soon as possible, and will select a general manager, operating engineer and secretary. This action brings to an end some thirty years of waterworks’ controversy in Denver. Competing water companies, a water-rate war, and finally consolidation stirred Denver in the early nineties, this city affording one of the very few examples of attempted competition between water companies in the United States. Since the consolidation of the competing companies, there has been almost if not quite continuous trouble over water rates, renewal of the water company’s franchise, and municipal ownership of waterworks for Denver. Large sums have been spent by the city and by the company on the valuation of the work for purchase and for rate-making purposes. Some years ago a local utility commission was created to build municipal works in case an agreement for purchase could not be made with the company. The valuation board had reported that the works were worth $14,400,000. The utilities commission offered $7,000,000 and this offer was rejected by the company. Later, the city council passed an ordinance reducing the water rates by 20 per cent. Extended litigation followed, which resulted in fixing a value of somewhat under $14,000,000 for the works for ratemaking purposes. Finally, the city and company agreed on the sale of the works to the city at the valuation named. No objection to the purchase was offered by the Federal Capital Issues Committee because the company has agreed to accept bonds of the city in payment. Preceding the election which approved the bond ieasue for purchase, there was organized the Municipal Water Purchase League which included a considerable number of civic, business and engineering organizations. Their pamphlet advocating purchase may probably be obtained for consultation by those who wish the detailed history of the Denver waterworks struggle.

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536 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September New Torrens Law in New York.-The original law of 1908 contained defects which have largely been remedied by amendments in 1916 and 1918. The design of the Torrens system is practical rather than technical. It is the (‘law merchant” applied to real estate. Because lawyers, conveyancers, title searchers and title companies have for generations made their livings from the mu of technicalities that have entangled land titles, these professionals as a class and individually have fought the Torrens system wherever introduced. Because of its selfishness their fight has been a losing one and the advance of the method by which the transfer of titles is made “safe, simple and cheap” has been sure. In New York, where the title companies are strongly entrenched, the fight has been especially bitter. Widespread public sentiment demanded relief from title burdens and in 1908 a Torrens law was passed. Unfortunately, however, the title companies, although unable to defeat the passage of the law, were so able to influence the drafting of the bill that features were introduced which were contrary to Torrens principles. The title companies themselves were installed as official examiners and the proceedings were made so lengthy and burdensome that owners could not afford to pay the cost. Instead of being made simple the Torrens proceeding was made an action more complicated than an ordinary lawsuit. A Torrens registration took three times as long and cost twice as much as a title company policy and in consequence the public continued to patronize the title companies and the Torrens law became a dead Ietter. The experience of New York proves the truth of the comment made by the Torrens committee of the American Bar Association in its report to the commissioners on uniform state laws1 (Washington, D. C., October, 1914). For ten years (since 1908) the fight in 1 Every act passed in the United States bears on ita face the scam of desperate conflict. It is doubtful whether any legislation has ever been assailed with more bitterness or greater persistency than thia; and unfortunately its antagonista have generNew York has been to amend its Torrens law, to remove the ‘‘jokers” from it and make it like that of Massachusetts and other states where the system is a success. The amendments, proposed in 1914 by Register John J. Hopper of New York county, and later supported by the Torrens title league of the state of New York, by aU of the registrars of Greater New York, and by practically all of the civic, legal and commercial associations of the city and state were pawed in part in 1916 and in part in 1918. The only points not yet won relate to the title companies and the assurance fund. The title Companies still are permitted to make title reports, although the registrar now appoints the official examiner, and the state (or county) is not back of the assurance fund as is the case in Massachusetts, Chicago, and under the United States government acts for Philippine Islands and Hawaii. The 1918 amendments, however, give New York a practical workable law. WALTER FAIR CHILD.^ 9 St. Louis Zoning Ordinance.-As a result of the work of its city plan commission, St. Louis has just adopted a zoning ordinance (signed by the mayor, July 14), under the provisions of which, the city is divided into five districts prescribing the use to which property may be put, five districts prescribing the height of buildings hereafter erected, and four districts prescribing the extent to which the area of lots may be covered with buildings. The “use” districts are classified into: A first residence district, a second residence district, a commercial district, an industrial district, and an un-restricted district. AU buildings in the first residence districts shall be erected or used exclusively for single family dwellings and the accompanying accessories. The second residence districts may be utilized by tenements, hotels, churches, hospitals, etc., except that no tenement, hotel, lodging or boarding house can be erected in any second ally succeeded in marring the act even when they have been unable to defeat it. ‘Secretary and counsel for the Torrens Title League, 1 Liberty Street, New York.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 537 residence district occupied exclusively by one and two family residences without the written consent of the owners of the majority of the property within the block having frontage on the street where the large building is to be erected. Commercial districts shall be used for certain specified enterprises-(set down at length in the ordinance)--except that no building shall have more than 50 per cent of the floor area devoted to indus t,ry or storage purposes incidental to its primary use, and that no more than five employees shall be engaged in any trade or industry which shall be incidental or essential to the primary use. A garage may be erected in the commercial district with the consent of the city plan commis sion only upon the presentation of a petition by the owners of 75 per cent of the property deemed by the commission to be aRected by the garage. In the industrial districts building may be utilized for any purpose except in regard to certain dangerous or nuisance-producing induttries which are set out in detail. In nonrestricted districts, buildings may be put to any use. The “height” districts are classified as follows: A forty-five foot district, sixty foot district, eighty foot district, one-hundred twenty foot district, and one-hundred and fifty foot district. The “area” districts are classified according to the amount of area prescribed for rear yards, side yards, enclosed courts and outer courts. The enforcement of the ordinance is placed with the board of public service, through the division of building and inspection. The board is allowed the discretion of permitting deviation from the ordinance in certain specified cases of temporary building, alterations, reconstruction and enlargement: and the ordinance states that amendment of its provisions in regard to any particular districts may be made through an ordinance initiaated by the city pIan commission itself or upon petition of fifty percent of the owners of property in any given district, appeal from the decision of the city plan commission on all petitions to lie with the board of public service. The hope has been expressed by many interested in city planning that the ordinance may later on be amended to transform a good portion of the industrial districts into commercial districts, and to enlarge the number of h-st residence districts. On the whole, however, there has been general satisfaction with the passage of the ordinance and the placing of the zoning principle on the statute books of the city. Lours F. BUDENZ. 11. POLITICS * The Morals Court of Pittsburgh-A Municipal Leaguer Recognized.-The new morals court in Pittsburgh was established by an ordinance of council last spring. Under the law and the ordinance it has the same powers as the police magistrates. The ordinance provided, however, that the police of the city should bring all of certain clssses of cases before this court. These include all offences by minors or against minors; those relating to prostitution and public vice; illegal liquor selling, domestic relations and public gambling. It is estimated that this court will handle from 10,000 to 12,000 cases annually. 'Unless otherwise inkcated. the items in this department are prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff. The establishment of this court can be traced to the influences of the voters’ league of this city. Its vice exposure and trials in 1912 and its subsequent impeachment of the director of the department of public safety on account of the vice conditions in the community, which it WBS alleged were tolerated and protected by the police, was followed first by the organization of a morals commission, which was in operation for some time; but the law under which it was constituted was declared unconstitutional. This was followed by the attack in 1916 of the council of churches on the police courts. Next the voters’ league made an effort to have the present mayor, E. V. Babcock, appoint social workers as police magistrates. This

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538 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September brought about the discussion of the administration of these courts and the character of men who ought to be ap pointed. While the league was not SUCcessful’ in this effort, when the morals court was established the mayor appointed as the magistrate to preside over the same, Tensard De Wolf, the capable and efficient secretary of the voters’ league for many years. Mr. De Wolf is known to the civic secretaries and civic organizations throughout the United States. He is a man of high civic ideals and a well-developed social conscience. He is a student, a man of vision, high character and great courage. Those acquainted with Mr. DeWolf predict for this court a future of great usefulness. The plans and policy of the head of the morals court can be best given in his own words, in a letter to one of his personal friends : My ideas of police, municipal or subordinate courts have always been that their aim should be twofold. First, to preserve the peace and safety of the community, and, secondly, to reclaim the individual. I determined at once to put into effect some of these theories. I was glad the city had not provided for a large organization, for this gave me an op ortunity to call upon the various social anfreligious agencies of the community. One of my theories has always been that while the communal work should be done eventually b the community’s le ally constituted okcers, still it is usuallytest to start new social enterprises by private agencies rather than public. The former are more flexible and can be changed at will during the experimental stages. I therefore called to my assistance practically every organization workin for social betterment in this district. Af responded willingly. I simplified m problem at the outset by stating that in ai cases of gambling, dlegal liquor selling and operating bawdy houses, I would hold for court whenever the evidence justified it. I opposed the system of lines because I consider that method a mere license to continue the practice by paying even a smaller license fee to the city than had heretofore been paid in graft to private individuals. For the ordinary prostitute, other than the owner of the house; that is, for the girl on the street, whether a beginner, as many of them are, or one who has been in the busineas longer, I determined to adopt methods of reclamation whenever possible. My first problem was to provide temporary homes for the girls picked up by the police. I called upon a dozen organizations already conducting small homes, and they offered me quarters sufficient for present needs. I then set about to arrange for legitimate employment for any women who were ready to go to work. The co-operative welfare association gave me the time of their secretary, who has taken charge of this branch of the work, as well as that of all institutional placement. The state board of charities and the state board of health agreed to furnish free treatment for venereal diseases. Private individuals have promised me sufficient funds to send young women out of the cit who live in outlying country districts. I ind that probably 6fty per cent of the girls of this class come from the smaller community. My first rule for the conduct of the new court was that no person should go out on the street without supervision in some form. I am arranging through various women’s organizations to act as big sisters” for the girls who leave this court. My biggest surprise was the boy problem. I found that several thousand boys would be brought into the court annually, many for serious offences. To send these boys to jail or the workhouse, or hold them for court, would be simply starting them on a real criminal career. I have called upon the Y. M. C. A. and council of churches to take care ofl:he Protestan: boys and find for them I am reaching out not only for the boy who has been in the court, but the gang of which he is a member. The council has called for 5,000 men to help in this work. The Roman Catholics are lookin after their boys and girls with a man and two women worken who are constantly in attendance upon the court. The Jews through their lughly efficient charities organization have placed a man at all hearings and the services of a number of their women social workers on telephone call. The problems of the colored people will be handled by the urban lea e which has a representative constantc ’Ln attendance. The international institute supplies interpreters when necessary. My hearings are held in a large business office, at a long directors’ table, and instead of the usual gan of loafers, curiosity seekers and bumsthattang around a police court, I am flanked on each side b the group of social workers I have namd and these are reinforced by the secretaries and other officers of the associated charities, juvenile court, child welfare association, children’s service bureau, council of big brothen.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 539 churches, etc. At the door is a big uniformed policeman who has orders to admit no one except persons interested in the case being tried. While the court has been in operation but a few weeks, the results obtained even in so short a time would indicate the vast improvement that may be expected from this innovation in the conduct of these courts. The innovation consists in substituting for the fist, the hand; for brutality, kindness; for knocking down, helping up; yet where necessary unflinchingly enforcing the law, but always with the thought and the hope of reclamation. 111. JUDICIAL DECISIONS Perpetual Franchise.-In the case of City of Covington v. South Covington and C. St. Ry. Co. (38 Sup. Ct. Rep. 376), it was held that an ordinance granting “All the right and authority that” the city had “the capacity to grant, to construct, hold and operate a street railroad upon and along” certain streets, which provided for the termination of the rights conveyed only in event of the failure of the grantees to keep their covenants, must be deemed a perpetual franchise, although a prior ordinance “prescribing the terms and conditions of street passenger railroads within” the city provided that “all contracts made under the provisions of this ordinance shall be for the term and period of 25 years”, since this prior ordinance did not address itself to the construction or scope of future ordinances. Mr. Justice Clarke dissented, saying among other things: “Fully realizing the futility for the present, of dissenting from what seems to me an unfortunate extension of the doctrine of the Owensboro case (230 U. S. 58), I deem it my duty to record my dissent, with the hope for a return to the sound, but now seemingly neglected, doctrine of Blair v. Chicago (201 u. s. 400), declaring that a corporation which would successfully assert a private right in a public street must come prepared to show that it has been conferred ‘in plain terms,’ in express terms, and that any ambiguity in the terms of the grant must be resolved in favor of the public and against the corporation ‘which can claim nothing whi& is not clearly given.’ ” * Legal Depository.-In the suit by a city to recover funds in a bank in process of liquidation pursuant to a state law, declaring such deposits to be a trdst fund, the bank having failed to give bond required by law, it was held in Bank of Commerce v. City of Gulfport (78 Southern 519), that there could be no estoppel against the city for the acts of its officers in treating the bank as though it were a legal depository. * Municipal Carporation.-In State v. Servat (78Southern 437) itwas decided that the sewerage and water board of the city of New Orleans, a mere agency for the more convenient administration of the sewerage and water business of the city, was nota “municipal corporation.” The defendant had been convicted of violating an ordinance of this board. The supreme court said that it had no jurisdiction of the appeal on this account. * Theatre Tickets.-In People v. Thompson (119 N. E. 41) the supreme court of Illinois decided that a municipal ordinance regulating the granting of licenses for theatrical performances, which prohibited secret alliances with ticket brokers or scalpers, declaring that no theatre company, employe or officers thereof should receive directly or indirectly any sum in excess of the price printed upon the tickets is a valid exercise of the police power. By a state law, municipalities were granted authority to license, tax, regulate, suppress and prohibit theatricals and other exhibitions, shows and amusements. lk Municipal Bands.-The complainant submitted a bid for an issue of bonds which was accepted and was based on a circular sent out by the city inviting bids and containing a financial statement. This

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September statement gave the actual value of property subject to taxation. According to law the assessed value was one-fifth the actual value. The net indebtedness of Omaha did not exceed 7 per cent of the valuation according to the statement of the circular, but was largely in excess of t,he assessed valuation. In Omaha v. Venner (243 Federal 106) it was held that whatever construction should be placed on the statement of the circular or upon the statutes of the state limiting investments by savings banks, they were sufficiently uncertain to entitle complainant to be relieved from his bid on the ground of mistake in supposing that the statement referred to assessed valuation. Q Injury to Vessel.-Despite the uniformity of admiralty jurisdiction and the injunctive power of the court of equity, which extends to members of a levy court to restrain them from acting beyond the scope of their jurisdiction or otherwise unlawfully, it was held in the case of the Alex Y. Hanna (246 Federal 157) that a libel in admiralty against the member of the Delaware Levy Court to recover for injuries to a vessel resulting from negligence in opening and operating a drawbridge acrosa a navigable river, which waa under the control of a levy court, cannot be maintained: neither the county nor the levy court being subject to tort actions. * Paving of Tracks.-In Wheeling Truction Company v. Board of Commissioners of Belmont County, Ohio (248 Federal, 205) it was held that the county commissioners cannot contract away the police power to regulate the highways, and an agreement that the defendant traction company should pave its tracks with a particular material does not preclude the commissioners from thereafter ordering R change. * Negligence.-A policeman had been made foreman of a city garage. He sent a man who had been hanging around the garage to get an inner tube and authorized him to use a car that had been left in the garage by a citizen with the view to selling it to the city. While on the errand, the driver ran over and killed the plaintiff. In Lewin v. Omaha (167 N. W. 214) the city was held liable on the ground that the policeman waa a servant of the city in its corporate capacity. Two judges dissented, feeling that the law of agency was being extended altogether too far in this case. * Are Women Electors:-In Sears v. Maquoketa (166 N. W. 700) the supreme court of Iowa decided that the mere fact that the legislature had given women the power to vote on bond issues does not make them electors: that their votes cannot be counted in determining whether more than half the electors who voted at the last municipal election favored the issue of bonds, but that the comparison is between male voters. * Street Car License Fees.-In Milwaukee Electric Railway and Light Company v. Milwaukee (167 N. W. 428) it was decided that an ordinance imposing an annual license fee of $15 per car used and operated in the city by a street railroad is a revenue measure and void, since the authority to tax or license street railways for revenue given by laws of 1860 and 1898 were taken away by later legislation. * Employment of Women.-In State v. Metropolitan Park District of Tacoma (176 Pac. 254) it was decided that neither Metropolitan Park districts nor any municipal corporation can be guilty of violating the law prohibiting the employment of females more than eight hours at any mechanical or mercantile establishment, laundry, hotel or restaurant, but those acting for them can be guilty thereof. Metropolitan Park districts have no power to operate a public restaurant. * Acceptance of Gifts.--In O'Melbeny v. Grifith (171 Pac. 934) the supreme court of California decided that the ordinances of the city of Los Angeles accepting a gift to erect in a certain park two structures

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191.81 NOTES AND EVENTS 541 and to appoint in accordance with the terms of the gift three citizens to supervise the erection and manage and control the structures were void. The plaintiffs as ROBERT E. TRACY. park commissioners objected on the ground that the arrangement was in conflict with their charter powers. IV. MISCELLANEOUS A List of State Leagues of MunicipaIities.l-Alabama : Alabama Municipal League. Secretary, George Jacob Davis, Jr., University, Alabama. California: League of California Municipalities. Executive secretary, Wm. J. Locke, Almeda, California. Official organ: Pacific Municipalities (monthly). Connecticut: Mayors Association of Connecticut. Secretary-treasurer, Dr. J. Milton Coburn, Norwalk, Connecticut. Idaho: North Idaho Municipal League. Secretary, Prof. Howard T. Lewis, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho. Illinois: Illinois Municipal League. Secretary, Prof. John A. Fairlie, University of Illinois, Urbana, Ill. Indiana: Municipal League of Indiana. Secretary, Stanley S. Jones, Shelbyville, Indiana. Iowa: League of Iowa Municipalities. Secretary, Frank G. Pierce, Marshalltown, Iowa. Official organ: American Municipalities (monthly). E;ansas: League of Kansas Municipalities. Secretary, Homer Talbot, Lawrence, Kansas. Official organ: Kansas Municipalities (monthly), Louisiana: League of Louisiana Municipalities. Secretary, Mayor Joseph B. Elam, Mansfield, Louisiana. Official organ : Louisiana Municipalities and Highways (monthly). Michigan: League of Michigan Municipalities. Secretary, Charles A. Sink, Alderman, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Minnesota: League of Minnesota Municipalities. Executive secretary, E. L. Bennett, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota. Official organ: Minnesota Municipalities (bi-monthly) . Montana: Montana Municipal League. 1As existing July 1, 1918. Compiled by the Bureau of Municipal Information of the New Jersey Stzte League of Municipalities. Claude H. Andereon, director and secretary, Association of State Le~uea of Municipalities. Secretary, H. L. Fitton, city clerk, Lewistown, Montana. Nebraska: League of Nebraska Municipalities. Secretary-treasurer, C. A. Sorensen, 422 Funke Building, Lincoln, Nebraska. Official organ: Nebraska Municipal Review (quarterly). New Jersey: New Jersey State League of Municipalities. Executive secretary, Claude H. Anderson, Princeton. Official organ: New Jersey Municipalities (monthly except July and August). New Mexico: New Mexico League of Municipalities. Secretary, Howard L. Bickley, Suite 3, Mendelson Building, Raton, New Mexico. New York: New York State Conference of Mayors and other City Officials. Secretary, William P. Capes, 25 Washington Avenue, Albany, New York. North Carolina: Carolina Municipal Association. Secretary-treasurer, Mayor Fred I. Sutton, Xinston, North Carolina. North Dakota: Municipal League of Nbrth Dakota. Secretary, W. H. Alexander, city auditor, Grand Forks, North Dakota. (Reported temporarily inactive by secretary.) Ohio: Ohio Municipal League. Secretary, Gardner Lattimer, Toledo Commerce Club, Toledo, Ohio. (Reported temporarily inactive by secretary.) Oklahoma: Oklahoma Municipal League. Secretary-treasurer, Dr. F. F. Blackly, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma. Pennsylvania: League of Cities of the Third Class. Secretary, Fred H. Gates, city clerk, Wikes-Barre. Proceedings of annual conventions regularly published. Pennsylvania also has a State Bureau of Municipalities, J. Herman Knisely, chief, State House, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Tennessee': Tennessee Municipal League. Secretary: Charles C. Gilbert, Stahlman Building, Nashville, Tennessee.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [September Texas: League of Texas Municipalities. Executive secretary, Albert A. Long, University of Texas, Austin, Texas. Official organ: Terns Municipalities (bimonthly). Virginia: League of Virginia Municipalities. Secretary, L. C. Brinson, Portsmouth, Va. Washington: League of Washington Municipalities. Acting secretary, E. D. O’Brien, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington. Wisconsin: League of Wisconsin Municipalities. Secretary-treasurer, Ford H. MacGregor, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Official organ: The Municipality (monthly). f Virginia’s Community and Civic Leagues.-Under the auspices of the Cooperative Education Association of Virginia, two kinds of leagues have been organized around the schools of the state. The fist is the community or civic league, which is composed of adults, teachers, parents, and friends of the school, and works for the upbuilding of the community and the school. The second is the junior civic leagues, or as they are now cded the high or elementary school co-operative leagues. These junior civic leagues &re made up of pupils of the schools: there may be one made up of high school pupils, and another of elementary pupils over ten years of age. It is possible, therefore, for three leagues to be associated with the school: the civic league, or adult organization, the high school league, and the elementary league. A constitution for these pupil leagues is provided by the State Co-operative Education Association and is printed as part of a pamphlet issued by this association. This constitution and the pamphlet explaining and amplifying it suggest the work and organization of the junior leagues. There is a school improvement committee whose object is to look after the improvement and care of the school buildings and grounds: a civic improve ment committee encourages the improvement of streets, roads, home surroundings and sanitary conditions. .A social, literary and entertainment committee and an athletic committee are self explanatory. A boys’ club committee and a girls’ club committee promote the formation of desirable farming, poultry, canning clubs, as well as Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. organizations. A teacher is elected m censor, otherwise the direction of these above named activities is exclusively in the hands of the pupils. There are now more than 500 of these junior leagues scattered over the state. A few of them only have been formed in cities. The movement dates from 1912. D. R. ANDERSON. * A Signi6cant Park Gift.-John H. Patterson, the president of the National Cash Register Company of Dayton, has given to that city a million-dollar park. It is no new thing for a generous citizen to make a large gift in the way of land to the city in which he has lived and worked, but there is something significant in this particular gift, which represents the confidence of a shrewd, resourceful and successful business man in the commissionmanager form of government. A number of years ago park space amounting to 146 acres lying two miles nearer the city than the present Patterson gift was offered to the city on condition that $10,000 be spent on improvements. The city council turned this proffer down as one of its members owned real estate in another section of the town which he, wished to develop. The present administration eagerly accepted the present gift or nearly 300 acres with a proviso that $5,000 annually should be spent for upkeep. In connection with his gift, Mr. Patterson wrote the city commissioners as f0Uows: “I want you to impress upon all the people that this park is given, not at all as a memorial for me, but solely as a memorial to good government in Dayton. I would not have presented this park at this time, had not the people ht November endorsed good government by reelecting three good, non-partisan men to the commission. I wish that the people

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 543 could realize all the benefits that good government has brought to them, and yet we are only beginning. The commissionmanager form of government is the only one which is strictly of the people, by the people, and for the people. “The people all over the country are watching Dayton. They feel the commission-manager form of government is still on trial. With us, it is no longer on trial, as it has been fully tried and found successful. It is bound to succeed, because the charter of Dayton is founded on the same principles that have made American business successful. “What is good for Dayton is good for any other city. I look forward to the day when the commission-manager form of government will be universal among cities, counties, and states, and the United States. Then it is but a step to fitting it to the United States of the World.” Another point of interest is that when the city manager movement came to Dayton, the city owned thirty-five acres of park. Since that time 485 acres have been acquired, including the 294 involved in Mr. Patterson’s gift. * Kansas City City Club.-Kansas City’s active city club is to have new headquarters. The plans call for taking over the upper two floors of the Missouri building, which is being reconstructed for the purpose. The new quarters will give the club three times the floor space which it now has in the Glendale building. * The American City Bureau has absorbed the business and good will of the Town Development Company, specialists in conducting membership campaigns for commercial organizations and publishers of Town Development. * Washington Gladden, who for a number of years was a member of the National Municipal League and a speaker at its various meetings, died in July at Columbus, Ohio. One of Dr. Gladden’s addresses, ‘‘Civic Religion,” was reprinted in leaflet form and thousands of copies distributed throughout the country, stimulating young and old alike to a higher conception of their civic duties. Dr. Gladden was one of the earliest proponents of social Christianity, and wrote a number of interesting volumes dealing with various phases of the subject. * Wayne D. Heydecker, who has been the efficient committee secretary of the New York city club has resigned to become associate editor of the American Cily, taking charge of the research department of the American City Burehu (Tribune building). * Raymond Moley, instructor in politicai science in Western Reserve University, Cleveland, has been appointed director of Americanization for the Ohio state council of defense. Mr. Moley is also chairman of the National Municipal League’s committee on the same subject. * Professor Jdhn A. Fairlie of the University of Illinois is now in the orders and regulations branch of the quartermaster general’s office, handling a considerable volume of new rules, orders and regulations dealing not only with the Washington office but with the general work of the quartermaster corps of the army. * Chester H. Wells, for the past thirteen years the eficient health officer of Montclair, has been chosen state health commissioner of Delaware. He is secretary of the health administration section of the American Public Health Association and has been actively identified with progressive movements in the line of his work. Among other sanitarians who began their professional work in Montclair are Marshall 0. Leighton, Prof. C.-E. A. Window, and Horatio N. Parker. * Professor Herman G. James, associate professor of government at the University of Texas, and director of the bureau of municipal research and reference at that institution, having entered government service, has resigned as associate editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW.