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National municipal review, November, 1918

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National municipal review, November, 1918
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Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1918
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
Alice M. Holden Herman G. James
W. J. Donald Howard Lee McBain
C. C. Williamson
VOLUME VII
January, 1-130
March, 131-236
May, 237-337
July, 339-448
September, 449-544
November, 545-655
PUBLISHED FOR THE
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE
BY
THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H.
1918


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. VII, No. 6 November, 1918 Total No. 32
Ordinarily the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW should be in the hands of members and subscribers within a week of the first day of the months of publication, to wit, January, March, May, July, September, and November. The extraordinary conditions of the last six months, however, have resulted in numerous delays. If the magasine is not received by the loth of the month of issue, the Editor will be greatly obliged if a postal to that effect is sent to his office, 70S North American Building, Philadelphia.
THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE
BY DORSEY WILLIAM HYDE, JR.1
Judge Ransom’s article entitled “A new Deal on the Franchise Question” was delivered at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, held in Greenwich House, New York City, June 6. As it has appeared practically in full in several publications before the National Municipal League had an opportunity of publishing it, we have asked Mr. Hyde to give an abstract of the article and to bring it up to date in the way of developments, which he has done.—Editor.
THE cause of the American municipality in the present nation-wide propaganda for higher fares was ably defended by Judge William L. Ransom, counsel for the New York public service commission for the first district, in his address before the June meeting of the National Municipal League in New York city.
Pointing out that the present situation has placed a “wholeso ne and salutary po ver in the hands of the municipalities” the speaker urged that American cities face their traction problems in a courageous and statesmanlike way, granting increases where absolutely necessary but insisting upon just and desirable changes in franchise terms for future public protection. “Lines and portions of lines vhich are no longer necessary or desirable should be abandoned, and not continued as drains upon the resources of the systems. In many instances, rail lines on the surface are obsolete, and should give way to improved or more economical facilities. ‘Water’ should come out of stock; the power of ‘extortion’ possessed by the holders of ‘pioneer franchises.’ covering essential links in the present-day system, should be broken.”
1 Municipal Reference Librarian, New York City.
545


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
The street railway problem is not of recent growth. Long prior to the war there was conflict between the desire of investors to obtain a legitimate return upon their investments and the desire of the general public to obtain good service at low cost. With increased costs due to the war, investors have found their incomes reduced and street railway patrons are being asked to pay more, for a service in many instances actually inferior to previous standards.
LOW FARES ARE ESSENTIAL
There are a great number of cases where favorable action in the matter of relief “is the alternative of cessation of service.” Granting the need for relief the problem is from what source the assistance will be forthcoming. As “most of our municipal communities have been built up, and their population distributed, in reliance upon the prevalence of low fares for intra-urban and suburban travel,” it is a grave question whether or not sharp increases in transportation costs will become a social factor of menacing importance.
Rather than deterioration of service, properties, and employes, Judge Ransom believes that “slight, temporary advances in fares” would be preferable. There is, however, an acceptable alternative which may be adopted in some of the larger cities. Responsibility for operating deficits may be temporarily accepted by the public authorities, i.e., the community may decide to meet the deficit temporarily by taxation, rather than raise the rates. This principle, embodied in the New York city subway contracts, enables the municipality, at its option, to maintain the low, uniform rate of fare, despite the temporary period of war-time costs.
NATION-WIDE MOVE FOR HIGHER FARES
Before taking up Judge Ransom’s discussion of recent developments in New York state let us outline the main features of the problem in its nation-wide aspect treating each event in due sequence. Early in the war the public utility interests decided upon a nation-wide campaign for “relief” and fixed upon the state utility commissions as the most advantageous point of attack. As Judge Ransom points out: “The courts and public service commissions of various states have been inclined to hold that . . . the commission . . . has power to authorize the com-
pany to charge more than five cents, without the consent of the city or a modification of the franchise contract.”
At this point it is interesting to trace the history of this doctrine of commission jurisdiction over local utility franchises and contracts. The movement for state regulatory bodies, in its inception, aimed to protect the interests of local communities. Acting upon the principle that what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, public utility corporations


THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE
1918] THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE 547
are now noisily insisting upon the duty of state commissions, under present trying conditions, to afford them protection from the sort of rapaciousness of which they themselves were guilty in the past.
DO STATE COMMISSIONS POSSESS JURISDICTION?
But an examination of public service commission laws, and opinions of commissioners themselves, by no means tends to indicate a uniformity of opinion on this point. As matters stand to-day there are some eighteen states where the commission does not have jurisdiction or has failed to act, and almost a dozen states where there is no commission. On the other hand the question of jurisdiction is pretty firmly established in about fifteen states, is claimed but contested in five states, is claimed but not affirmed (by courts), or as yet exercised, in three states, and in one other state is claimed, but not affirmed although increases have been granted.
The problem is first of all complicated by the degree of home rule operative in the various states. In California the public utility act provides that all incorporated cities so voting have jurisdiction until same is surrendered to the commission. In Ohio, Alabama, Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Oregon, South Dakota, Tennessee, Michigan and Texas, the original public service commission law denied the jurisdiction of the commission. Of these states Colorado, Kansas, Oregon, Illinois, Indiana, now claim or have been ordered to assume jurisdiction. In Colorado although complete jurisdiction is claimed by the commission it has only been affirmed (by courts) in regard to cities not operating under the home rule act. It is interesting to note that in the original public service commission laws of the different states jurisdiction was specifically denied in thirteen states and obviously not contemplated in twelve states—a total of twenty-five states. In sixteen or seventeen states only was jurisdiction specifically asserted.
The New Jersey constitution “does not confer upon cities the right to grant street franchises, and the requirement for municipal consent was imposed by legislative acts.” In this state the jurisdiction of the commission has been definitely established, but the demands of the public service railway have been refused notwithstanding that its president called a witness for the defense a “jackass” and referred to the board of commissioners as “political horse thieves.” But, as pointed out above, the New Jersey case does not furnish a precedent for other states where a larger degree of home rule is vested in the cities.
BASIS OF MUNICIPAL CLAIM OF JURISDICTION
The claim of jurisdiction by the commissions in many cases is based upon the theory that “there is always existent a right upon the part of the legislature to change the law”—the legislature is the sovereign body


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
and all local powers are delegated therefrom. Professor McBairi has admirably shown how this “doctrine of legislative supremacy over the political subdivisions of the state has been upheld with little if any regard for the property rights of these subdivisions” (the cities), and how this has resulted in the ignoring of the personal character of this city. In fact the framers of the constitution of the state of Pennsylvania realized this tendency and sought to tie the hands of the legislature by declaring that “The general assembly shall not delegate to any special commission . . . any power to make, supervise, or interfere with any
municipal government.”2 For legal opinion on this point we quote Judge McQuillin: “It is well settled that the state legislature may authorize a municipality to establish by contract the rates to be charged by a public service corporation for a definite term, not grossly unreasonable in point of time, and that the effect of such a contract is to suspend, during the life of the contract, the governmental power of fixing and regulating the rates, but inasmuch as such contract extinguishes an undoubted power of government, both its existence and the authority to make it must be resolved in favor of the continuance of the power.”3 Present-day commissions apparently have based their claim of jurisdiction on the underlined portion of Judge McQuillin’s holding, although such an interpretation would seem to be in direct conflict with the intention of the writer.
INTENTION OP ORIGINAL COMMISSION LAWS
Reference to the public utility commission acts reveals another fact of importance. While in the majority of cases the right of a municipality to regulate fares is tacitly admitted it is often specified that the commission has the right of supervision over the fares of interurban street railway corporations. But even this principle is not universally accepted, as is evidenced by the ruling made by the Ohio commission and sustained by the supreme court, to the effect that the commission “had no authority to increase the rates of fare of interurban roads which have accepted certain rates in consideration of franchises from cities and counties through which they pass.” (According to the secretary of the Ohio commission “while there was some talk of an appeal to the federal courts, nothing has yet developed.”)
All things considered the question of jurisdiction (except perhaps, as previously indicated, in the states where home rule powers are greatly restricted) is by no means settled. The Maine commission bases its authority for action, first on the question of the lawfulness of contracts
2 Quoted in McBain, The Law and the Practice of Municipal Home Rule.
3 See further the much cited decision of the federal supreme court handed down by Mr. Justice Day in Vicksburg vs. Vicksburg Water Works Co., 206, U. S. 496, 27 Sup. Ct. 762, 51 L. Ed. 1155. Also Dillon, Municipal Corporations, Yol. Ill, p. 2242, par. 1326.


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THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE
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between city and utility and secondly upon the sovereign power of the legislature. In Indiana the commission declined to assume jurisdiction until ordered to do so by the state supreme court, which court based its order on the theory that an emergency existed, thus giving the commission authority to act under Section 122 of the public service commission act.
THE PLEA FOR “EMERGENCY” RELIEF
■ The “emergency” argument has been worked to the utmost by the public service corporations as a justification of their claims. In fact in several states the commission was requested to grant immediate relief to the petitioning railways before the formality of an investigation! That this argument is by no means new and has been used in the past to extract valuable concessions from public regulatory and legislative bodies is shown by the following statement of Mayor Jacob A. Westervelt of New York city in his annual message of 1854: “I cannot but deprecate the practice which has grown into use of late years, of applying, almost annually, to the legislature of the state for amendments to the charter, whose necessity is urged to meet special emergencies, or alleged exigencies.”4
Propaganda on the part of interested utility corporations reached its height last , spring when in a number of states much money had been spent in collective advertising and publicity campaigns. Then out of a clear sky, when all seemed to be going well, there came in rapid succession the decisions in New York, Massachusetts and New Jersey to dash previous hopes and change entirely the prospects for immediate grants of “relief.”
CRUCIAL EVENTS IN THREE STATES
In the North Shore railroad case over a year ago the New York commission of the second district had refused to act, on the grounds that it lacked jurisdiction. The commission was ordered to assume jurisdiction by the appellate division, and the increase requested by the company was granted. But in the case of Quinby vs. Public Service Commission the New York court of appeals, somewhat unexpectedly, ruled “that as to rates limited by the provisions of franchise contracts, the commission may not put the company in position to exceed the franchise maximum without first obtaining the city’s consent.”5
Massachusetts came next. When the state legislature adjourned in May it had by its enactments stripped of its powers the state commission—referred to as “the oldest, as well as one of the most progressive of the commissions” in street railway periodicals—and provided for
4 Quoted in McBain, The Law and the Practice of Municipal Home Rule, p. 6.
5 The wording is from Judge Ransom.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
public control, with and without guarantee, “cost of service” plan, subsidies, and municipal ownership as substitutes. Editor Harlow C. Clark of Mra, in commenting on this action, said: “It is scarcely too much to say that the theory of state regulation of electric railways, has by these acts of the general court, been relegated to the past so far as Massachusetts is concerned.” *
The final blow came from the “sure fire” state—New Jersey, where the principle of commission jurisdiction is well established. Largely as a result of the strenuous fight organized and directed by the New Jersey state league of municipalities, the $3,700,000 “relief” applied for was practically denied—the award being $860,000 (to be derived through a one-cent transfer charge) with the stipulation that the company must live up to certain obligations and submit a plan for a zoning system before January 1, 1919.6
NEW ATTITUDE TOWARD MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP
At this unpleasant juncture a prominent street railway man, returned from a trip through the west, proclaimed that the failure of regulation by state commissions, demonstrated in Massachusetts, “was forecast in other states when the character of the personnel of the commissions began to decline.” (More “horse thieves” in our midst!) The same gentleman pointed out that the street railway business was going to the “dem-nation bow-wows” and that although state ownership “may do violence to our preconceived notions of sound economics and politics” nevertheless “our troubles in the future may be lessened by inviting it now.”
The fight, however, still continues. A war board of the street railway interests appeared before the federal war labor board in June and it was suggested to the board that the President or congress might “take over the control of electric railways to a sufficient degree to regulate their rates, irrespective of state statutes or local franchises, for the period of the war.” Following upon the hearing the board issued a statement pointing out the “necessity of action to enable companies to pay higher wages.”
THE SITUATION TO-DAY
A few months ago, according to AEra, street railway fares had been increased in 246 American cities, affecting more than one-quarter of the urban population of the country. In 43 cities, according to the same authority the seven-cent fare has been adopted, and the six-cent unit in 86 other municipalities. Three cities had even gone as high as ten cents. The zone system, viewed with such apprehension a short time ago, has
* Aera, June, 1918, p. 1077.
6 Word has just come that this decision has been reversed on appeal and the seven cent fare allowed in the New Jersey cities where the public service railway operates.


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THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE
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been adopted in one form or another in some 27 communities. The increases, in many instances, have been obtained by the companies after surrender of their franchise rights and the problem of drawing up new agreements, or even the transfer to municipal ownership, is demanding much attention. Hard words are being bandied about in Chicago over the proposed street railway ordinance. Mayor Davis of Cleveland has gone on record as favoring municipal ownership, and Seattle7 and Portland are definitely attempting to take over the operation of their street railways. Perhaps the most extreme evidence of the tendency is the recent action of the Louisiana state legislature in passing an act authorizing municipalities to band together to build, own and operate interurban street railways.
EFFECT OF INCREASED FARES
It is difficult at the present writing to say just what has been (or will be) the effect of increased street railway fares upon the travelling public. In the cities where increases have been granted the financial results have been far from satisfactory. The United railways of St. Louis, finding that the six-cent fare is not producing sufficient revenue, are applying for a test of a three-zone system, with a minimum five-cent central area.8 In several other cities the results have been disappointing to the companies. To this should be added the information that the companies, disappointed in their expectations, are asking further increases, until it would seem that as far as they are concerned “the sky is the limit.” On the other hand, as pointed out by Judge Ransom, fare increases may become a social factor of menacing importance as regards certain of the laboring classes. Word comes from Detroit that “violence and bloodshed” followed the short-lived attempt to increase street railway fares, and echoes of this dire condition have come from a number of other cities. We may all be sure that the end is not yet in sight, and if this all-important problem of municipal economy is to be satisfactorily solved the constructive thought and action of every public official and civic worker is urgently demanded.
MISCELLANEOUS SOURCES OF INFORMATION
General Sources
Commentaries on the Law of Municipal Corporations. John F. Dillon.
1911.
A Treatise on the Law of Municipal Corporations. Eugene McQuillin.
1912.
Commission Regulation of Public Utilities. National Civic Federation. (Analysis of state public service commission laws.)
The Law and the Practice of Municipal Home Rule. Howard Lee Mc-Bain. 1916.
Municipal Franchises. Delos F. Wilcox. 1910.
State Sources
New York:—Public Service Commission, First District. Reports and Decisions. Vol. IX, No. 6, June 30, 1918; Effect of Presidential Direction of Railroad
1 See National Municipal Review, Vol. VII, p. 642. 8 See National Municipal Review, Vol. VII, p. 591.


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[NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
Operation upon the Regulative Powers of State Commissions. An Opinion Rendered . . . by W. L. Ransom; Before Su-
preme Court, New York County. Brooklyn Borough Gas Company v. Public Service Commission, First District. Memorandum in behalf of the Defendant.
Public Service Commission, Second District. People, ex. rel. New York & North Shore Traction Company v. Public Service Commission (162 N.Y. Supp. 405; P. U. R. 1917 B, 957. Decided December 28,1916); In the Matter of the Application of Henry D. Quinby . . . et al. . . . for a Writ of Prohibition against the Public Service Commission (223 N. Y. 244); Opinions, Nos. 325, 343, 344, 347, 354, 356 (published separately).
California:—Public Utilities Act (as amended by Legislature of 1917) of the State of California, 1917; Opinions and Orders of the Railroad Commission of California. Decision No. 5636. Application No. 3788. Decided July 26, 1918; Opinions and Orders, etc. Decision No. 5660. Application No. 3805. Decided August 10, 1918.
Colorado:—Public Service Commission. William Campbell et al. v. City of Grand Junction . . . Decision No. 144, Case No. 134; Before Supreme Court. Denver & South Platte Railway Company v. City of Englewood, 62 Colo. 229; 161 Pac. 151; Before U. S. Supreme Court. City of Englewood v. The Denver & South Platte Railway Co. (No. 324. Pending since October, 1917.)
Connecticut:—Public Utilities Commission. Docket No. 2565. Hartford v. The Connecticut Company.
District of Columbia:—Law creating the Public Utilities Commission of the District of Columbia. March 4, 1913.
Georgia:—Railroad Commission of Georgia. Order and Opinion. (File No. 13946.) Application of Georgia Railway and Power Company for increased fares. . . . Decided August 14, 1918.
Illinois:—Public Utilities Commission. In the Matter of Proposed Advances of Rates . . . by Bloomington & Nor-
mal Railway & Light Company, etc. Order No. 7704; City of Chicago. An ordinance authorizing the Chicago Local Transportation Company to construct, maintain and operate a system of local transportation, etc. In Journal of Proceedings of City Council. Meeting of August 14, 1918.
Maryland:—Public Service Commission. Case No. 1492. Order No. 4452. Filed August 9, 1918. Opinion and order in the matter of the complaint of the Public Service Commission of Maryland v. Consolidated Gas, Electric and Power Company of Baltimore.
Missouri:—Public Service Commission Law, 1917. Before the Public Service Commission of Missouri. Kansas City Railways Company v. Kansas City, a Municipal Corporation. Defendants’ Brief and Argument.
New Hampshire:—Public Service Commission. Reports and Orders. Vol. V, No. 11; Public Service Commission Reports and Orders. Vol. VI, Advance Sheet No. 6; Public Service Commission. Reports and Orders. Vol. VI, Advance Sheet No. 7.
New Jersey:—Brief against the Application of the Public Service Railway Company for an increase of rates before the Board of Public Utility Commissioners of New Jersey by Marshall Van Winkle and George L. Record of Counsel for New Jersey State League of Municipalities Members of that League. 1918.
Oklahoma:—Corporation Commission. Tenth Annual Report. Order No. 1255, p. 438; Corporation Commission. Tenth Annual Report. Order No. 1259, p. 457 (affirmed by Supreme Court—see Public Utilities Reports Annotated, 1917-D, p. 947); Corporation Commission. Tenth Annual Report. Order No. 1214, p. 367.
Oregon .-—Oregon Decisions. Advance Sheets. Vol. 6, No. 9, July 31, 1918 (Portland v. Public Service Commission).
Pennsylvania:—Public Service Commission. Complaint Docket No. 1716, No.. 432. Harbor Creek Township v. Buffalo and Lake Erie Traction Company; Public Service Commission. Complaint Docket No. 1883, No. 428. Borough of Wilkins-burg v. Pittsburgh Railways Company.
Rhode Island:—Report of the Special Commission (of state legislature) for the investigation of the affairs of the Rhode Island Company. March, 1918.
Virginia:—State Corporation Commission. Case No. 706. Commonwealth of Virginia, at the relation of the City of Clifton Forge, Va.
Washington:—Laws of Washington Relating to the Powers, Duties and Jurisdiction of the Public Service Commission of Washington. September, 1917; Washington Decisions. Advance Sheets. Vol. 3, No. 2, July 17, 1918 (City of Seattle v. Public Service Commission).
West Virginia:—Public Service Commission. First Annual Report. Part 1, 1914* Public Service Commission. Biennial Report. Part 1, 1915-1916.
Wisconsin:—R a i 1 r o a d Commission. T. M. E. R. & L. Company v. Railroad Commission. 153 Wis. 592 (affirmed by Federal Supreme Court in 238 U. S. 174); Railroad Commission. Duluth Street Railway Company v. Railroad Commission, 161 Wis. 245.


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WAR TIME HOUSING IN AMERICA1
BY JOHN IHLDER2 Philadelphia
IN pre-war days we listed and discussed the reports3 on local housing conditions prepared for local committees and perhaps appended to them the names of a series of improved industrial villages created by corporations for their own employes and of one or two new and small limited dividend companies organized to improve the dwellings of wage-earners in large cities. That was our seed time. Without it we should have entered the war totally unprepared to deal with one of the most difficult factors in our war industry problem—the housing of our workers. We should have provided far less effectively and with correspondingly greater loss through sickness and death, for the housing of our armies during their period of training.
Had we begun our planting ten years earlier or been granted ten years more for the seed to germinate, the story of our war-time housing would have been a different one. As it is we have been compelled to force the harvest, to do in a scant year and a half what should have taken several years, to thresh out at high speed and with minds pre-occupied by an overwhelming mass of detail, policies and problems that should have been settled before construction began. Even to-day we have not settled these fundamental questions; we are fighting the battles without having fully decided upon the plan of campaign. Our great good fortune is that we had available men who had studied the problems involved, though on limited fields, and like our army officers whose only practice had been with regiments and divisions, they are now demonstrating an ability to think and act in terms of a nation mobilized.
NATIVE MIGRATION
But this rapid progress makes futile any attempt to list and discuss individual communities as we did in the past. That way we are likely to miss seeing the forest because of the trees. A year and a half ago we were still thinking along old channels, though at slightly higher speed. The pre-war boom towns—Bridgeport, Flint, Hopewell, Penns Grove— had forced us to take new factors into our calculations. The virtual cessation of immigration from Europe, the migration of our native pop-
1 See article “Wooden Cities”:—The National Army Cantonments, by John Ihlder Volume VII, pp. 139.
2 Secretary, Philadelphia housing association; representative U. S. housing corporation for Philadelphia; member, national city planning institute.
5 See National Municipal Review.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
ulation to war industry centers, which reached a dramatic phase in the great negro migration of 1917, introduced new values.
Our entrance into the war greatly increased this movement of native population. Certain sections of the country because of location, natural resources, established industries fitted to supply war essentials, drew workmen by the thousand and in some cases by the hundred thousand. At the same time the construction of new dwellings virtually ceased. Housing shortages in the war-industry centers became acute and private means were unable to meet the need. Yet unless the need were met, essential industries would halt because of lack of workers. We were compelled to think not in terms of a single manufacturing concern, even though it is as large as the U. S. Steel Corporation which built large towns, nor even in terms of a great industrial community like Philadelphia, which delights to call itself the workshop of the world, but in terms of a nation suddenly called upon to utilize all its resources to the utmost.
WE ARE TOO BUSY FOR MANY REPORTS
This change is reflected not so much in reports recently issued, for we are going too fast now to write many reports or to have them be little less than antiquated by the time they are published, but in the work that is being done. A year and a half ago we were issuing old-time reports; even in 1918 an occassional one appears from some still comparatively unhurried community, as that written by Robert E. Todd for the Des Moines housing commission. It is excellent of its kind. Especially effective are the illustrations. Mr. Todd has a way of writing his message on the photograph itself and using arrows to point to the exact spot to which he wishes to call attention that is much more effective than the usual description printed below a picture. It spoils the artistry, but it makes perfectly clear what he wants the reader to see. This report, like the interesting one on New Amsterdam, New York, written by Miss Udetta D. Brown, and that prepared for the city commission of Portland, Oregon, of which a summary is published in the Oregon Voter of July 20, 1918, raise again the old wonder how the citizens of a community can read such descriptions and not act. After enumerating the windowless rooms, the foul toilets and insanitary plumbing which make the city of roses smell like something quite different to a large proportion of its population, the Voter gives one picture in detail:
PORTLAND, OREGON, CONDITIONS
In one two-room tenement lives a family of four, and there is no direct access to the outside air in either room. There is no sink in either room. Water has to be carried from a distance and the slops carried out an equal distance. At the end of the hall is an enclosed toilet, which ventilates into the same hallway that the two enclosed rooms depend upon for what air they get. A stifling stench pervades the entire premises—and little


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children breathe this from morning until night and then the whole family breathes it all night long.
Such is the home of one family in Portland, a rich, conservative city in a thinly settled commonwealth over which it may expand. Nor is this news to Portland, for it has been told similar stories during the past half dozen years. What Portland lacks is energy, not to overcome the greed and selfishness of a few landlords, but its own inertia and lazy acceptance of tradition and conditions.
THE INTEREST OF THE DYNAMIC BUSINESS ELEMENT
In other parts of the country war is supplying this energy, but accompanying it by a loss of effective power. Suddenly aroused to the need of more housing and better housing the dynamic business element has set itself to secure new dwellings of an improved type, but has become so absorbed in this that it neglects to inquire into the conditions of existing dwellings. Bridgeport, Connecticut, is still our best example, for there some attention was paid to existing buildings and the law was strengthened even though the greatest attention was given to new construction. Even in Bridgeport the emphasis was so much on one side that the plans for a new “model” apartment house had to be redrawn to comply with the law. Bridgeport had the great advantage of a prewar boom, however, which concentrated outside attention upon it and brought it criticism and suggestion in plenty. Later towns, like Lock-port, New York, did not awaken until the housing shortage had begun to become national in its effects, and the efforts of its housing company failed to excite much more than local interest. Their successes or failures may or may not have interest to us after the war. If now, like Elizabethtown, New Jersey, they do succeed in erecting a few good dwellings, despite the high costs of labor and material and the difficulty of securing capital, they have a double satisfaction, they are helping to meet their own needs and at the same time aiding the nation—providing the workers who inhabit their new dwellings are engaged in essential industries. Five years ago we would have watched such co-operative efforts with the greatest interest as indications of a long step forward from ownership by a single firm. Now we do not know whether their contribution is anything more than the provision of a few more dwellings.
With these efforts of business groups to meet a need too great for the old-time competitive builder’s resources may be classed the latest comers among company villages: Berwin, Tennessee, the garden village of the Connecticut Mills Company, Sawyer Park at Williamsport, Pennsylvania, the new developments at Dayton and Youngstown and Morgan Park. Some of these may have technical features calling for study; some may show the way to meet a practical difficulty—or a way sure to lead us into difficulty and therefore to be avoided. With them again may be


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classed an ever-increasing number of pamphlets on housing issued by concerns which have something to sell. They are a natural sequel to the old-time housing reports from which they draw a great part of their argument. Now that the business man has at last awakened to the need of good housing for wage-earners other business men are ready to sell it to him. The “ready-cut house” firms were the first in this field, but they now have competitors among dealers in metal lath, cement, lumber. Many of their publications are handsomely gotten out, as that of the Associated Metal Lath Manufacturers entitled As a Man Liveth. Industrial Houses of Concrete and Stucco by the Atlas Portland Cement Company is more obviously a catalogue as its straightforward title indicates; while Housing and Industry by the National Lumber Manufacturers Association mingles housing philosophy with selling arguments. The National Fire Protective Association recognizes the new era by supplementing the building code of the National Board of Fire Underwriters with a pamphlet on Recommendations on Emergency Housing, and well-known firms like Ballinger and Perot and the Aberthaw Construction Company call attention to their services past and prospective by pamphlets on Modern Industrial Housing and Industrial Housing Problems. It is such as these that prove housing has ceased to be the fad of reformers and become the business of practical men. If only the practical men had arrived a few years earlier—but then they would not have been practical.
NATIONAL HOUSING ASSOCIATION’S PUBLICATION
How fast we are moving in housing is indicated by the Proceedings of the National Housing Association, held in October, 1917, and of the symposium on war housing, held in Philadelphia in February, 1918. The former shows us trying to get some understanding of our war housing problem and using as illustrative the experiences of small communities like Kenosha and Akron or the great, but foreign one of England. It contains discussions on reducing the cost of workmen’s dwellings—reminiscent of a time when we dreamed of the $1,000 house, while now we are building $5,000 and $6,000 houses; on the best house for the small wage-earner, while now we are building for the wage-earner who gets from $50 to $150 a week—the small wage-earner must wait in an old building until after the war; on housing by employers, while now employers are calling upon the government to build; on the real estate man, while now the real estate man is closing his almost useless office to take part in Liberty Loan drives, for his houses are all rented. Whatever conclusion could have been reached then on such subjects must be modified now and probably still more modified before peace is signed—and after. Opinions are —or should be—based on facts.
Yet this volume has more than an historic interest for it contains some discussions on questions which have not undergone such violent change.


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.We are still concerted as’to which department of the city government shall enforce housing laws,for city governments'still have their old powers over existing .dwellings'and even over new dwellings not built by a federal agency. We are still studying the problems of districting or zoning and still look to men like Lawson Purdy with his peace-time experience, for war has not changed the principles of city building and the federal authorities, immersed in detail, have not taken control of the development of cities as they have of the building and management of villages. Here the facts have not been greatly altered.
WAR TIME HOUSING QUESTIONS
The symposium, held four months later, shows the change. It was not a conference with prepared papers, but a series of snap-shot discussions. It did not deal with generalizations but with immediate problems: “To what extent shall war workers be housed in temporary barracks— in permanent homes?” The answer given then is now being worked out, “In barracks only until permanent houses can be erected or where the need is temporary”; “shall houses for war workers be rented or sold?” a question that could not be answered. Is the industry permanent or will it decline after the war, compelling the present tenant to seek work elsewhere while a man of a different trade takes his dwelling? Should the wage-earner own his home? The two great federal agencies engaged in house building, the Emergency Fleet corporation and the U. S. housing corporation, have opposite opinions. Without prejudice to these opinions in general, they seem recently to have agreed that no houses should be sold now. “Shall we provide for housing many women workers?” One great war industry in the Philadelphia district, in a community where dwellings have been overfilled for months, is now seeking 4,000 women employes. It is not a question of shall but of must. So with the question “shall we encourage or discourage the ‘take a roomer campaign’?” Even at the time they were asked these questions as phrased had ceased to be pertinent. Only the remaining one remains live, “what is the best way to house the woman worker?” But it calls for a hundred answers. The woman worker, married, unmarried, mother and childless is with us as we never dreamed, in February, 1918, she would be. She works on railroad section gangs, in munition plants, she cleans city streets, and does home sewing for government arsenals. How shall she be housed?
HOUSING STANDARDS
Most of the war time changes in housing, great as they have been, only partially prepared for them as we were, are encouraging. Our unpreparedness has left us with fundamental questions unanswered. We are doing things not because we are convinced that they are the right things or that we are doing them in the right way, but simply because


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the war compelled us to do them in the first and quickest way we could. Yet day by day we are growing more confident that we shall find the answers. But in housing the war emphasis so far has been all on the side of construction. In that we have been able to secure the acceptance of good standards through the adoption of standards recommended for permanent industrial housing developments by the U. S. housing corporation, as well as through the work in both the housing corporation and the Emergency Fleet corporation of architects and housing specialists who know their importance. For our new federal housing we are also likely to have good maintenance. It is in the field of local government regulation that we have cause for most disquietude.
One effect of the war has been to divert interest from local questions. Moreover many of the best not only of our citizens, but of our local officials have answered the call to national and foreign service, leaving their home communities much the poorer. As a result the local work has suffered. Even with their best citizens all at home and with interest in local problems keen, the present would have proved a difficult time. Here is the continued work that has no glamor of war, though its performance is essential to our war power. The man or woman who continues at it must either realize its importance enough to sacrifice himself or be one who puts personal security and ease first. There are workers of both kinds in our public services to-day, but both the number and the power of the first have been much decreased by the call to the colors. Municipal work has slackened; departments are undermanned and often incompetently manned. This is true in war industry centers as in those where the only appeal to national service comes through the national government. And this is true in housing as it is in other branches of the local government. The machinery is still working, but at very low speed, in marked contrast to the feverish haste of the federal government’s housing machinery. Yet in the war industry centers it is of quite as great importance. In Philadelphia there may and should be erected 15,000 to 20,000 new houses. That is the federal government’s task. To do this task it has called in the best men from all over the country and they are working tremendously. In Philadelphia there are nearly 400,000 existing dwellings. To maintain them in proper sanitary condition would be a service many times greater in result than the erection of new dwellings, for they house many times the number of shipyard and munitions workers who will inhabit the government’s dwellings. But that is old work, it has become more or less routine, and it has not the official stamp of being national service. In its performance there is none of the spirit that characterizes the federal work, a spirit that leads men to work day and night regardless of hours. Even in New Jersey, where the board of tenement house supervision has increased its work, there is no indication given by the latest annual report, that the board realizes the new duties


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and new opportunities of these days. Yet New Jersey at its northern and southern extremities comes within two of the great war industry districts. In New York a recent proposal by real estate interests that the tenement house department be abolished as a measure of economy and on the plea that it has done its work, was answered by a former commissioner by quoting figures showing the needs of the normal civil population. In Philadelphia, where the health of a vastly increased working population is of immediate and vital concern to the nation, the work is under the supervision of temporary appointees and no attempt has been made to do more than simply go through the established routine.
FEDERAL INTEREST IN LOCAL CONDITIONS
In grateful contrast to these cities is Buffalo, not because of what it has accomplished, but because its health and housing officials see their task in its true relation to our national program and desire to do their full duty. Like the other cities mentioned, Buffalo is a war industry center. The health department, under which is the enforcement of housing regulations, has made a thorough study of the situation which showed definitely the dearth of vacant dwellings, the falling off in new construction and the increasing population. It admits that under these conditions it cannot maintain all standards as it would and calls attention to the increase of families in lodgings. But it does maintain sanitary standards and in spite of the dearth of dwellings, to which its own report called attention, it vacated five tenement houses because of their insanitary condition.
In this it has the moral support of the federal authorities, for the U. S. housing corporation, whose purpose in being is to secure additional housing for war workers, constantly lays emphasis upon the need of making and keeping dwellings wholesome and habitable. So important do the federal authorities consider this that a short time ago Adjutant General H. B. Smith and Dr. W. F. King, of the Indiana health department, warned East Chicago that unless it improved its housing and sanitation martial law would be declared.
So far, however, the federal authorities have not interfered in local housing regulation except in the immediate neighborhood of large camps. There, as at Norfolk, they have made their influence felt. What they may do in the near future may be another story, unless the local authorities awaken to the fact that they too have a part to play in the war. For the increasing interest of the ordnance and navy departments in the health of workers on war contracts points in the same way as does that of the U. S. housing corporation, which already has made housing surveys of fifty-two cities in its search for available dwellings and which, despite its desire to secure accommodations, discards all insanitary houses, residence in which would reduce the productive efficiency of workers


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“Every effort,” it states officially, “is being made to protect health and morals and gain comfort.”
So for the period of the war we are likely to have an increase of federal initiative and control based upon the need for producing at our maximum. Until the end of September this was as far as any one in authority at Washington would go. Federal participation in housing was a. war measure and even those who are working out the plans for managing the new industrial communities built with government money would say nothing publicly of what they thought should be done with those communities when war ends. One even declared that the subject is of no interest to him, that when peace is signed he will give up his position and that so far as he is concerned the government may scrap them all, as it can afford to do considering the small part they represent of the total war cost.
WILL WAR COMMUNITIES BE SCRAPPED?
But they will not be scrapped. Some of these developments are among the best examples in existence of industrial communities. They are a permanent addition to the national wealth. The time is at hand when, without relaxing our efforts to win a speedy and decisive military victory, we must begin to think of peace. We went into war unprepared and it has cost us billions more than it otherwise would. But war brings with it an exaltation that overrides obstacles. If we go into peace unprepared we shall unnecessarily waste more billions, and peace may bring with it a weariness and lassitude that can be overcome only by having a clearly defined purpose. Senator Weeks took the first step in his resolution advocating the appointment of a congressional committee on reconstruction, one of whose purposes will be a consideration of the housing problem.
When that committee, or some other agency, congressional or administrative, begins to study the proper disposition of the government’s housing developments it will find one clear-cut proposal awaiting it in the plan put forth by the committee on new industrial towns, according to which they shall be owned by all their inhabitants as a group, not by some of them as individuals.


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MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS FOI;
AND PEACE1
l WAR
E
BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Philadelphia
VERY individual, and every organization is now nt ,.
record, just as is the soldier and the company of S()](jjerg
front, and this record must always stand a credit Qr a gjiame
As the president of a civic league in Florida has so pertiner ^ cjecjare(j'
“if there was ever a reason for the existence of such an ortanization as
this civic league, a body of citizens working together ‘to3.^
public interest in all matters relating to good citizenship, to im rQve jocaj
conditions, and to promote the general welfare,’ if there wam^r0ve oca
for our banding together four years ago, does that reason not ?
Is it not increased many fold when need is threatening the v.er exjg^engg
of entire nations, and no one can tell what tax will be put 6I^ GX1^ ence , , . , ^ upon the re-
sources of our own fair land?
WAR WORK BEHIND THE LINES
This is the spirit of every civic body, city, state and natio^j ^ which we have record. Increased civic activities are as essential tc . .
of the war, as they are to the solution of the after war probl(’mg the home lines,” “Service in the home trenches,” “Prepare for ^ g when they come home,” are some of the suggestive slogans inscr^ecj on ^ banners of our civic forces. In the words of Winston Churchy <( ^ ^ student of history who is able to place himself within the stre^^ ^ evoju tion the really important events of to-day are not taking ' , battle lines, but behind them.”. . . place on the
“What is municipal war work” is a pressing question jmme(jja^e moment claiming the attention alike of city and federal a^n1inistra^ong for the war has made it both a municipal and a federal Queg^on jn’ these days of need for vast sums to equip and maintain our fi^htm forces our federal government has of necessity assumed through’3 fecjerai reserve board, the capital issues committee and the war fina tion a supervision and control over municipal finances (insou _ . .
pal borrowing is concerned) that forces new definitions and *^eijmj^a^iorig
In a letter to the Chicago plan commission the president of ^ Qj^ca association of commerce said:
I have noticed in press reports that there is an apparent . ,
discourage consideration of some of the projects of the Q'»°p 1 an
1 Condensed report of the address of the secretary of the National Mu
at the annual meeting held in New York City, June 6, 1918.
micinal League


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
commission because of the war. I am not surprised at this, for it is in line with the suggestion made by some people in connection with other local problems. It is nevertheless, unfortunate, because while winning the war must be thte predominant thought with all of our people, the victory will be a barren one if we have failed to conserve present worthy objects and forward consideration at least of the plans for the future.
The Chicago association of commerce has been giving its energy to whole-hearted support of the war problem. At the same time we have not shed the burdens of encouraging local business and civic effort. We have tried to profit by the experience of our Allies. I believe that any study of the municipal and national affairs of the European countries who have been through three years of intensive warfare will show conclusively that part of the war program was the planning of large municipal undertakings and extension of foreign and domestic trade.
This is in line with the best English and French thought on the subject.
FEDERAL CONTROL OF THE SOCIAL EVIL
Federal control is being exercised in another highly important direction. “There is not a single red light district existing to-day within an effective radius of any army cantonment or naval station where any considerable number of soldiers or sailors are in training.” Raymond B. Fosdick, chairman of the commission on training camp activities, declared in summing up vice conditions around military camps:
Twenty-five segregated districts within the five-mile zones established around military camps have been closed under the congressional enactment which provides for absolute repression in these areas. Beyond the dead line in cities contiguous to military camps many more have been abolished through the co-operation of federal, state and civic authorities. “Seatteration,” which has invariably followed the abolition of segregation in these cities, also has been combatted effectively.
Varying degrees of public ignorance and prejudice have hampered the effective enforcement of laws. There have been people who have opposed any change when a clean-up was ordered, failing to realize the destructive influence of the segregated zones upon the military efficiency of the soldiers and sailors. Others have argued that the abolition of segregation would scatter evil throughout the community.
These conditions coupled with the apathy of a few public officials have forced the government to take drastic steps to bring certain cities to a realization of their duty in keeping their soldier and sailor visitors fit for fighting. At Seattle, Washington, recently pressure brought about by indignant citizens forced the officials to make a sweeping clean-up of all questionable places after soldiers from Camp Lewis at American Lake, Washington, had been forbidden to enter the city because of the vicious conditions existing there.
To accomplish these ends the federal authorities acting through army and navy officers have not hesitated to “take over,” “control,” “commandeer,” call it what one pleases, the police force of the communities


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MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS
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failing on their own initiative to protect our boys from a danger almost as great as the enemy’s guns. .
As a whole the Fosdick commission is meeting with patriotic co-operation from citizens, who will not permit the continuance of immorality in their town to compromise the municipality’s devotion to the cause of winning the war.
The American people are coming to see that all the evils which are alleged to exist in the camps are more prevalent in civil life. As the social service commission of the Diocese of Pennsylvania pointed out, “It is here that habits are learned and acquired. We must therefore get at the root of the matter and purge our home conditions. Prostitution, gambling, drinking are not to be blamed only on our soldiers and sailors as such. They are to be blamed on the citizens and city government which allow them to exist, and we must act accordingly.”
Therefore it is not surprising to find that the influence of the Fosdick commission is spreading into the cities and states. . . .
THE RETURNING SOLDIER AND WHAT HE WILL FIND
Indeed it is a pertinent question to ask “What sort of a city will the soldier find when he comes back from the front? ” In the words of the Bishop of Pennsylvania:
Here, then, is our work cut but for us, put up to us. It is every bit as critical as the work which is done in first line trenches. It is even more important. For there is no use in plowing if there is no seed. There is no use in building houses if there are no tenants. There is no use in conquering the Germans on the battlefields abroad if we are not prepared to use the fruits of victory at home! This war is waged to make the world a decent place to live in, or, as Christians would prefer to put it, to set up the Kingdom of God upon this earth. Prudence, brethren, suggests that we should set about it here and now.
“Behold! I make all things new.” When the..boys come home they will be bent on newness. They will look with new eyes upon our homes, our education, our commercial system, our politics, our international relations. There will be a new and grim strength of purpose behind their demand for drastic change. Shall they, or shall they not, find us ready for it and working at it?
CHANGES IN METHODS, STANDARDS AND IDEALS
In every direction the war is making changes in methods, in Standards, in ideals. It is sweeping into the dump heap old ideas of public life and service, old ideas of administration and legislation. It is bringing new forces into the field. It is welding the nation together as never before. The various drives for the Liberty Loan, Thrift, the War Savings Stamps, the Red Cross, the War Chest are 'performing a great function. They are making Americans. They are making America known unto herself. They are Americanizing Americans. The government as such is being brought to the knowledge and consciousness of the smallest com-


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
munity, the humblest individual and this is bound to be reflected in the public activities of the individual and of their organization. Particularly in the cities will this new spirit manifest itself where congestion already great is becoming greater. The influx of new citizens, however, will tend to break up old combinations and make new and more public-spirited ones possible.
THE NEW AMERICANIZATION
Our foreign populations are being touched and melted into our citizenship. Once we thought of Americanization as John Collier so happily puts it as consisting of getting naturalized. Then we thought that learning English was Americanization. Then we decided that a better intellectual grasp of American history and of American political ways was needed for Americanizing the immigrant. Then the war came along, and our conception of Americanization broadened a thousand-fold. What does Americanization mean to us now?
We are in the world arena, no longer an isolated people. We have decided that nations across the globe from us are fighting for those ideals for which our American grandfathers fought. We have decided that democracy is a world issue, that justice is an international concern, that brotherhood is as wide as the human race. We are no longer just talking about these things, we are giving our treasure, we are freezing in the winter and putting our children on short rations and we will ere long be shedding the blood of our soldiers, because we believe that these things are so.
We now see that Americanization consists in a fitting of all the dwellers in America, alien and native alike, for that new and greater, more gorgeous, more generous-hearted America of to-morrow. Our Americanism looks forward, not backward.
THE FAILURE OF AMERICAN CITIES
It is not an edifying spectacle, however, to see our cities failing in important duties at this critical time, failing to such an extent that the federal government is compelled to interfere in the interests of the preservation of the American Army. New York, Philadelphia, Chicago have not been giving a good account of themselves and numerous smaller cities are falling behind in their citizenship as shown in their elections. Public spirited, socially conscious, far visioned men have not been conspicuously to the front as candidates. The most that cities like Chicago can say is that loyal men have been chosen—but we must have something more than loyalty, something more than goodness—we must have loyalty and goodness plus,—plus ability, public spirit, vision, a discernment of the time. ...
Who was it that said: "Democracy can never be achieved in reality without direct understanding and conscious participation of every individual citizen.” We shall never have good government, in the broadest conception of that term, until we want, want all the time, want it suffi-


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ciently to work for it, not now and then, not a few days each year, but every day in every year.
PUBLIC INTEREST AND PUBLIC SERVICE
There seems to be a recession in certain of the commission-managed cities which have heretofore bulked large in the public eye, notwithstanding that in many communities the commission manager is considered a war measure. Why is this so? Largely because the people in those communities thought that the form of government took the place of, and made unnecessary, the active co-operation of the citizenry. There is a direct ratio between public interest and public service.
Let us hope that the women who are so generally coming into a direct participation in the responsibility for government will exercise the same persistency, intelligence and fine appreciation of the situation they have been manifesting in their war time activities. They are unquestionably fitting themselves for an effective participation in public affairs that holds out great hope for the future.
In this crisis the National Municipal League stands (to quote from a letter of a Minneapolis member to his friends in that city) “as it has always stood, for honest and efficient city administration. It is going to fight during the war to make every city efficient for war service. Whether the need is good housing for munition workers, expert organization for relief of war sufferers, a better charter, or better business standards, the National Municipal League will lend its aid and its advice. It will do its part to keep the cities efficient and safe for democracy. Nay, it may be depended upon to do more. It may be depended upon to promote a truly democratic spirit without which democracy will be safe nowhere. . . .”
GERMAN AND AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP CONTRASTED
In the words of the editor of The Canadian Municipal Journal:
Citizenship, as we understand the term, is unknown in Germany, the men and women being merely numbers, their usefulness being measured principally by their procreation proclivities.
Compare this form of citizenship with what we enjoy in America or can enjoy if we would but put forth our hand, the control of our government, its conception, its purpose, its administration, its ideals. The basis of our voting lists is becoming truly democratic, our governmental machinery is being simplified and made truly responsive, equal opportunities are being opened to all, brotherhood and social interdependence are developing on every side, co-operation is becoming the order of the day. . . .
PRUSSIANISM IN OUR CITIES
There is a form of Prussianism in our cities, however, which must be exterminated—the autocratic boss and his machine. It represents in


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spirit and practice all that we are fighting to defeat on the battlefields of Europe. We must not fail, those of us who remain upon this side of the ocean, to do our share in rooting out every form of Prussianism, wherever found, wherever practiced. It is hateful in Europe. It is equally hateful here and we must not ask our boys who are hazarding their all to come back home to find here what they thought they had defeated and killed across the waters.
We must prepare for the future, now, by building up our cities as strong, efficient democratic units, that they may do their full share in winning the war and be prepared to solve the multitude of difficulties which will follow in the wake of the war. The breaking out of war found us unprepared for its prosecution. Let us hope and work that the coming of peace will not find us unprepared for peace.
THE SURVEY AS AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY
BY MURRAY GROSS Philadelphia
AMERICAN democracy was not ushered in complete, nor has it been handed on from generation to generation unchanged. It has reacted under the influence of international relations; the tremendous development of industry; the enormous growth of cities; the movement of population to cities; the immigration of foreign peoples; the influx of women in industry; and other variations in the life of the nation. These changes have been most potent in affecting our public affairs during the past few decades, and by their nature have given rise to innumerable new problems in social and economic life as well as in political and governmental administration.
The past has shown much experimentation in its attempts to get at, interpret, and solve public problems. During the past decade, while experimentation has not ceased, the efforts of communities in outlining programs of correction, readjustment and betterment have more and more been based on social, industrial, and civic investigations and surveys, having as their aim a scientific solution of the problems that confront the communities. By their nature, these movements toward scientific solution of public problems are predicated on a desire for a peaceful and economical process as a substitute for the wasteful, oftentimes ill-adapted, experimental efforts of the past. Indeed, as Dr. Shelby M. Harrison, director of the department of surveys of the Russell Sage Foundation, says in his Community Action Through Surveys, “Something


1918] SURVEY AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY
567
mighty fundamental in the fabric of our public affairs has been inweaving in the last dozen years or more, something that bears the marks of high resolve, and that carries the infection of life and youth and renaissance.”
IMPORTANCE OF THE SURVEY MOVEMENT
That interpretation of Dr. Harrison of the spirit impregnating our community life gives emphasis to the importance of the social and civic survey movement in the process of peaceful social, economic, and governmental readjustment and renewal. This readjustment and renewal depends above all things upon the correcting power of dependable facts, and these must be gathered as carefully and faithfully as the scientist in any field of research gathers facts and in the same way be supplemented by such an analysis and handling as will make them potent in correcting the community faults that are discovered through them and in stimulating such existing tendencies as promote the common welfare.
Since its inauguration in the Pittsburgh Survey in 1907, the scientific social and civic survey movement has spread enormously with increasing momentum throughout the country. While the department of surveys and exhibits of the Russell Sage Foundation and the New York bureau of municipal research have been leading the way in scientific survey activities, other public and private agencies have resorted to the method and plan of the scientific survey for making inquiries into and constructive recommendations in regard to social, civic, and other conditions. Prominently among these are the United States war emergency boards, the federal bureau of education, the children’s bureau, the public health service, state and city boards of health, civic federations, charity societies, housing associations, city planning boards, churches, home and foreign missionary societies, Sunday school associations, Young Men’s and Young Women’s Christian Associations, chambers of commerce, tax associations, women’s clubs, civic improvement societies, vice commissions, city boards of public welfare, state boards of charities, recreation associations, committees of private citizens, colleges, universities, and boards of education. It is obviously impossible to mention specifically all the scientific surveys and investigations which have been made. In geographical distribution, they extend from Boston to San Francisco and from Montreal to New Orleans; and in scope they cover practically every phase of community life and problems.
DISTINCTION BETWEEN GENERAL AND SPECIAL SURVEYS
Broadly the scientific surveys classify themselves into two groups •' general social and civic surveys and special subject surveys. The former, comprehensive in scope, involve “the application of scientific method to the study and solution of social problems, which have specific geographical limits and bearings, plus such a spreading of facts and recommendations


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
as will make them, as far as possible, the common knowledge of the community and a force for intelligent co-ordinated action.” They involve the careful investigation, analysis, and interpretation of the facts of social and civic problems; the recommendation and outlining of action based on the facts, and the acquainting and educating of the community not only to conditions found but to the corrective and preventive measures to be adopted. They lay, moreover, emphasis upon the importance of studying social and civic problems in the various community wide relations and urge co-operative action on a community wide basis. The special subject surveys, on the other hand, as the terminology implies, cover only a specific field of social, civic, and governmental activity, and are generally intended more for the guidance of administration in the fields which they concern than for the formulation of public opinion.
This distinction between the general social and civic survey and the special subject survey is important because it must be borne in mind not only in the plan and method adopted for the survey, but also in the management and handling of its findings and recommendations in relation to the community of interest which the survey affects. Moreover, a disregard of this distinction has in some quarters aroused a discouragement as to the results attending surveys which is unwarranted under the conclusions of a more thoughtful consideration of the subject. Here and there too much impatience is manifested under an apparent inability to connect up with a particular survey specific or concrete results. In this connection it must always be remembered that a scientific survey shows conditions and needs, and furnishes a program of improvements; but after all the program must be carried out very largely by other agencies than those that made the investigation, which on account of the nature of the changes sought and the magnitude of the recommendations involved, very often cannot be expected to accomplish the aims of the survey in an instantaneous and revolutionary manner. Time is an essential factor.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE INTANGIBLE INFLUENCE OF SUKVEYS
Constantly this query in regard to scientific surveys is heard: Do the surveys really lead to action? Do results follow? In answer to this, A. L. Bowen, secretary of the Illinois state charities commission, may be aptly quoted in his words referring to the important Springfield survey:
In any campaign such as the survey is, we must always look for two classes of results. We must ferret out the intangible or abstract results. We must find the tangible or concrete results. Very often the intangible results of a great public welfare movement are by far the most important and far-reaching. . . . The intangible results of the Springfield sur-
vey are worth more to our community than those which we can actually see with our eyes or touch with our hands. I would say a new community conscience, or, perhaps, more truthfully, an aroused and stimulated


1918] SURVEY AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY
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community conscience, is the most noteworthy effect of the survey. Our attitude as a community toward all questions affecting its well-being has radically changed. We see meanings in them and react to them in a different manner. Our sense of duty in many cases where it would have been dormant now asserts itself and prompts us to action.
Or as H. T. Chase, chief editorial writer of the Topeka Daily Capital, in an article on the survey of Topeka recently made, said:
The survey has broadened the foundations of existing welfare organizations and has awakened a larger and more sympathetic popular confidence in systematic and organized methods of welfare work, as well as a deeper consciousness of municipal responsibilities and capabilities, a profounder sense of the city’s unity.
In general it may be said that in every instance of a social and civic survey in which the investigation, analysis of facts, and recommendations for betterments have been adequately and properly made, the result has been a community education and awakening. This in itself constitutes the essential public background for the correction and improvement of social, political, and other conditions in a democracy. It is not going too far afield to say that much of the success that has accompanied the operation of the United States war emergency boards, including the work of the food and the fuel administration throughout the country, is due, first, to the careful investigation of the facts pertaining to the country’s situation, and, second, to the preparation of the public mind and the mobilization of public opinion in support of the plans and public restrictions which necessarily had to accompany the activities of these boards in doing their part in the prosecution of the war.
No one can view the tangible or concrete results obtained by scores of surveys, including the Pittsburgh, the Springfield, the Topeka, and other notable ones, without being impressed by the importance of their specific, tangible, concrete accomplishments. A glance at this aspect of the Springfield and Topeka surveys will illustrate to what extent they have influenced and are influencing the communities with which they are concerned.
Here are some of the details of specific results in the affairs of the city of Springfield that followed the Springfield survey as reported by Dr. Shelby M. Harrison, director of the department of surveys and exhibits of the Russell Sage Foundation, in his Community Action Through Surveys:
SPRINGFIELD RESULTS
(a) In the Public Schools:
1. The rules of the board of education have been revised, reducing the number of committees to three as follows: Education, finance and supplies, and school property.


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2. The junior high school system has been adopted, and four junior high schools organized.
3. A new high school principal was elected, and the entire organization and course of study changed. A well-planned system of supervised study has been introduced, and it is reported that the best of discipline is obtained without friction.
4. A new modern high school building is now being erected and will be ready for occupancy next year. This building will accommodate about 1,500 pupils, and will cost, completed, about $500,000.
5. The lighting, ventilation, and general sanitation of all the schools have been given attention and greatly improved. Fire exit locks have been placed on all outside doors, and fire escapes on the high school.
6. The new school buildings in course of erection meet much higher standards with respect to lighting, heating, ventilation and sanitation.
7. A special supervisor of buildings is employed to see that the property of the school district is kept in proper repair.
8. Patrons’ clubs have been organized in every district of the city, and nearly every school house is now used as a social center for neighborhood meetings. Public meetings and political discussions are held in the auditoriums of several schools, and about one third of the voting places of the city are now located in school buildings.
9. The number of teachers employed in manual training and household arts has been more than doubled since the survey, and pre-vocational training and guidance are promoted.
10. The school census has been revised, and valuable additional information is now obtained.
11. A new salary schedule of teachers and janitors has been established on a basis of efficiency, and the required qualifications of principals and teachers have been raised.
12. Seven branch libraries have been established in as many different schools, and in five other centers, the books being furnished to each of them through the city library.
13. Attendance department has been reorganized and an experienced supervisor of attendance has been secured. The work of the department has been studied and systematized.
14. Finally the entire course of study for the elementary, junior high, and senior high schools, has been revised and made more modern.
(b) In Delinquency and Corrections:
1. The sheriff has pledged himself to turn into the county treasury approximately $7,500 per year of profits from feeding prisoners in the county jail. A first return has already been made. For his four-year term the total will approximate $30,000, an amount alone that exceeds the cost of the Springfield survey.
2. The closing of the former large and flourishing red-light district of the city. It had existed as a recognized community institution for fifty years.
3. Appointment of a policewoman and woman deputy sheriff.
4. Improvement of the juvenile detention home.
5. Improvements made in conditions in the county jail and a beginning made in putting city and county prisoners at work in farming and gardening. Progress toward the establishment of a modern institution for the care of the city and county prisoners is also reported.


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6. The humane society has abandoned its plan of subsidizing regular policemen for its work.
(c) In Health:
1. Infant hygiene work started.
2. Announcement made of a movement on foot for new contagious disease hospital facilities.
3. The tuberculosis association has reorganized itself and its work, placing more emphasis upon educational features.
4. Free dispensary established at St. John’s hospital.
5. Publication of the milk inspection scorings of milk dealers has been started by the health department and an improvement in the milk situation is claimed.
(d) In Charities:
1. A new associated charities secretary has been secured and marked improvements have been made in the society’s methods. In fact, its work has been completely reorganized.
2. A county child welfare organization is planned.
3. Better co-operation between private charitable societies and between the public and private agencies has been accomplished.
4. Improvements have been made in bringing legal influence to bear upon non-supporting husbands and fathers.
5. Home for the Friendless has begun to initiate placing-out and other child welfare work along lines recommended. A trained nurse has been added to its staff, and the physical condition of the children is reported greatly improved.
6. A trained nurse employed to care for the tuberculous and other sick patients at the county poor farm, and food and rooms for them improved.
7. The attendance department of the public schools has been reorganized with a view to closer co-operation with the associated charities and other social agencies. An experienced supervisor has been secured to have charge of the work.
8. A tangible new interest in its charitable institutions on the part of the community is also reported.
9. A central council of social agencies organized.
(e) In Recreation:
1. Employment by the board of education of a director of hygiene to take charge of playgrounds, athletics, and social centers.
2. Extension of athletic organization among elementary school children, and the holding of athletic contests for them and a play festival for all Springfield citizens.
3. Extension of park board’s plans for equipment of play sections of parks and an attempt to work out a plan of supervision in conjunction with school board.
4. Free public golf courses in two of the city’s largest parks have been established.
5. Bathing beaches with proper protection and safeguards have been constructed in two of the parks.
6. Complete reorganization of the Y. M. C. A. work and the extension of its physical department.
7. Clean-up of one burlesque theater.


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TOPEKA RESULTS
Similarly, the specific developments in the city of Topeka, following upon the publication of the findings and recommendations of the Topeka survey, show:
(a) In Health:
1. Full-time health officer, a specialist in public health and sanitation, secured.
2. New and more able milk inspector secured, and improvement in the milk situation reported.
3. Health department laboratory with laboratory worker established.
4. East-side sewer system in the largest unsewered settled area in Kansas provided for and built. Cost, $150,000.
5. Development of infant hygiene work by public health nursing association.
6. First printed annual report of the health department issued.
(b) In Delinquency and Corrections:
1. Establishment of detention home for children held for the juvenile court.
2. Bill passed legislature to permit city and county to unite in establishing a farm workhouse for lawbreakers. A bond issue for this purpose will be voted on at the next election.
(c) In Industrial Conditions:
1. Bill passed legislature establishing industrial commission and giving it power to limit women’s hours of work and fix minimum wages.
INDIANAPOLIS RESULTS
Concerning the tangible results that have already come in the life of the city from the recent survey of the municipal government of Indiana-apolis, conducted under the direction of the New York bureau of municipal research, Robert E. Tracy, director of the bureau of governmental research of the Indianapolis chamber of commerce, says:
1. The new city administration is using the survey report as its guide.
2. The city has been divided into four fire districts with a battalion chief at the head of each.
3. Fire stations are used for police sub-stations.
4. A number of policewomen are to be appointed.
5. The purchasing agent is maintaining current liability records.
6. Plans have been inaugurated for consolidating the local governments now operating within the city limits. These governments include a county, four townships, an independent corporation called Woodruff place, and the municipality.
7. The survey report has done more to create public interest in the municipal government of Indianapolis than anything that has been accomplished in many years.
A very important index of tangible' and concrete achievements of scientific surveys is found in the improvements and the economies of financial operations which result from an increased efficiency in public


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administration. Along this line, it may be cited that one of the beneficial resultants of the early Pittsburgh survey was the elimination of conspicuous features of the taxation system of Pittsburgh, which prior to 1912, distributed the tax burden very unevenly among the citizens of the municipality. Some property under the city’s old scheme of levying taxes paid more than three times the rates paid by other properties, and the high rates in most cases fell upon those least able to pay. The survey of the administrative departments of the city of New York, made by the New York bureau of municipal research, is credited with having saved the taxpayers of New York city several million dollars. As a result of the survey of San Francisco, carried out under the direction of the New York bureau, the tax rate of 1918 was reduced four points. This is the first reduction in the history of the city. In its report, the survey pointed out where San Francisco could save a million dollars a year, and the recommendations were immediately adopted to such an extent as to effect half that amount, thereby enabling the city to make its notable reduction in taxation. During the past year, under the guidance of the same New York bureau, a survey of Montreal was initiated and financed by the city government of Montreal at a cost of $18,000. The report of this survey sets forth in detail how Montreal can also save the taxpayers of the city a million dollars.
THE SURVEY MOVEMENT AS IT STANDS TO-DAY
In summing up, it may be said the scientific survey movement has justified its inception, and as an implement of democracy it promises to play an important r61e in national, state and local affairs. An immediate and adequate presentation of the results that have accrued from the movement would require more time and painstaking work than any one has yet been able to devote to it. Wherever surveys have been made, however, the intangible or abstract results in the community life are generally manifest, and the tangible or concrete accomplishments are appearing day by day in practical realizations which contribute highly to the wellbeing of the communities affected. During the past year the survey movement has been considerably curtailed in its activities and developments by the national mobilization of the forces of the country in prosecuting the war against an invasion of international and humanitarian rights, but in spite of this situation, the following noteworthy surveys have been undertaken and some of them completed: Municipal government surveys of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania; Buffalo, New York; Columbus, Ohio; Indianapolis, Indiana; Jamestown, New York; Kansas City, Missouri; Mobile, Alabama; Montreal, Canada; Richmond, Virginia; and San Francisco, California. A police survey of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Finance surveys of Rochester and of Nassau County, New York. Charter surveys for Mt. Vernon, New York, and Kingsport, Tennessee. Chari-


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ties surveys of Rochester, New York, and of Lexington, Kentucky. School surveys of San Francisco, California, and Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. A hospital survey of Rochester, New York. Sickness surveys of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Chelsea Neighborhood, New York City; and the principal cities of Pennsylvania and West Virginia. A survey of the state employes’ pension system of New Jersey. And a survey of the juvenile institutions and courts of New Jersey.
A LOCAL RECONSTRUCTION PROGRAM
BY LEROY E. SNYDER1 Rochester, N. Y.
IT IS axiomatic that in war time no sacrifice of individual interest or of the normal social activities of a nation is too great, if that sacrifice is necessary to the winning of the war and is not destructive of the fundamental and essential interests of the state. The personal sacrifices that are being made by individuals in many countries now at war are of such a nature as could not have been anticipated in times of peace. It is perhaps conceivable that, in an overwhelming national emergency, demanding the sacrifice of every personal comfort and convenience to achieve victory, men might walk the streets naked and be unashamed.
These considerations must influence any decision reached in a discussion of war time work of civic organizations, but they make necessary a fundamental examination of the kind and quality of service rendered by civic organizations to the state. We have had repeatedly quoted the words of President Wilson, “War must not destroy civic efficiency.” If war did destroy civic efficiency it would be suicidal. A national life which is not wholesome, purposeful and promising in future usefulness, is not worth any effort to save.
We know men who feel that almost any kind of civic work is more or less of a luxury, and therefore quite dispensable in war times. If we were to take the point of view of those who hold this opinion (whether or not they are conscious of its implications), we should have to say that, immediately upon the nation’s becoming involved in such a struggle as this war, it is not only necessary but desirable that all civic work be immediately stopped. I recently received a letter from a man who has achieved a national reputation for effective community service, in which he said, “No amount of municipal reform will avail us if we lose
1 Director of the Rochester bureau of municipal research. Address delivered at the luncheon held in connection with the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, June 5, 1918.


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the war.” But we are convinced that the winning of the war will avail us nothing if we come out of it with a fundamental impairment of those social values for which our state stands, and which alone give validity to our position in the struggle.
There is a fable of a man who fought for the preservation of a great treasure, but who became so engrossed in the struggle that he stooped to ignoble methods and so made himself unworthy of that which he guarded. When victory came he opened the strong box in which his treasure lay only to find that it had turned to ashes.
Let us admit that, because of the regard in which the warrior has been held since the beginning of man’s life, they who take a direct part in the struggle work in the full blaze of sunlight, while those who serve less obvious needs of the state work in the shadow. This must be accepted. It is a difficult thing to deny the claims of service directly connected with the conduct of the war, and to this many of us can testify. But, as I conceive it, there must be men who are willing to deny themselves the satisfaction of directly contributing to the aims of the war, in order more effectively to render that service which they know themselves best able to perform. Some of us must remain in civic activities in order that the values which are conserved by those activities may be saved to the nation in the days of victory.
These are abstractions, yet I am only trying to put into words the thoughts which have been going through my mind since our declaration of war. We all know that men engaged in such work as that in which we are interested must first conceive of their work in terms of abstract ideals, and then have the ability to translate those ideals into concrete action. We know of several civic organizations that have left the field since we entered the war, as it seems because of a lack of such ideals, because the men who supported them were not fundamentally convinced of the indispensable nature of the work being done. Had the men supporting those institutions held a different theory of the nature of the work to which they had pledged themselves, they would have kept alive such work no matter at what sacrifice.
Granting all this, it must of course be admitted that sensible men will use, in such abnormal times as those in which we find ourselves, the greatest discretion and common sense which they can command. It is a question of relative values. There are civic activities which are absolutely essential, there are those which are important but not urgent, and there are still others which are easily to be dispensed with. My own feeling is that, as the struggle grows more intense, it will be necessary for us to give more thought to the particular activities we shall pursue, and that probably in the end we shall be doing only those things which appeal to the universal judgment as vital to the conduct of the war and the preservation of the essential interests of the state.


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There are certain studies which a bureau of governmental research, for instance, can and should undertake in times of peace, when the citizen can bring to bear upon public questions his normal judgment, that are in war time—by the very force of circumstances—made more or less futile. What these things are must be determined in each case apart. It is impossible for me in Rochester to say what may or may not be dispensed with in another city.
I may instance a salary study which was undertaken by the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research and which had made very substantial progress, but which has been stopped, not only because our organization lost the services of two men who had been engaged upon the study and could not be replaced, but also because the abnormal salary and wage conditions in private industry leave us without reliable comparable data, and so without a basis of judgment upon which we can stand. This was our situation in Rochester. The same circumstances in another city might not produce the same result. In any case the decision made, whether the thing shall go forward or stop, must be determined by those familiar with local conditions.
To illustrate the kind of activity I have had in mind when I have spoken of those that may be considered as vital and essential, the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research is about to throw most of its energies into a major study having to do with this question: What are the public works in Rochester, that need to be done, that can be done at the end of the war in order to help absorb labor released from military service and from industrial pursuits connected with the war? The dimensions of this study will instantly suggest themselves to all of you. It is a question of city planning on the broadest possible scale, to determine those community values (physical and spiritual) that may be conserved by the city, so that we, in our especial field, may help achieve the democratic aims for which those men who will return to us are now fighting.
Once more may I emphasize the point that the decision of any civic organization concerning work which it may have in hand, as to whether that work shall go on or stop, must be based upon an underlying philosophy. If we once grant that civic work is more or less of a luxury, to be undertaken by men who have nothing better to do, then we are engaged in an unworthy task, whether in war or in peace, and our work should stop. But if we believe we are serving the essential needs of the state, strengthening the foundations for a more truly democratic society and buttressing the walls for a finer community life, then our work must go on—in some way and with some instruments. Our treasure must be preserved intact, so that the great struggle shall not prove bootless.


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THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION
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THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION AND RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT
AUGUSTUS R. HATTON Cleveland, Ohio
THE Massachusetts constitutional convention adjourned on August 21 after holding its second summer session and having proposed twenty-two amendments to the state constitution. Three of these were submitted to the voters last November and approved. Nineteen remain to be passed upon at the election this fall, four of which involve changes of some importance in political methods. These four are the proposals for the initiative and referendum, biennial elections of state officials, the executive budget, and compulsory voting.
A NOTEWORTHY BODY
In many respects the work of the convention was noteworthy. The long struggle over the initiative and referendum produced the most comprehensive debate on that question hitherto heard in any American public body. As regards legislative power it showed a cautious tendency to relax constitutional restrictions in order that impending problems might be dealt with more freely. In general it may be said that none of its proposals contemplates a less responsible or efficient government than Massachusetts now has and that no backward step has been proposed.
THE GREAT FAILURE
But while the convention cannot be charged with submitting any objectionable proposal its sins of omission in one important particular are conspicuous. The net result of its long deliberations was to leave the structure of the government substantially unchanged. As things now are, that would imply either serious lack of insight or dereliction of duty on the part of a state constitutional convention anywhere. In Massachusetts the fault is particularly glaring. Probably nowhere in the United States is the system of county government more in need of reform and, in fact, more nearly useless. Moreover, few state governments make it so difficult to fix responsibility and so nearly preclude responsible leadership.
One might be pardoned for regarding this failure to propose improvements in the ordinary machinery of government as unusually strange. In Massachusetts agitation for the initiative and referendum was constantly met by the argument that true reform lay in the direction of improving the representative system. It was reasonable to expect, therefore, that those who opposed the initiative and referendum would
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unite in support of some plan which would make the state government so responsive to the popular will that the use of direct legislation would be unnecessary. Such was far from the case. The most active opponents in the convention of any substantial alteration in the structure of government were also active in opposition to the initiative and referendum. An analysis of the Massachusetts situation may give some conception of the sort of opposition which any structural reform in state government will have to overcome before susbtantial progress can be made.
NO REFORM IN COUNTY GOVERNMENT
The failure to propose any reform in county government is easily explained. While every thinking citizen in Massachusetts agrees that their county governments need thorough overhauling, there was no organized demand for change. But there was organized opposition against altering the existing system. When the resolutions relating to county government were referred to a committee of the convention, the county officers came down on that committee like a wolf on the fold. The county rings are among the most powerful political agencies in the state. Consequently, there being no one to urge a change in county government, the committee surrendered to the county office holders and brought in an adverse report on all measures effecting county government. That ended the consideration of county government so far as the convention was concerned.
OPPOSITION TO A STRONG EXECUTIVE
The failure of the convention to submit some proposal for a more responsible system of state government is not so easily accounted for. However, the chief cause is to be found in the fact that any effective scheme of state reorganization would involve an increase in the power and influence of the governor. Tradition in Massachusetts does not favor a strong executive. The governor has always been weak. Although he has a wider appointing power than most governors he is, in this, pretty effectually checked by the executive council consisting of eight members elected from districts. In general, the executive power is greatly diffused among a multiplicity of departments, boards and commissions. The heads of the various executive departments are elected and many of the boards and commissions have broad powers, in the exercise of which they are beyond any effective control by the governor. While this situation is not unlike that in other states it nowhere has such a firm basis in history, and historical reasons weigh more heavily in Massachusetts than elsewhere in the Union. During the colonial and revolutionary periods, the revolt against executive power as represented by royal governors, was strongest in Massachusetts. This has hardened into a tradition which still offers a surprising amount of resistance to the development of


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executive leadership. Many people still think of the governor as though he were the royally appointed official opposed by their forefathers. Mental inertia prevents them from seeing that, while a powerful royal governor might be a menace to liberty, a governor chosen by the people must have broad powers if he is to be an effective instrument of popular government.
The opposition in the convention toward any increase in executive power or leadership grew more marked as time passed. Only a month before final adjournment well informed and influential delegates thought that there was a good chance for the passage of a proposal pro viding that the auditor and possibly one or two other state officials should be appointed by the governor. It gradually became apparent, however, that any proposition looking toward a more concentrated state executive was foredoomed to defeat. This opposition was not only marked but organized. It came together first on the so-called Quincy proposal and consisted of reactionaries who saw the danger to their position involved in responsible state-wide leadership, of the “organization” element of both the Democratic and Republican parties and of a considerable number of unenlightened liberals.
PEESONAL AND PARTISAN OPPOSITION
The feeling just described is accentuated in Massachusetts by the fact that recent governors, whether Democratic or Republican, have not been altogether popular with their own parties. Governors Foss and Walsh did not get along any too well with some of the Democrats and Governor McCall is intensely unpopular with a large number of Republicans, including the old dominant and dominating element led by Senators Lodge and Weeks. Hence, when any measure was proposed in the convention relating to the state executive, scores of delegates thought of it with reference to some particular governor of whom they did not approve. The Republicans had a further object in keeping the executive power divided. The Democrats have elected governors more frequently than usual during the last few years, but have not been able to carry through the remainder of their state ticket. Consequently a Democratic victory as to the head of the ticket has still left the major portion of the executive department in Republican hands. These successes of Democratic candidates for governor also resulted in organization Republicans opposing the abolition of the governor’s council. Even when the Democrats have elected a governor they have never been able to get more than one place on the council. This has enabled the Republicans to control the governor’s appointments no matter to what party he might chance to belong. Thus, in spite of rather frequent irruptions of Democratic governors, the state administration has, thanks to the existing


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system, remained in the hands of those whom the Republicans would designate as the “better element.”
NATUBE OF PAETY DIVISIONS IN MASSACHUSETTS
To a surprising extent party struggles in Massachusetts are contests for the control of the government between the original New Englanders and the new immigrant population. I know of no other instance in the United States where this line of cleavage exists on such an extensive scale. In fact it exists nowhere else in such a clear-cut form on any scale. The average man of New England stock contemplates the idea of turning over the affairs of the old Bay State to these uncultured newcomers with something akin to horror. This feeling is similar to that of the Federalists, when, in 1800 they saw the national government about to fall into the hands of Jefferson and his “rabble.”
Party differences in Massachusetts are, in fact, rather more nationalistic, cultural and religious than economic or political. On the whole the Republican party is the party of the original New Englander. It is protectionist, of course, but for that matter the Democrats of Massachusetts are somewhat tinged with protectionism also. Above all, the Republican is the party of the old stock, which happens also to include the great employers, capitalists and industrial managers of the state. Owing to the antipathies and prejudices growing out of nationality and religion many men of New England stock maintain their allegiance to the Republican party when, from every consideration of political principle and economic interest, they might more logically ally themselves with the Democrats.
THE DEMOCEATIC PAETY IN MASSACHUSETTS
On the other hand, the Democratic party, while it probably enrolls more voters from among the industrial workers than does the Republican, is by no means a radical or even a progressive party. Its dominant element in the industrial centers, particularly in and around Boston, is Irish Catholic. On many economic issues these voters are progressive or even radical. On the whole they are in favor of the change in political method involved in the initiative and referendum because that promises an increase in their voting power. But as to any changes in the direction of an effective executive they are reactionary both in tradition and leadership. The Irish have a background of centuries of rebellion, and rebellion has involved conflict with the executive. Their distrust of the executive is as marked as was that of our revolutionary forefathers whose heads had been broken at the behest of royal governors.
There are among the Irish Catholic Democrats in Massachusetts no accepted state-wide leaders. It is true that they will give their solid support to such a prominent co-nationalist and co-religionist as David


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I. Walsh; but that is largely because he is an Irishman and a Catholic rather than because he is David I. Walsh or advocates any specific political doctrine. Any other Irish Catholic standing for any other political program would probably receive substantially the same percentage of the Irish Catholic vote. The effective leadership among this element of the Democratic party is of that local and personal type of which ward and city bosses are made. These leaders naturally have all of the common Irish prejudice against the executive and, in addition, they are keenly alive to the fact that effective and responsible state-wide leadership would undermine their power and topple them from their petty political thrones.
The Democrats in Massachusetts are inclined to be against the short ballot because they are usually the minority party in state affairs. In recent years they have not gained control of the legislature or elected a majority of the state ticket. Their success in state affairs has been confined almost wholly to the election of an occasional governor. A minority party is not likely to support a reform, the immediate benefits of which are apt to go to its opponent. This is short-sighted, of course, but it is a real factor in the opposition which such a reform as the short ballot regularly encounters.
If the Democratic party in Massachusetts were a political party in any real sense—an organization based on the promotion of political or economic doctrines—it would be for the short ballot. With that, the occasional Democratic governor could be an effective agent for putting party doctrines into practice. He would become a real leader, responsible to the party for the accomplishment of avowed party purposes. But, as already explained, considerations of nationality, religion and local bossism are strong enough to prevent the Democrats from taking any such enlightened attitude or functioning in any such true party sense. As a party in Massachusetts the Democrats are practically that “fortuitous concourse of unrelated prejudices” which they were described as being nationally more than twenty years ago.
It should be said that at least two Democrats in the convention deserve higher rating than the foregoing would indicate. Josiah Quincy, though a leader of the I. and R. forces, introduced the only comprehensive measure designed to improve the system of representative government in Massachusetts. By experience and study he has acquired a firm grasp of the fundamentals of democratic political organization. The defeat of his proposal was, in some respects, the most disheartening feature of the convention. The other Democrat of prominence who rises above the common level of his party is ex-Governor David I. Walsh. He is a man of ability and force and his experiences as governor have made clear to him that the present Massachusetts system is inconsistent with any true conception of responsible government.


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THE REPUBLICANS OF MASSACHUSETTS
In the convention the most rabid opponents of an effective and responsible state executive were the organization Republicans. This opposition obviously reflected the attitude of local leaders and petty bosses on the one hand and, on the other, that of the great financial and industrial interests of the state which still find the Republican party a usable and useful instrument. The state-wide primary has accentuated the antagonism of these elements to any increase in the power or prominence of the governor. With direct nominations the governor is far less dependent and pliable than he was under the convention system. Even Republican governors have shown an uncomfortable tendency to appeal to the voters over the heads of those who have hitherto regarded themselves as the proprietors of the party. Moreover, with direct nominations, a party intended by its magnates to be conservative may find itself nominating and electing a governor with liberal or even radical tendencies. This is far from being a remote possibility in Massachusetts, where nationalistic and religious peculiarities give to party lines an unusually artificial cast, with the result that some of the most effective progressive leaders and thousands of liberal voters call themselves Republican and, as such, participate in the primaries. With these conditions it is safer for the dominant, or at least dominating, element of the Republican party to keep the governor weak by diffusing executive power and making it difficult for him to become an effective political leader. That was the line of action pursued in the convention.
The active fight against executive reorganization was made by Republicans of the types mentioned. They engineered a combination between themselves and the forces controlled by Martin Lomasney, the Democratic boss of ward five in Boston, who in vote-delivering power, was the most potent figure in the convention. Added to these were the delegates attached to the tradition of a weak executive, most of the Irishmen inside and outside the Lomasney following, and a considerable number of short-visioned political liberals and labor delegates who do not yet see that democratic progress is as much dependent on efficient administration and responsible political leadership as upon any other factors.
THE DIRECT PRIMARY AND THE SHORT BALLOT
If experience in Massachusetts be any guide, the short ballot in state affairs will find the pronounced conservatives arrayed against it where-ever the state-wide direct primary is in operation. It is not so very long ago that the short ballot numbered more adherents among the conservatives than among the liberals. That was primarily because the conservative usually desires efficient administration and he saw the possibilities of the short ballot as an efficiency measure. Its equal potency as an


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instrument of democratic control was either not understood or was discounted with the idea that a “safe” candidate for governor, running on a “safe” platform could be assured. With a convention system of nomination it was believed that such a situation could usually be brought about. And, really, the short ballot in state affairs provided, always, that the candidates for governor could be hand picked and their platforms carefully phrased and censored, would not be such a terrible thing from a conservative point of view. But the state-wide primary makes that sort of management precarious if not impossible. Beyond doubt a combination of short ballot and direct primary would provide an unprecedentedly effective system for the popular control of state government. Under such a system the quality of successful candidates and the wisdom of prevailing issues would depend on the intelligence and patriotism of the voters to whom appeal would have to be made in a direct and intelligible form. As yet, however, the American conservative seeks to avoid submitting his cause to that tribunal.
METHODS OF REMOVAL FROM THE PUBLIC SERVICE
BY FRED G. HEUCHLING1
Superintendent of Employment and Member Civil Service Board, West Chicago Park Commissioners, Chicago
METHODS of procedure in separating employes from their positions, in private as well as in public service, have been becoming of increasing importance each year. Under the present war conditions, when the government has drawn the most active and able-bodied young men into the training camps in batches of a hundred thousand and more and the munitions factories and other war industries are seeking to attract every remaining worker, the question of removals becomes of vastly greater importance.
Time was when we civil service commissioners were objects of the entreaties—and sometimes the embarrassing demands—of long lines of office seekers. But now, we must assume the entreating attitude. We have to urge people to take our examinations. When they have done so and have succeeded in getting on our eligible lists we must persuade them to accept an appointment. After their entrance into the service foremen and office chiefs must treat them with special deference and chastise them with extreme mildness lest they resign from their position
'See article of William Dudley Foulke on same subject. National Municipal Review, Volume VII, pp. 266 and 365.
1 Presented at the Meeting of the National Assembly of Civil Service Commissions, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, June 20, 1918.


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and seek more lucrative employment elsewhere. Under these trying conditions, it is well that we give close study to enforced separations from the service, surrounding them with such safeguards as will give assurance that they will only occur when the interests of the public require.
The subject of methods of removal from the public service has been discussed at practically every meeting of the National Assembly. I know of no occasion, however, when an agreement has been reached in regard to it. In the past the differences have mainly arisen over the question, "Shall a hearing be required by law before a civil service employe may be removed from his position?” This gives rise to the expression "the trial before removal clause” in a civil service law.
At the meeting of the Assembly in Ottawa, Canada, in 1916, the committee on a standard civil service law reported a draft for adoption containing a provision that no removals could be made without a trial. After prolonged argument this draft of the model law was finally—and, I say, erroneously—modified to include an alternative provision giving the civil service commission no jurisdiction over removals. I say that this modification was erroneous because I strongly advocate "the trial before removal clause” for every civil service law.
However, rather than to have the discussion to-day spend itself on the abstract question of whether or not there should be a trial, I intend to point out a few details of the desirable method of making removals from civil service positions. I intend, afterwards, to give a few arguments as to why an investigation should be held for every removal and to show that the trend, in private employment, is in the same direction which I advocate for public employment.
In considering the question of “trial before removal” it becomes necessary, first, to determine: What is a removal? and, second: What is a trial? I am convinced that many of our differences lie actually in the definition of these terms. -
WHAT IS A REMOVAL?
A removal is not necessarily a discharge because it need not necessarily be a separation from the service. Strictly speaking, an employe is removed from his position when he is separated from it and placed in some other position. This change may take the form of a transfer to a position of the same character of duties and pay where the working conditions are far less favorable. The result of such a transfer acts as a punishment upon the person affected. Again, a removal may be a transfer to a position of less important duties and, therefore, carrying less pay. This results in a demotion and is generally more drastic a punishment than the removal by transfer just mentioned.
I bring out these points to call to your attention the fact that a hearing of charges filed against an employe may result in his assignment to other


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kinds of work or to another location and continue him in the service, very possibly as a valuable employe. Especially in these times of abnormal employment conditions it is worth while to give men a chance in other work after they have failed in their first venture in the public service. Without a hearing or trial such measures can seldom be taken. I count it, therefore, as an argument in favor of the trial clause that we can salvage some of the man power in our civil service by an intelligent administration of this feature of the law. It should not be supposed, however, that I believe that every trial under charges should result in the employe being given another chance. Where the evidence is clear, and the return of the employe would endanger discipline or be of questionable benefit to the service, in my opinion, the result should be discharge, absolute and final.
WHAT IS A TRIAL?
Passing now to a discussion of what we mean by the term “trial,” I wish to say at the outset, that the term is not a happy one. In our service in the West Park district of Chicago, we speak of our trials as investigations and we conduct them as such. When charges are preferred against an employe we appoint an investigating officer, not a trial officer. The hearing is conducted in an informal manner and with as few technicalities as possible. Aside from having all the witnesses sworn and their testimony taken in shorthand, the entire affair is merely a matter of conversation between the investigating officer and the persons who can give relevant information regarding the incidents which led up to the filing of charges. Very often our investigations are held in the offices or shops where the employe under charges and most of the witnesses are located. We have even gone so far as to hold a trial out in the open air near where a job of building a sewer was going on. This resulted in taking the employes from their work for only about ten minutes each. As each man was needed to testify, his work was interrupted and he was brought over to the investigating officer, placed under oath, and questioned.
REPRESENTATION BY COUNSEL
While our civil service law permits an employe to retain counsel to represent him, at his hearing, we find that the accused rarely makes use of this protection. During six and one-half years of civil service administration we have conducted one hundred and thirty-one investigations of charges. In only seventeen of these has the employe felt the need of employing counsel to protect his interests. When an attorney is retained for the accused, we do not permit him to brow-beat the witnesses and at times we will not even allow him to put questions directly to the person testifying. He is, instead, required to state his question to the investigating officer and the latter puts the question to the


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witness. The laws of evidence are not strictly adhered to and the investigating officers are permitted to bring out any information which is of value in determining whether or not the employe deserves discharge or retention in the service.
An employe may not even be suspended while under charges. In fact we frequently have what we might well designate as a “friendly suit” involved in the preferring of charges. An employe realizes that he is no longer fit for his position or that for some reason his value in it has been very materially reduced. In such cases he readily admits that he should be removed from his place and is willing to accept an adjustment recommended by the investigating officer after hearing all the facts from him as well as from his superior officer. The result generally is a demotion into some other kind of work for which he is fitted, rather than an outright discharge. To discharge him, I feel, would be as detrimental to the service as his retention in the position for which he had already shown his unfitness.
BESULTS OF “INVESTIGATION” IN CHICAGO
To fully illustrate the results of our type of investigation I quote from our annual report for 1917:—
BESULTS OF CHABGES AGAINST EMPLOYES HEABD BY CIVIL SEBVICE BOABD OF THE WEST CHICAGO PABK COMMISSIONEBS, JULY 1, 1911 TO Decembeb 31, 1917
Year Number Number Number Number Number Repre-
charges filed acquittals discharged suspended demoted sented by attorney
1911 (6 mos.).. .. 7 0 3 4 0 1
1912 18 4 5 6 3 2
1913 32 5 13 10 4 3
1914 20 1 10 5 4 6
1915 20 0 9 9 2 1
1916 14 1 10 3 0 0
1917 202 2 12 3 1 4
— — — — — —
Totals 131 13 62 40 14 17
“Among the striking facts disclosed by the foregoing table, perhaps the most interesting is the protection afforded the efficient civil service employe by the “trial before removal” provisions of the park civil service act. Thus we see that even during the years 1913 and 1917, when there were complete political changes in the administration of the park system, the number of employes discharged from their positions were only two or three more than in other years. That there ever has been any removal of civil service employes for political reasons in the West Park System is 1 Two cases still pending.


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effectually refuted by these figures, which show that out of a service including more than twelve hundred positions, an average of less than ten persons per year are discharged. This becomes all the more striking when it is noted that common laborers are included with the higher grade employes in the data given.”
OBJECTIONS TO TRIAL CLAUSE
I believe I have made clear what I mean by the term “removal” and what I mean by the term “trial.” I pass now to the consideration of the objections which are usually raised against the trial clause.
Briefly stated these are as follows:—
1. That the discipline in a department is interfered with by the protection from removal which an employe gains through the trial clause, and because it makes him independent of the jurisdiction of his superior.
2. That the department head is himself placed on trial when he prefers charges against an employe and they are heard by the civil service commission.
3. That the cause for discharge must be very glaring and apparent in order to have an employe discharged, and for this reason inefficient employes manage to retain their positions on the public payroll.
Considering the first of these objections, namely, that a department bead is hampered and discipline is destroyed, I feel that the proper administration of the civil service law will entirely prevent such a condition from arising. First of all we must remember that civil service laws usually contain a concurrent provision, giving the department head the power to suspend any one of his subordinates for a period as long as thirty days, without pay. During six and one-half years in the West Chicago park system we have had two hundred and seventeen such suspensions with a yearly average duration of from six to twelve days. I know of no civil service law where repetition of such a suspension may not be resorted to when the culprit persists in his misdeeds or delinquencies. In other words, where the employe does not have the proper respect for his department head and for the discipline of the office it is possible to separate him from his job for a month. If this punishment does not suffice and he refuses obedience after his return he can be further suspended. I can imagine no situation which is insufficient to warrant discharge by trial which cannot be overcome through the use of the suspending power. I expect before I finish to show very clearly that the tendency among private employers is in this same direction, namely, that the immediate superior of an employe is only permitted to suspend, the matter of discharge resting in the hands of the general manager or of the employment department. Surely, if the discipline among the employes of a private corporation can be maintained by this method, there should be no reason why,—with proper administration,—it should not be just as efficacious in the public service.


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THE HEAD OF DEPABTMENT ON TRIAL
With respect to the second objection, namely, that the department head is himself placed on trial when the charges which he prefers against his subordinate are under investigation, I refer to my previous remarks describing our method of conducting such investigations in the West park system in Chicago. We take pains to prevent any show of ill feeling on the part of a witness or employe toward his superior. We should punish an employe for expressing disrespect of his superior while testifying in the investigation just as we should punish him for such action during the transaction of ordinary business in the department. Rather than feeling that they are placed on trial, our department heads feel that the investigation of charges brought against employes in their department is of particular value to them. Very frequently situations are brought out during a hearing and facts are disclosed which would not otherwise come to the attention of the head of the department. This entire objection is based upon the supposition that the hearing is to have all the aspects of a trial by jury with its intricate technicalities, cross examinations and heated arguments. Take away these truly objectionable aspects from the investigation and I believe you quite remove this second objection.
It is well to mention here that our civil service rules permit any employe or any citizen to file charges against an officer in the public service, provided his charges are supported by affidavits from actual witnesses. The result is that when a citizen visits an office to pay a special assessment, or to pay his taxes, and is mistreated by an employe he has a ready instrument for redress, which very probably would not be at his disposal if he had to rest his case with the head of the department alone.
OUTSIDE INFLUENCES
With regard to the third objection against removal by trial, namely that there must be very serious grounds for removal, I answer again that this objection arises through faulty administration, and is not a true objection to the principle itself. Where adequate and careful records are maintained of the efficiency of each individual employe in the service there is no reason why an inefficient person should not be removed from the service,—or transferred or demoted to some more suitable place. Those who argue that serious charges are necessary to remove a man from the service when a trial is prescribed by law are really arguing against their case. When an employe’s retention or discharge from the service rests entirely with his department head, there may be good discipline in the office, but that discipline extends further than the office door. It extends to the ward, the precinct, and the polling booth. And this is just what civil service laws were drawn to prevent.


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Even where the department head is inherently honest, his power over the jobs of the men in his office soon becomes generally known. After that he becomes the target of the politician who seeks to have the henchman of his political opponent separated from the public payroll or who wishes to punish one of his own political workers for the failure of his “vote-getting” function in the precinct. This sort of situation even permits of the political war lord using his influence with the department head to put an efficient public servant out of the way in order to make a place for one of his vassals who was fortunate enough to win first place on the eligible list for this job, either by merit or otherwise. The damage to the public service is just as great whether this eligible won his place through a fair examination or through crookedness.
I mention these facts to anticipate the time-worn argument of advocates of full power of discharge for the department head. They say there is no reason for fear that he will wrongfully remove a subordinate, because he cannot fill the latter’s place with a friend of his own choice but instead must take the person at the head of the eligible list.
POLITICAL INFLUENCES
Suppose that I am a senior clerk in an office in which you are the chief. Suppose,—if you can,—that I am efficient and industrious in performing my duties, and that I have served under your supervision for a number of years. I am a married man with a family, residing in a suburb, where I have recently commenced the purchase of my little home on monthly payments. One fine spring morning you call me into your private office and explain that Alderman Blank is fighting for re-election in the ward in which I live. The alderman is a close friend of yours and you are anxious to see him re-elected. Will I therefore please visit each resident in my neighborhood and urge him to vote for Mr. Blank. And will I also be good enough to hand you next day a substantial contribution to help defray Mr. Blank’s campaign expenses.
If you have the legal power to discharge me from my position without assigning any reason for your action, am I likely to give you a hasty reply refusing to accede to your wishes? Even if it be necessary for you to find some plausible reason to discharge me,—other than a political one,— am I still going to depend upon your inability to find some minor flaw in my work that will serve to deceive the civil service commission, which has no power,—and probably even no desire,—to investigate beyond your written statement? And, under the circumstances how much comfort or assurance shall I find in the fact that if you do discharge me you must take the next person on the eligible list in my place? Will that prevent the loss of my home? Will that keep my wife and children from want? No, gentlemen, there is only one circumstance that can give me courage to stand before you as a worthy public servant and say to you that I


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serve the public but not Alderman Blank or his cohorts. That circumstance is the knowledge that I can safely refuse to do your bidding, and you cannot remove me without first proving me unfit for my place and allowing me an opportunity to disprove your assertion.
I am trying to point out that in a certain measure it is wise that the charges should be serious before a public employe is removed, or at least that the charges should be commensurate with the punishment meted out. To say that the trial before removal clause protects the inefficient employe in the public service is no argument against this protection for the efficient, honest and valuable public employe who must necessarily suffer under any other system of removal.
THE PRACTICE IN PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT
I said that before closing I should give a few facts to prove that private employers are coming to take the same position about the removal of their employes that we advocates of the trial clause take with regard to the removal of public servants. In support of this I have collected information on the practice in private employment, partially through the courtesy of the efficiency engineering department of Arthur Young and Company, who maintain a corps of employment experts:—
The Midvale Steel and Ordnance Company states in its Regulations:— “Employes may be laid off or suspended by foremen but can be discharged only by the department superintendent or higher authority.”
The Curtis Publishing Company—‘ ‘ In the employment division is placed the authority to discharge from the service of the company. . . .”
John M. Williams, secretary of the Fayette R. Plumb Company, at the employment managers’ conference in Philadelphia last year said:—
As to the firing end of the proposition, there are many arguments against leaving this power with the foreman, but the following seems to my mind pertinent and serves to point out the weakness of the practice, viz.: Factory managers check up their foremen on all material they use; watch them to see that the machinery is in good condition and save every penny they can by careful supervision; but when it comes to firing men, they give the foremen full sway because the potential value of $50.00 to $100.00 invested in that man is not shown in hard cash and is therefore overlooked.
Professor Roy W. Kelley of Harvard University recently published a book called Hiring the Worker. In this book he publishes the results of questionnaires sent to thirty corporations throughout the country, each employing from three hundred to twelve thousand persons. To his question, “Should discipline and discharge be controlled by the employment manager,” there are nineteen significant replies. Fourteen of these, or 73.6 per cent of the total were in favor of complete control by the employment department. It is quite patent then that private corporations


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are coming to see that efficiency and economy in their every-day operations are furthered by assuring every employe of a hearing before some reviewing officer or body before he can be separated from his job. If this be true in private corporations where the unrelenting dividend production is a constant check on efficiency, it cannot well be other than true in the public service.
THE ST. LOUIS STREET RAILWAY SITUATION1
BT LOtJIS F. BUDENZ 2 St. Louis, Mo.
FOR more than a year St. Louis has been struggling intensively with its street railway situation, due to much the same conditions as exist in almost every other city in the country. In St. Louis, however, there has been a degree of vivid picturesqueness and a unique combination of many different problems which have made this struggle somewhat more instructive and interesting than the ordinary street railway controversy. Out of an original attempt to obtain a so-called compromise franchise has arisen a paralyzing and successful strike; an award of 6 cent fares to the company; a referendum movement (accompanied by a burglary of the petitions on the eve of their being certified to the election commissioners) and a loan from the Federal Government to the railway company as the only means to avoid a receivership.
The United Railways Company of St. Louis is a successor by process of reorganization of the Central Traction Company (1899), and by way of purchase of the St. Louis and Suburban Railway Company (1907). In 1898 the Central Traction Company obtained a fifty-year general blanket franchise from the city covering a number of individual street railway lines which it had consolidated. In the following year the St. Louis Transit Company—which had leased the United Railways’ lines shortly after the reorganization, only to surrender them five years later—obtained a forty-year general franchise for these lines, and for all lines which crossed such properties. The underlying franchises of the original lines, brought together by the predecessors of the United Railways Company, expire at irregular intervals from 1911 to 1942. At the expiration of the Jefferson Avenue franchise in 1911 the city contested the validity of the attempted extension of franchises in the 1898 and 1899 grants. The circuit court declared that the 1898 grant did not
1 Since this article was written the Company has publicly withdrawn its support of the ordinance and has suggssted public operation. The Board of Aldermen thereupon repealed the measure.
2 Secretary Civic League of St. Louis.


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apply, but that the 1899 grant to lines crossing the lines of the St. Louis Transit Company was valid and effective, and that therefore the franchise did not expire until 1939. The city appealed this case and it is now pending in the higher courts.
OVER CAPITALIZATION
The United Railways Company has been and is notoriously overcapitalized. On December 31, 1917, the outstanding bonds and stocks of the company totaled $97,122,000—against which stood in actual property only the $37,638,667, allowed in the James E. Allison valuation made for the St. Louis Public Service Commission in 1911 plus some small additional improvements since that time. Even the company’s claim to a value of $49,355,753 in 1911 plus the cost of the necessary additions would fall some millions short of equalling the outstanding stocks and bonds of the company, the bonds alone in 1917 amounting to $55,825,000.
Since 1903 the company had been subject to a municipal tax of a mill for each passenger fare, such tax having been substituted for the original tax per car. After twelve years of litigation, the mill tax was declared valid by the federal supreme court—mainly through the persistent efforts of William F. Woernei, author of the ordinance. The company, however, defaulted in its subsequent payments and by December 31, 1916, had accumulated an indebtedness of almost $2,000,000 on this account. As a result of the condition within the company which these facts brought about, the company proposed as early as November, 1916, that the city enter into an agreement with it in regard to the “controversy,” the company proposing the following as a basis:
First: The company to “acknowledge liability” for the mill tax up to December 31, 1916.
Second: The city to accept the deferred mill tax in a number of annual installments.
Third: The city to “adjust” the mill tax for the future.
Fourth: The city to withdraw its attack on the underlying franchises and validate them or extend them until 1948.
The proposal as put forth could be readily seen on its face to be of no value to the city, except merely in such benefit as might incidentally come from the relief it afforded the company and the improvement in its financial situation. No definite action resulted, but the city administration shortly after pledged itself to the enactment of an ordinance which would grant the desired relief to the company.
RELIEF ORDINANCE NO. I
In accordance with this pledge, the board of aldermen in July, 1917, at the request of the mayor, appointed a special conference committee,


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composed of the mayor, the comptroller, and three members of the board, to meet with the representatives of the company and frame an ordinance. Within a very short time they produced the desired ordinance—afterwards known as ordinance Number One. Under the terms of this measure, a franchise was granted to the company until 1967, the city entering upon a partnership scheme which would assure for it a participation in the profits after 6 per cent had been earned by the company, and a representation of four out of thirteen members of the board of directors. A board of control was also created consisting of the acting manager of the company and a commissioner designated by the director of public utilities for the city, with a third temporary member to be appointed by a majority of the judges of the St. Louis court of appeals to act in case of disagreement. The mill tax ordinance was repealed, and the unpaid tax was to be paid in full immediately. The value of the company’s property was placed at $60,000,000.
A special committee of the St. Louis civic league—composed of three former city counselors, a former member of the Missouri public service commission, the president of the St. Louis public service commission, and a well-known manufacturer and former member of the council—reported adversely on this ordinance, pointing out that “the right of the city to impose taxes in future years as the unforeseeable exigencies of the times may require, should not be contracted away for half a century to come,” and objecting to the partnership arrangement as based on a “fallacious theory.” The proposed valuation of $60,000,000 was also declared to be unquestionably excessive, being an arbitrary increase over the St. Louis public service commissioners’ valuation of $38,000,000 in 1911. If relief were needed the remedy lay in the reduction of the mill tax by separate ordinance and the grant of a new franchise free from the defects pointed out.
BELIEF ORDINANCE NO. II
As a result of this report and the opposition of organized labor and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the conferees hastily withdrew the first ordinance and proposed a second, which omitted the partnership feature and substituted a tax of 3 per cent on the gross revenue for the participation in the profits. The mill tax ordinance was repealed, as in the preceding proposal, and the accumulated indebtedness of the unpaid tax was to be paid within a period of ten years, the balance unpaid at the expiration of five years to bear interest at 10 per cent per annum. The board of control feature was retained. The committee of the civic league reported adversely likewise on this ordinance because it contracted away the city’s right of taxation, affirmed the arbitrary valuation of $60,000,000 and provided for no arrangement of the ninety-nine-year contracts of the company.
Arguments on this ordinance were heard before the public utilities committee of the board of aldermen throughout the summer and fall of


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1917, organized labor being particularly insistent in its opposition to the measure. Dr. Delos F. Wilcox of New York was also brought into the situation. He made an excellent series of detailed reports on the bills, showing the undesirability of both proposals from the public view point. It may be stated here, that certain desirable provisions in these two measures, such as the right of purchase on the part of the city, at the expiration of the franchise or at the end of each ten year period, the right of the comptroller to examine the books of the company and the right to amend, alter or repeal at any time and to forfeit the franchise for misuse or nonuse, were all requirements of the city charter.
The valuation of $60,000,000 agreed upon by the representatives of the city and the company was the minimum figure which the two parties could arrive at and keep the company from appearing bankrupt on its face—the outstanding bonds, as has been stated, amounting to over $55,000,000. This valuation was arrived at by a rather arbitrary addition of values to the findings of the St. Louis public service commission in 1911. For instance, the old cable lines of the company, to the value of over $5,000,000, which had been destroyed to make way for the trolley lines, and which the public service commission had refused to allow any value for, were put in at $2,740,000. In a great number of items, the difference between the claims of the United Railways in 1911 and the allowances of the commission at that time were split in two. Dr. Wilcox estimated, on the basis of the 1911 figures, that the valuation to-day could not total much more than $45,000,000. In ordinance Number Two, as amended, a possible valuation within two years by the state public service commission was provided for, though the $60,000,000 figure was retained.
THE STRIKE
In February, 1918, just on the eve of the passage of the bill, the street railway employes struck for higher wages and shorter hours—the strike being preceded by a receivership suit on the part of certain stockholders of the company. The suit was speedily dismissed on legal grounds. The strike was one of the most complete and paralyzing of its kind during the last decade. Of the 3,000 motormen and conductors employed by the company, practically the entire number left their work at once and stayed out during the entire course of the difficulty. The strike was conducted in an orderly manner. This fact, together with the agitation on the franchise which had preceded it, gained for the strikers the favor of the public. After a brief six days, the company consented to recognize the organization of the street car men and to meet with them. An agreement was drawn up which provided for recognition of the union and arbitration on the question of wages and hours. As a result of this arrangement, the company and the men in June agreed to a wage schedule which ranges from 38 cents per hour for the first year to 42 cents per hour for the


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seventh year and thereafter. This was one of the high wage schedules of the country for street railway employes at that time, being exceeded by San Francisco’s wage of 43 cents per hour on the municipal railway, the Portland, Oregon, award of 1917, and several subsequent adjustments in other cities.
THE REFERENDUM
It was noticeable a short time after the strike that the surrender of the company to the men had weakened the forces in opposition to the franchise ordinance. The street car men in their anxiety to obtain their wage increase allied themselves with the company and split the labor forces, while other elements in the community seemed inclined to relieve the company after the extra burden of higher wages had been assumed by them. This attitude was reflected in the report of the chamber of commerce committee on the subject. The result was, that on April 10, compromise ordinance Number Two—amended to provide for a thirty-one year franchise and for the use of the profits over 7 per cent for improvements and extensions, with but an original tax of § per cent of the gross revenue—was passed by a vote of twenty-eight to one in the board of aldermen and subsequently signed by the mayor. Immediately after the passage of the ordinance a citizens’ referendum league was formed, composed mainly of representatives of the Socialist Party and a number of improvement organizations, to invoke a referendum on the measure. The company in the meantime had petitioned the state public service commission for an increase of fares to 6 cents per passenger, basing their plea on the increase cost of supplies and the proposed increase in the wages of the company employes. The constitutionality of such a grant was questioned both by the city and by the civic league, basing their opinion on Missouri law and on the recent decision in New York state, where a similar constitutional provision to that of Missouri prevails. By a vote of three to two, however, the commission decided in favor of the railway company, both on the legal questions involved and on the increase of the fare to 6 cents—granting this increase, however, but for a one-year period as a temporary relief measure, to take effect July 1, 1918. The city appealed the case to the courts, but made no effort to halt or hinder the 6 cent fare during the interim. It is significant to note that the city in presenting its case retained the services of James E. Allison, who had made the 1911 valuation, and who in bringing his previous figures up to date showed a present day value of $48,784,490 in contrast to the $60,000,000 proposed in the franchise ordinance.1
1 Both the $48,000,000 and $60,000,000 figures were stated to be “original cost” estimates, though “reproduction new” items entered into both. Mr. Allison declared that for reproduction new to-day, the valuation would approximate $72,000,000, but that this method would not give the correct figures because based on a fictitious situation.


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The citizens’ referendum league, during the sixty days legally allotted to it, obtained the necessary quota of signatures to require a submission of the franchise ordinance at an election. On the night before the day that these signatures were to have been presented to the election commissioners, the safe containing the petitions was opened by an electric drill and over 11,000 signatures stolen. In two days’ time, however, the league succeeded in obtaining 19,000 additional signatures—enough to insure a vote on the subject at the coming November election. Several of those implicated in the burglary have been apprehended, and as a result of their revelations the company’s superintendent of transportation has been indicted. A consequent impetus has been given the referendum movement; imperilled again for the moment, however, by an opinion of the attorney- general’s office that a municipal issue of this kind cannot be voted on at a general state election. Independent stockholders have also renewed the receivership suit.
The whole St. Louis situation points strongly to the necessity of the public acquisition of public utilities. By such action an end will be put to the eternal conflict between the demands of the public for service and the efforts of the private corporation for profit—as Dr. Wilcox has repeatedly pointed out—and the chief obstacle to satisfactory municipal government will be done away with. The hope of St. Louis, as of all other-large cities similarly situated, is the institution of such constitutional changes—particularly in regard to indebtedness limitations—as will make possible the early acquisition of all utility properties. The federal loan made to the United Railways Company in June may be the means by which a governmental control leading to ownership will finally be affected.
THE UNIT PLAN OF HEALTH ADMINISTRATION
AS IT IS BEING TRIED OUT IN THE MOHAWK-BRIGHTON DISTRICT OF CINCINNATI
BY DOROTHY THOMPSON
DURING the convention of the American surgical association, recently held in Cincinnati, a group of local physicians met with Dr. William H. Mayo, its president, and with Dr. Franklin P. Martin, chairman of the Medical Division of the Council of National Defense, to discuss with them the progress of a unique venture in health administration, now being tried out experimentally in a limited area in Cincinnati. At this meeting, Dr. Martin and Dr. Mayo did not


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hesitate to characterize the experiment as “one of the most significant movements of the day in modern medicine.” And still more recently, Dr. Ren6 Sand, professor of social medicine in the University of Brussels on a mission in this country is reported to have said: “I consider its value from the point of view of reconstruction to be inestimable, and I shall carry back to my people no more interesting suggestion.”
WHAT IS THIS EXPERIMENT?
It is one branch of the work of a unique community organization called “The Social Unit,” which has as its basic ideas the mobilization of all available social skill into groups the elected representatives of which form an occupational council for the community, which as one part of the local organization shall diagnose the community’s needs, and formulate a. program for meeting these needs, this program to be affirmed and rendered effective through the other part of the organization— representatives elected from the citizenry, by blocks, and forming a citizens’ council. It is operating in an area of Cincinnati comprising a population of 15,000, under the direction of Mr. and Mrs. Wilbur C. Phillips, originators of the plan, and with the guidance and backing of a national committee, made up of experts in various social fields.
The medical administration, which is so far the most highly developed branch of the work of this organization, and which illustrates the manner in which any group of the occupational council—ministers, teachers, business men, or social workers—might function, was formed in September, 1917, from the thirty-six physicians resident or practicing in the district. These physicians elected from their group a council of nine, with an executive responsible to them. At the same time a council of nurses was formed, consisting of the representatives of the various health agencies operating in the district. The formation of this council was made possible through the co-operation of these agencies.
The two councils and their executives, working in close co-operation, have formulated a health program for the district consisting of specific services, the program being elastic and open to constant expansion. At present these services are six—a general nursing service, for home care of sick patients, a pre-natal service for expectant mothers, a maternity service, a tuberculosis service, and an infant welfare and pre-school service.
The establishment of services has necessarily meant the establishment of sub-committees of the medical administration,—a committee on pediatrics, obstetrics, etc. These committees have been responsible for standardizing work in these departments, and to assist them at their request at arriving at the best modern standards, advisory councils have been formed from the City Academy of Medicine, these men in turn seek-ng the advice of national committees. Exactly the same policy of city


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and national organization has been followed in regard to the nurses’ work.
POINTS OP ADVANTAGE
The points in this administration which are particularly noteworthy are, perhaps, five:
1. The Democratic Form of the Organization.—Programs for socializing medicine have, in the past, been formulated by social workers and reformers rather than by physicians, often meeting with strenuous opposition from the medical profession, though in the long run the physicians must by nature of their skill be responsible for the effectiveness of such programs. In this community, the responsibility for planning and carrying out the health program is put up to the physicians and nurses, their program being subject to the approval of the rest of the occupational council of which they form a part and of the citizens’ council representing the entire lay citizenry. All of the practitioners being included in the medical group the standardization of clinic methods is carried down into the private practice of every physician in the district, and so socializes standards to the last degree.
2. The Intensiveness with Which Each Detail of the Program Can Be Carried Out.—Through the block workers of the citizens’ council, it is possible to reach every person for whom a service is designed, easily, the approach in each case being made by a neighbor. For instance, infant welfare and pre-school services are designed to give every child in the district up to six years of age a complete medical examination, this service to include a consultation with the mother, follow up work done in the home by the nurses, and the organization of classes for mothers in each nursing district, the information given in these classes to be based on the needs of the district as they manifest themselves. In an ordinary uncoordinated community such a task would be stupendous. But in this district the block workers took a census of all children, made appointments for them at the station, reported on epidemic cases, and persuaded obstructive mothers so effectively that in three months 80 per cent of all the children have been examined and Dr. Kreidler, executive of the medical council, reports expectations of reaching 95 per cent with these services. The Nursing Council already has 100% of the children under supervision.
3. The Educative Effect on the Medical Profession.—Responsibility for the health of the district and the daily clinics presided over by the physicians of the district have developed standards of medical practice far above what they were seven months ago when the medical work started.
4. The Greater Responsibility in the Nursing Service.—The nurses in this district are a self-governing body. They formulate their own programs for public health nursing. One of the first things which they did was to do away with specialized nursing in large areas—in favor of general


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nursing in small areas, putting the emphasis on preventive rather than curative measures, and making the nurse responsible, not only for the care of individual patients but for encouraging the maintenance of high health standards for an entire household, and at the same time doing away with duplication of effort in the same household, and saving time in going from place to place.
5. The Possibility of Extending the Unit Organization throughout the City until It Covers the Total Population Supplying an Effective Mechanism for the Administration of the City’s Health Work.—Such an administration would be centered in the general hospital and the medical college of the City University and should be able to give a 100 per cent health supervision to every man, woman, and child. This may seem far away but it is worth considering. If a given area in a city can develop a health center with a department for every branch of medicine tied up to the corresponding departments of the city medical college and general hospital, each department in the health center run democratically by a local staff, yet each staff related to a central committee of the best experts in the field, why would it not be possible to extend that plan dividing the entire city into such units, and eventually bringing in every physician as part of a community system for reducing sickness and death to the lowest possible point? Some of the leading physicians of the country believe that it is possible, and that now is the time when such an experiment might be tried. The press reported Dr. Martin to have said when he was in Cincinnati: “The tremendous advances in professional skill made during the war must be put at the services of a larger and larger per cent of the people, in order to conserve every atom of the nation’s vital resources from which the war takes so costly toll. It is unthinkable that after the war is won we should allow ourselves to drift back to old methods, which the international crisis has proved to be outworn. If the Social Unit can build up, as I believe it is doing, a model system of medical administration, we shall be ready, when the war is over, to take it, adjust it to various environments, and apply it generally.”
ENLISTMENT OF WORKINGMEN IN THE CAUSE OF BETTER GOVERNMENT
BY WILLIAM P. LOVETT1 Detroit
THAT factory workers in numbers can be enlisted for active service in municipal reform, without the entangling alliances incident to city politics or the problems which arise when capital and labor try to co-operate, has been proved by the Detroit citizens’ league, a volunteer organization now six years old.
1 Executive secretary, Detroit Citizens’ league.


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Efforts to align labor as a class in favor of practical civic enterprises frequently meet with essential difficulties. Union labor refuses to give aid or comfort to programs financially fostered by “the employing class.” Managers of industry fear to suggest or permit any sort of governmental discussion or action among their employes, lest friction be aroused, either among the workers who become involved in arguments over economic issues, or between workers and employers whose partisan opinions may not coincide. As to the function of voting, the workingman resents dictation from “the boss,” and the employer who values efficiency in his plant declines to imperil such efficiency as he may have achieved by injecting politics or the acute industrial problem among his employes as a bone of contention.
DETROIT: AN OPEN SHOP TOWN
Recognizing the difficulties in the way, officials of the Detroit citizens’ league proceeded constructively, on common sense lines. They were aided by the fact that Detroit is not dominated by union labor, but is an open shop town where the right of labor to organize is seldom questioned. Another advantage has been the rapid growth of Detroit in the past decade, bringing to its factories thousands of workingmen, many of whom came from farms or small towns, and were not easily brought under the control of partisan bosses, either in politics or industry. The success of the league is the more significant when it is noted that its organizer and president, Henry M. Leland, a prominent manufacturer, has been bitterly fought at times by labor unionists for his “open shop” views.
Results of the factory work are not to be questioned. They have appeared in many local elections, where the big factory vote was highly important, and in the organized work of the league in many local campaigns. Scores of public meetings have been held, in many of which factory men have predominated. Workingmen have circulated petitions, served as election inspectors and league challengers, distributed literature, done campaign work in neighborhoods, and have successfully put forth candidates for public office. Whether the Detroit federation of labor, which represents a minority of the workingmen of the city, favored or opposed the league program, seemed not to make much difference in the result. The federation leaders usually make their appeal to class prejudice, and attack the league officials as “plutocrats,” but the fine of distinction between union and non-union labor in the city is hard to find. The citizens’ league treats all workingmen as “citizens and taxpayers.”
Another factor in the situation is that during its six years of work the league has given less attention to promotion of candidates for office, than to radical reforms in the structure of the local government. These reforms have been attained frequently by charter amendment. The latest project was a complete revision of the city charter. The new


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charter was adopted by a majority of more than seven to one. Such broad appeals, however, are less fraught with personal differences or political friction than campaigns for election of rival candidates.
BASIS OF SUPPOET.
Membership in the league is open to all voters, at one dollar per annum, which covers subscription to the monthly bulletin. General meetings are held about once a month. An executive board of seven men, representing broadly all classes, is the final court of authority. Most of the financial support is furnished by recognized leaders in commerce and industry.
To take the message of civic betterment to the workingmen, a luncheon meeting was held, attended by sixty heads of big plants. After the aims and methods had been discussed, forty plants were opened to the league for purposes of civic education and appeal. In each plant noon meetings were held, lasting fifteen minutes each. Men were invited to join the league, or at least to study the proposals put forth by the league for improving city government, and to vote favorably. Most of the noon talks were made by the executive secretary of the league, whose experience as a newspaper man and student of governmental problems had made him familiar with the social point of view, and given him an appreciation of many sides of the political, economic and industrial issues of the day.
“Taxation and rents” was one of a score of topics with which the main theme was introduced. Co-operation was the keynote and spirit of the addresses. Partisan issues were never raised or permitted. Instead of discussing “politics,” the appeal uniformly was on behalf of good citizenship, American principles, free popular government, the non-partisan system for cities, and abolition of the old-time politics based on selfishness and seamed with graft. Many thousands of small documents, specially prepared, have been distributed, sometimes for educational ends, more frequently to persuade men to vote for given proposals for changes in methods of local government.
Successful campaigns have been waged for the abolition of controlled voting precincts and the establishment of an honest system of election, elimination of the old board of estimates, substituting a modern for an ancient and corrupt school board, and for abolition of the ward-alderman system of city government. In several campaigns a special staff of volunteer speakers has been utilized, most of the talks being given in the factories at the noon hour, and without a hint of friction. In the campaign for adoption of the new charter more than 70 such speakers were in service.
The final element which made for success and prevented undesirable results lay in the policy of the league, developed by its attorney and


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director, Pliny W. Marsh: it declines to cultivate enmities, even among gang politicians; it consistently and constructively utilizes all legitimate agencies of co-operation and friendliness which can be enlisted in the cause of good government. To-day it has access to practically all the industrial plants of Detroit.
BUREAUS OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH IN WAR TIME
BY LENT D. UPSON1 Detroit, Mich.
What can civic organizations,—and in particular, Bureaus of Municipal Research,—do to win the war? It goes without saying that we must do anything for the National Government which will really help to win the war. It is equally sure that we must not desert our local community problems,—with their direct bearings on war, and after the war problems,—and take a government job which does not really help the government. Men of bureau training and experience are needed by the government, and they are needed more than ever before by their own cities. Upon these men then devolves the important and patriotic task of determining where their services will produce the greatest results. And sometimes the most patriotic thing to do will be to give up the call of a uniform, and stay home to wrestle with problems which concern the welfare of many people and which have a direct war purpose.
For example, I know a man who left a responsible position in public life where he might have affected in a large way the number of employes on a city’s pay-roll, thereby releasing many persons for direct or indirect war work. He chose, however, to accept a commission in the army. He made a distinct financial sacrifice to do so, but the country made a much greater sacrifice. I understand he is now directing the activities of a dozen stenographers in Washington,—almost in the position of chief office woman, and the work which he might have done at home has gone undone. This man’s patriotism is most commendable. But somewhere there was an absence of judgment as to relative values.
We cannot subscribe entirely to a statement that we must count a battle lost if any organization concerned in saving democracy at home is allowed to suffer or become weakened because of efforts spent on work concerned more directly with war service. We can subscribe entire to a
1 Director of the Detroit bureau of governmental research. This is the stenographer’s report of the address of Dr. Upson at the New York meeting of the National Municipal League.


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defence of local civic activity as against activities which only pretend to be concerned with directly winning the war. For it is true indeed, that “an inefficient health department, a neglected school system, or a corrupt police department, helps the forces of autocracy, of imperialism and of selfishness.”
But Bureaus of Municipal Research can and should concern themselves with activities having even a more direct bearing on the war than effective health, schools or police. For example, if by working on a sewer program we can save one million dollars in costs, and at the same time get sewer facilities for ammunition plants which otherwise would have none, I think we are doing war work. If we can prevent the paving of residence streets by pointing out that the government needs men and materials more urgently than our community needs asphalt pavements, I think we are doing war work. If we can standardize wages and work so that when men leave city service they are not replaced, and the work of the city is carried on by fewer men and carried on just as well, I think this is war work. If we can reorganize community garden service so that war gardens in our town become realities instead of something to talk about, and thereby our communities become more nearly self supporting, this too is war work.
I merely raise the point that all things are relative so far as Bureaus of Municipal Research are concerned and we should carefully consider whether the work we are doing is not of great importance, and is not materially helping to win the war. The time may be near at hand when we must stop even what we are doing and go to fight. . When we fight to save the world we cannot stop to save a city or a county or a state, as such, if we are needed to do bigger things. But we must be sure of that need. Remember that our immediate task is to save men and materials, and that our future task is to try and build up cities that will meet the needs of the one or three or five million men who will come back from the battle front with an entirely new conception of what a community should do for its citizens.


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[November
THE CITY-MANAGER PLAN AS A WAR
MEASURE1
HARRISON G. OTIS1 Auburn, Maine
I SHALL endeavor to make this ten-minute speech in five minutes. One of the tenets of my profession is to do a thing in half the usual time (applause).
First of all, let us see how it conforms with the Government’s plans at this time. The U. S. Government has built several wonderful cities within the past few months, the great training camps of our army and navy. These cantonments have been put into existence and given all the facilities of our most modern municipalities under the guiding hands of practical city managers known as “officers in charge of utilities.” Some of the captains assigned to these duties have applied for membership in the city-manager’s association. The Government is using the manager plan at a time when it wants efficiency and speed.
In Alaska the governments of many communities are carried on by United States officers whose duties correspond very closely to those of a city manager. A former secretary of the association had a membership application from the town-site manager of Anchorage, Alaska. The war has brought out the value of an administrator with centralized authority.
In the achievement reports of the city-manager cities as they are published in our association year book you will note how city after city has undertaken various phases of war work in a very determined and successful manner. Among the different activities which the managers have engaged in are: the handling of the fuel question, the housing problem, the planning of cities for after-war growth, and the furnishing of water, electricity and other services to nearby cantonments.
The simplicity of centralized executive control has allowed economy and efficiency when they are most needed. Among the noteworthy achievements one or two are of especial interest. Eldorado, Kansas, two or three years ago, was a small country community of 3,500 population; it is to-day a hustling city of 18,000. The development of oil fields has changed it almost over night from a rural village to a wide-awake city. The work of rapid readjustment has been handled admirably by the city manager with the co-operation of the business men on his commission. Kingsport, Tennessee, was organized and incorporated under
1 Address delivered at a luncheon held in connection with the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Greenwich House, New York, over which Lucius E. Wilson presided.
2 Secretary of City Managers Association.


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a commission-manager charter last year. Industrial growth has converted it from a mountain hamlet into a city of 10,000. The results accomplished by its city manager are a tribute to the workableness of the new plan. But I would not emphasize the utility features exclusively. The city-manager plan stands for business efficiency which makes possible real community service.
[: I heard a question this afternoon as to whether the city-manager plan is progressing as rapidly now as it has in the past, I also heard a suggestion that campaigns for the manager plan should be postponed until after the war is won. The answers to the question and to the suggestion are to be found in the fact that more cities are putting the manager plan into operation during the first half of the year 1918 than in any one year previously. You may be interested to know the figures. I believe there are at present about 120 cities claiming some form of the city-manager plan. In 18 of these the plan became effective in 1914,—24 in 1915, 19 in 1916, 19 in 1917, and so far in 1918, 25.
In the year book, just published, there are achievement reports from sixty-five cities operating under the manager plan,—short, snappy stories of actual accomplishments. These reports will tell you, far better than I can the reasons why the city-manager plan may well be promoted as a war measure.
The profession of city manager offers a real opportunity to the men who have the qualifications and the courage to enter it. The new plan permits a community to express itself in terms of real service.
A REVIEW OF CITY PLANNING IN THE UNITED STATES 1917-18
BY THEODORA KIMBALL 1 Cambridge
IN MANY ways the year just past may be considered the most significant period in American city planning,—more significant even than the period in which the plan for the National Capital was developed; more significant than the year of the World’s Columbian Ex;-position, which awakened the United States to esthetic values in urban environment; more significant than the year which was marked by the association of technical experts and civic improvers in the formation of the National Conference on City Planning. For in the year 1917-18 has come governmental recognition of the fact that in the development of large areas of land for efficient use it is necessary to employ the services
1 Librarian, School of Landscape Architecture at Harvard University, consulting librarian to the U. S. housing corporation, contributing editor of the quarterly, Landscape A rchiteclure.


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of the several professions which have been, on a lesser scale, heretofore co-operating in city planning work. The Government has realized that to house 50,000 men in a camp, or 15,000 workmen and their families in the neighborhood of an industrial center, is not merely a question of buildings and sanitary engineering, but that the city planner—who in most cases is the landscape architect trained in the handling of land development—is necessary to adapt the arrangement of roads and buildings and community facilities most effectively to the site and the purpose.
Readers of the National Municipal Review are already familiar, through Mr. Ihlder’s article and a subsequent note,2 with the value of planning in the national army cantonments. A huge problem was set before the construction division of the army,—the building in three months of sixteen wooden cities for populations varying from thirty to fifty thousand men. By the employment of brains,—whether commissioned in the army or called from civil life,—brains trained in problems of city planning in its various phases, co-operating and turning into the plan each its special knowledge of land development, of sanitation, or of building construction, these cities were produced with record speed, with an acknowledged efficiency of arrangement, and with a certain pleasant esthetic effect due in part to the repetition of constructed forms in orderly relation and in part to their harmonious relation to the ground. But it has been not only in the emergency construction of the cantonments that the army has employed city planning services: it employs them continuously tor the period of the war—and we hope, after, if necessary—in the laying out of camps for various special purposes, in the laying out of hospitals, and in any other construction work involving the placing of nu n-bers of buildings on areas of land.
HOUSING INDUSTRIAL WORKERS
The other department of the Government in which city planning has been recognized as essential to “winning the war” has dealt with the housing of industrial workers. After various delays in the passage of the necessary legislation, the power to provide adequate living accommodations for workers in war industries has been delegated by the President to the department of labor, and by it to the bureau of industrial housing and transportation. To function more readily, the activities of the bureau have been largely taken over by the U. S. housing corporation, incorporated under the laws of New York, and having as officers several of the directing officers of the bureau, Otto M. Eidlitz, president. Frederick Law Olmsted, president of the American City Planning Institute is a director of the corporation and chief of its town planning division.
In connection with speeding up the shipbuilding program, the shipping board has housing projects already under way, including most interesting
2 March, 1918, v. 7, p. 139-145, and May, p. 334-335.


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examples of industrial housing developments in which city planning experts have co-operated, and these remain under the jurisdiction of the Emergency Fleet Corporation’s department of passenger transportation and housing, which will be in the closest touch with the housing corporation.
It should be noted that in the official title of both agencies for housing, the term transportation has appeared. Proper living accommodations for industrial workers may often be secured by the improvement or extension of transportation facilities to places having a surplus of houses; and tills fact which has been so keenly discussed in meetings of city planners and housing experts for the past few years, is now the more sharply recognized, since any such solution releases building materials and construction workers for use in housing shortage situations which are not to be met in any other way than by building.
A city planning problem of the most vital and far-reaching nature has presented itself in connection with industrial housing developments. Shall they, like the cantonments, be built dti open land—made available by transportation to the shipyards or munition plants—where conditions may be entirely controlled by the designers and a maximum of efficiency in plan, wholesomeness of living conditions, and pleasantness of appearance, be secured by the unity of the development; or shall the available vacant land in the vicinity of the yards or factories be utilized, with the sub-surface utilities in many cases already constructed, and facilities for recreation ready-at-hand in the existing city, but at a sacrifice of that unity of design which enhances the attractiveness of the new-town development as a place of residence?3 The problem can be answered in only one way by the housing corporation:—that type of development which can be built the most effectively, so that the workers may be soonest housed in a proper manner and the ships and munitions soonest turned out to help in the final victory. In some cases the answer is one, in some cases, the other. But with all the speed that is essential, there will be merit in the developments produced that will influence housing and city planning in this country to an extend impossible to realize at the present time.
The experience of Great Britain in housing her munition workers has been consulted; and the very high standard of permanent housing set in such towns as Well Hall and the comfortableness of the hostels for unmarried workers such as those at Gretna have stimulated us to as adequate a meeting of similar situations. This British experience has been
3 Readers are referred to most interesting discussions of these points in the April number of the quarterly, Landscape Architecture in articles by Thomas Adams of Canada, and E. P. Goodrich of New York, and comment by the editors; and also in the July number of the same magazine to the article by H. Y. Hubbard, “Some Preliminary Considerations in Governmental Industrial War Housing.”


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made familiar to the American public especially by the report of Frederick L. Ackerman of New York, who visited England in the Fall of 1917, and whose application of the principles involved in British developments to the American problem makes his report an important city planning document.
Another document of the very greatest interest is the Standards Recommended for Permanent Industrial Housing Developments put forth by the bureau of industrial housing and transportation (March, 1918). These standards were originally drafted by Lawrence Veiller, secretary of the national housing association and adopted after undergoing revision in a series of conferences in which housing experts, architects, landscape architects, engineers, and others participated. An introductory note explains: “These standards are not intended as inflexible requirements, but any plans which fail to conform to them are not likely to be accepted unless supported by very strong reasons. Local building codes, housing laws, and similar ordinances are to be followed: Provided, however, that in case such local regulations permit or require anything not permitted by these standards the express approval of this bureau is to be obtained before departing from the standards as here outlined.” Needless to say, minimum requirements as these have had to be in many respects, they are far in advance of certain types of housing with which our industrial workers have been obliged to put up, and which have been the cause of the impairment of industrial efficiency. To these standards, however, would conform a considerable number of housing schemes which industrial plants have undertaken for their own workers, or which subsidiary companies have put forth. Several of these schemes have been well designed by competent planners and have been under construction during the past year, testifying to the increase of intelligent appreciation of the commercial value of city planning.
IMPORTANCE OF PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
With all these evidences of city planning work in war emergency construction, we are interested to know the situation in regard to construction on city planning projects the immediate necessity of which is not so apparent.
One thing has been brought home to the world as never before: that on proper physical environment depends the effectiveness of man, in fighting or in industry, and so ultimately the effectiveness of the nation. In all plans for reconstruction—in such a document as the notable reconstruction report, and subsequent resolutions, of the British Labour Party-—it is recognized that the after-war improvement of the environment of the average citizen is absolutely essential to national happiness


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and prosperity. On what a scale this improvement should take place is indicated in Thomas Adams’ Rural Planning and Development for Canada, a report of far more than local interest. It is a treatise on national planning which should have a very great influence on city and national planning in the United States, and point to the time when we survey and apportion all our vast natural resources to their most effective use. As giving a statement of the new spirit of planning and development, the appearance of this report should be recorded as an event in the history of American planning. Mr. Adams’ counsels, with their background of British experience, have also aided us in our regular national city planning and housing conferences, and in such special conferences as those held in Philadelphia last February,4 which were significant as national recognition of the war-time situation, and the relation of this to after-war problems.
The periodical press is beginning to evidence the fact that cities throughout the country are appreciating the importance of “Plan now for construction after the war,” as recommended in such a resolution as that passed by the American City Planning Institute at the St. Louis Conference.5 While all improvements indispensable to the health of the population and necessary for transportation of war supplies must go forward now, it is of course apparent that men and materials are not at present available to carry out the municipal improvements already planned in many cities. Other cities have not as compirehensive plans as would be desirable for a vigorous program of construction to utilize labor released by the close of the war. It was announced a short time ago that the mayor of Cleveland desired from the heads of all city departments comprehensive work programs which are to be submitted to the city plan commission for co-ordination. In this way Cleveland hopes to be ready for wise and fruitful progress when the labor is available. Similar plans are going forward in other cities.
DISTRICTING
In addition to the advances in recognition of city planning occasioned by the war, the most important progress of the year has unquestionably been in the field of districting or zoning. The fundamental relation between the street plan and the apportionment of the city area into districts according to use and the street plan has become more clear; and the very great economies to be effected, as well as the amenity to be secured, are convincing American cities that districting is worth while. With New York City in the East as the leader, and its building zone ordinance as a model to be followed or varied from, and with California possessing a state zoning act “broader in scope and affording greater protection than
4 See Review, May, 1918, v. 7, p. 289-291.
5 See p. 435 of the July Review.


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any other existing act of these United States,”6 the movement is seen to be country-wide. Baltimore is embarking on a campaign for districting regulations7; and St. Louis has just published a full set of maps to accompany the ordinance drawn up by the city plan commission and passed by the board of aldermen in June. A New York state law now makes it possible for cities other than New York city to secure the same power for districting.8 In spite of several minor legal set-backs, there is a strong general tendency to recognize the validity of the districting principle; and its ultimate place in our regular municipal program seems assured.
Of city planning activity as marked by published reports during the past twelve months, much might be said. Two or three considerable volumes, a number of comprehensive plans, a group of districting reports, and many annual publications have appeared. It will be possible here, however, only to note and discuss a very few of the more important, with all due respect to the excellent work evidenced by many of the others.
CALIFORNIA PROGRESS
The June number (1918) of the Architect and Engineer of California, prepared under the direction of Charles Henry Cheney, secretary of the California conference on city planning, may be considered as a stocktaking of city planning in that state. In addition to the noteworthy progress in districting made by Berkeley and Fresno we find important the appointment of a permanent city planning commission for San Francisco; work on city plans for Pasadena and Alameda (the latter especially urgent on account of the shipbuilding plants); transportation plans involving Los Angeles on the one hand and Oakland, Alameda, and Berkeley on the other, now before the state railroad commission, the decision of which is final on such matters, thus making the commission an ultimate city planning authority.9 But most important of all is the establishment of a state bureau of city planning under the commission of immigration, with functions analogous to the Massachusetts homestead commission and to the bureau of municipalities, with its recently-appointed city planning engineer, of the state of Pennsylvania.
ST. LOUIS
The group of St. Louis city plan commission reports (Harland Bartholomew, Engineer) shows great activity in that city. Problems of St. Louis, as its title goes on to explain, is “a description from the city planning standpoint, of past and present tendencies of growth with general
6 From report of the president of the California conference on city planning.
7 See Municipal Journal of Baltimore, May 10, 1918.
8 N. Y. State Bureau of Municipal Information, Bulletin no. 21.
9 Noted in special manuscript summary of California situation made by Mr. Cheney for the editor of the National Municipal Review.


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suggestions for impending issues and necessary future improvements,”— in other words, it is a local manual of city planning comparable to that of Newark, with which city Mr. Bartholomew was previously connected. The Major Street Plan for St. Louis, taken together with the later zoning plans, points out the main lines of city development and growth; and the Recreation report (November, 1917) comprises a thorough study of the situation, with plans for a systematic rounding out of the public park and recreation system. Zoning for St. Louis prepared the way for the official zoning maps and the ordinance already referred to. Thus St. Louis may well lay claim to first place in the activity of the year in the United States, as expressed in well-prepared city planning reports. In addition an industrial survey of St. Louis by the firm of Goodrich, Hoover and Bennett (New York) has been going forward, the results of which are not yet published. It is worth especial note, in these days when the efficiency of industry is so vital to our success, that the relation of the location of industries to the city plan is receiving wider attention.
OTHER CITIES
Omaha10 and Davenport11 have both published studies for comprehensive plans. In the case of Omaha, the consulting experts were Messrs. George B. Ford, E. P. Goodrich, and the late Charles Mulford Robinson. A careful survey by them has been made the basis of recommendations which the commission, with their approval, sets forth. The Davenport studies have particular interest at this time because of the growth of Davenport and adjacent cities as a great center of war industries. One of the U. S. housing corporation projects is located there, and it should be a matter of satisfaction to the city that a tangible evidence of its foresight could be laid before the government experts.
The Plan of Minneapolis,12 expected to appear in 1914, has recently come out in sumptuous form, similar to the Chicago report of 1909, in which Mr. Bennett collaborated with the late Mr. Burnham. Mr. Burnham was indeed concerned with the beginnings of this Minneapolis plan, and a most inspiring quotation from him begins the volume. There are beautiful renderings by Jules Guerin, and a large number of illustrations. The parallel to the Chicago plan is, nevertheless, too close in many respects, and we are left with a feeling that the city of Minneapolis as planned, however splendid, would lack the individuality which is her right.
10 Preliminary studies for a city plan for Omaha, city planning commission, November, 1917.
11 Report to the mayor and city council of the city of Davenport, Iowa, on city planning for Davenport. Roscoe E. Sawistowsky, city engineer. 1918.
12 Plan of Minneapolis, prepared under the direction of the Civic Commission MCMXVII, by Edward H. Bennett, architect; edited and written by Andrew Wright Crawford. 1917.


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Only one of Colonel Bion J. Arnold’s reports has appeared in the last twelve months,—that for Syracuse.13 As usual in the reports with which he has been connected, the intimate relation of the transportation problem to the city plan is fully recognized. In this case, the railroad-crossing situation has tied up city development, and its solution will make for essential improvement.
Philadelphia, now the national center of the shipbuilding industry, is fortunate in having comprehensive plans for development already far advanced. In 1917, the permanent committee on comprehensive plans published a Report on the Revision and Extension of the Street System in Southwest Philadelphia, based on an extensive study made by the general plans division of the bureau of surveys. This report is parallel to the South Philadelphia report of 1913, and proposes waterfront reclamation for industrial and housing purposes. At a session of the Philadelphia conferences on war-time housing and community planning in February there were shown these waterfront plans for the whole area of shipbuilding activity in the Philadelphia district.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
The effect of the war emergency construction of the past year in Washington on the plan of that city has been a subject of the gravest concern. It is most encouraging to see in the recent Report on Public Buildings 14 and in the last two reports of the commission of fine arts that the plan is none the less cherished and future permanent building development carefully worked out in accordance with it. The public building commission was appointed in 1916 with a view to providing ultimately permanent quarters for all the governmental activities in the District of Columbia in buildings owned by the government. The report is a large volume containing a wealth of illustrations, plans, etc. A perusal of it shows how necessary to the carrying out of the plan of Washington is an intelligent appreciation on the part of congress, since, through the control of appropriations, it thereby has control of ultimate development.
The commission of fine arts reports for 1916 and 1918, both published within the year, review progress on the park commission plan of Washington, since the founding of the commission in 1910; and the 1918 report contains the recommendations made by the commission during the preparation of the public buildings commission report, and also the commission’s report on the relocation of the Botanic garden, with a discussion of proposed sites. To read the reports of the commission is to realize again that in our capital city we have our most worthy city planning monument; and that, whatever ignorance and special interests may attempt to
13 Report on Grade Crossing Elimination in the City of Syracuse; findings of the commission and report of Bion J. Arnold, consulting engineer. 1917.
14 Senate Document no. 155, 65th congress, 2d session. (Limited distribution.)


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its detriment, its development is continuously watched over with the greatest of understanding and skill.
In enumerating the accomplishments of the year in city planning, we should not lose sight of the distance which we still have to go before Mr. Adams’ term “planning and development” becomes an integral part of our national and civic life. The gains recently made cause us to hope that in the reconstruction period here, as abroad, a more wholesome and more pleasant environment may be secured to every person to whom it has previously been denied.
EDITORIAL
AFTER war—Reconstruction! Preparation for the problems of peace. The years of war seem long—but we believe the years of peace will be longer and more fruitful. They certainly will be if we take to heart the profound lessons of the world struggle. In the words of a Belgian National “We want, in the days to come, to reveal and express, clearly to ourselves, those ideals which have maintained us in the war. ” In short the patriotism of peace must be as high and fine and self-sacrificing and patient and unremitting as the patriotism of the war.
The National Municipal League is concerned in the forms of government and their efficient administration. It is interested in something more—in citizenship, in civic heroism and civic patriotism. Its members have helped, from the president to the youngest and newest member, in every phase of war activity abroad and at home and they have kept the home lines steady. They have borne a double burden. They have added war duties to peace duties. They have sought to make permanent the fine spirit of citizen volunteer service and co-operation for the upholding of a nation, which in its every part will be worthy of the sacrifices that have been so gladly made.
The hardest problems probably lie ahead of us. The readjustment of society, the re-establishment of old lines of contact, the reorganization of life and industry, the rehabilitation of the maimed and wounded, in short the problems of reconstruction. Conscious of their pertinency, urgency and importance the National Municipal League has called a conference to meet in Rochester, New York, November 20-22,1918, to discuss American Reconstruction Problems. We will meet under the auspices of the Rochester Chamber of Commerce and the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research which has undertaken so fine a piece of local reconstruction work.1
The outline of the program follows. In one aspect it may seem narrow in its scope. Reflection will show that it is broadly inclusive. No 1 See National Municipal Review, vol. vii, p. 574.


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phase but what will be pertinent at one of the sessions. There will be few papers, but many speakers of insight, experience, devotion to public weal and welfare. It will be a real conference, a sincere desire to consider what should be done to prepare America for peace, to conserve the lessons of the war and to make a place to which those who have gone over seas to fight for ideals will be proud to return to and work for during the remainder of their days. The Editor.
OUTLINE OF PROGRAM
The conference will open Wednesday evening, November 20, with addresses by representatives of Great Britain, France and Belgium, describing in turn what our Allies are doing in the way of solving reconstruction problems.
On Thursday Morning, November 21, the subject for discussion will be the new relation of the Federal government to state and local communities. The paper will be prepared by Prof. Howard Lee McBain, of Columbia university, and will be thrown open to discussion under a ten-minute rule.
The Thursday Afternoon session will be devoted to a consideration of the replanning the United States in regard to transportation, housing, and public works. Definitive papers will be presented by F. L. Ackerman, of the emergency fleet corporation, Philadelphia, and Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, of the Bureau of standards, Washington, D. C.
On Thursday evening the subject of the discussion will be public employment, with a definitive paper by Dr. Charles A. Beard, of the New York bureau of municipal research and an address by Charles Zueblin, of the department of labor.
The Friday sessions (morning and afternoon) will be devoted to a consideration of the government, present and future, of the communities called into being by war-time conditions. A paper will be presented by Richard S. Childs, now connected with the housing bureaus of the army and navy department.
On Friday evening F. L. Ackerman will give an illustrated address on how England is housing her working population during war times.
The presiding officers will be Lawson Purdy, president of the National Municipal League; and President Rush Rhees, of the university of Rochester.


DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS
I. BOOK REVIEWS
Books for Women as Voters.
The arrival of equal suffrage in New York has brought a large number of women up with a round turn to face the political duties of citizenship. Some of these, by far the smallest part, are eager and prepared. Others are eager but unprepared. Some are merely willing. Others are unwilling, but recognizing responsibility. And others are indifferent.
Of these classes the first and last may not consider themselves in line for information, the one as not needing it, the other as not desiring it; but the rest, in a greater or less degree, acknowledge both wish and need. “Just what ought we to know?” they say.
It is quite natural that efforts should be made to answer this question in direct and final fashion; and that panaceas in capsule form should be compounded and offered to all comers. Such will undoubtedly meet the demand (if not the need); will soothe (if not inform and impel) the inquiring mind; and ought to be good things from the publishers’ point of view. So manuals for the woman voter are here, and probably will continue to multiply.
But such manuals labor, of necessity, under handicaps that force them to promise more than they can perform. In the first place, where they attempt to modify information and color importance on sex lines, they present a one-sided aspect dangerous rather than useful to the cause of good citizenship. The implied attitude that woman’s first job in politics is to make things pleasant for woman, is not conducive to furthering the spirit of community interest that we are beginning to impress on our youth as a necessary virtue in the citizen. In the second place no single book can pretend to give all one ought to know unless it constitute itself a directory rather than an instructor. The most successful attempt at citizen education in a single volume—and this is neither
a woman’s manual nor a treatise on government and politics—is William H. Allen’s Universal Training for Citizenship and Public Service, published by Macmillan, New York, 1917 ($1.50), which can best be described as soil preparation and seed casting, the fruit whereof should be good.
We are inclined to believe that certain of the books on civics prepared for upper grades and high schools would better fill the average need for first principles than any book yet written for women; while those who are seeking citizenship in its fuller sense will learn their communities through personal contact and will sample at least a good armful of volumes chosen by the nearest librarian, or, better, by themselves, from a tier of shelves.
Seekers for voter’s knowledge will ask the same question with quite varied conceptions of the extent to which they desire an answer. Some, very definitely, will want no more than a knowledge of actual voting processes, and definitions of such governmental terms and functions and officers as their own part in election duties will touch. For such nothing better has appeared than the Voters’ Guide, a small pamphlet published this year by the Brooklyn Daily Eagle (10 cents), or the Primer for Voters, New York edition, compiled by Martha G. Stapler, published by the National Woman Suffrage Publishing Company, 171 Madison Ave., New York, 1918 (25 cents), supplemented perhaps by the latest issue of the Municipal Year Book of the City of New York, furnished by the Municipal Reference Library, 512 Municipal Building (20) cents) a larger pamphlet showing the make-up of the city’s government. These will complete the library of the least desirous and may equally well begin that of the more adventurous.
The same ground is covered more entertainingly and at greater length in The New 615


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Voter: Things he and she ought to know about ■politics and citizenship, by Charles Willis Thompson, a revision of the series of articles printed in the New York Times as “The Woman Voter,” published by G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, 1918, $1.50. This is a symposium in which the politician, the Washington correspondent, the lawyer and the ex-congressman converse on the mechanics of politics for the benefit of the new voter, the college woman, the business woman, the man who acknowledges his ignorance and his wife. The “new voter” is a woman of intelligence apart from her lack of political information. Her state of mind on approaching the latter is described with enough truthfulness and humor to make many readers easily put themselves in her place, and the conversational setting is well handled in transferring facts with the least effort.
Those who are willing to go a step further may be satisfied with one of the three woman’s books noted below. For those who would take the “whole course” nothing has yet appeared in single volume form.
Your Vote and How to Use It, by Mrs. Raymond Brown, published by Harper, New York, 1918 (75 cents), is the most elementary in treatment, designed, as its preface indicates, for the busy housewife and the overworked factory woman. It is little more than a collection of simple definitions, threaded together, of governmental structure, national, state, city, town, county and village; of elections and election qualifications with a chart of elective officials; of taxation, public highways, courts, criminal punishment, public education, health and recreation, dependent and delinquent children, child labor, public charities and Americanization, presented in the order given. It stresses the woman side.
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt in her introduction to The Woman Voter’s Manual, by S. E. Forman and Marjorie Shuler, published by Century Company, New York, 1918 ($1.00), puts the right stamp on the idea of woman citizenship when she says: “It is together, as human beings, not as men and not as women that the voters of
the United States are moving forward into the new democracy.” Recognizing this, the authors of this book have confined their reference to sex exclusively to its title. Its divisions cover the rights of citizenship; popular government; congress; the President and his cabinet; federal executive work; courts, state and federal; the state legislature; the state executive; counties, towns and townships; municipalities; territories and dependencies of the United States; party organization; political party platforms; international relations; taxation; public finance; money; commerce; and corporations. Discussion of these topics is limited to one hundred thirty-five small pages, exclusive of the appendices which give the Constitution and a brief rendering of New York state election laws. The governmental points are taken from Dr. Forman’s book, “The American Republic.”
The A. B. C. of Voting; a handbook on government and politics for the women of New York state, by Marion B. Cothren, published by Century Company, New York, 1918 (60 cents), describes actual voting in few words and outlines national and New York state and city government. It includes a short bibliography and contains an introduction by Governor Whitman in which no reference to the book itself is made.
Though all women may inform themselves through print if they will, the knowledge of this means and the desire to use it are still possessed by the comparative few. Immediate education for the many is most readily furnished through the personal touch and the spoken word. Illinois realized this condition and responded effectively through the work done by the central municipal citizenship committee of the Chicago Woman’s City Club, with Jane Addams as its chairman. An interesting article describing the activities of this committee, “First Aid to New Voters,” by its executive secretary, S. Grace Nicholes, appeared in The Survey of December 8, 1917. The tasks which the committee set itself and carried forward successfully were: “to arouse the interest of the new voters in the govern-


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ment, to disseminate information, to utilize the public press, especially the foreign-language papers, to instruct the foreign women, to form classes, to rally the women to register and vote, to form non-partisan ward and precinct organizations, to hold mass meetings, to oppose partisanship in local affairs, to encourage women to act as judges and clerks of election and to furnish information on candidates and measures.”
In New York this work has not been centralized in the same way. Various organizations are concerning themselves with the education of the voter, each according to its own preference, though it is coming to be understood that the establishment of a central bureau would be of decided advantage. The New York Woman’s city club and the Woman’s municipal league held a series of conferences on methods of educating voters and of securing concerted action in public matters and a questionnaire issued by these two bodies in concert has shown the number of organizations now interested in the subject. The issues of the league’s weekly leaflet Women and the City’s Work, for December 4 and December 18, 1917, are devoted to women and the new citizenship. The latter issue lists the New York associations actively engaged in civic education.
Beside the development of a central bureau for traveling exhibits and exchange information, the league advocates the organization of a permanent non-partisan conference of representatives from these organizations to meet regularly to compare notes and prevent overlapping; the maintenance of a central speakers’ bureau; and the possible development of an interorganization bulletin service on civic questions.
John Cotton Dana.1
Newark, N. J.
*
Medieval Town Planning. By T. F.
Tout, M.A., F.B.A.
Mr. Tout’s lecture on “Mediaeval Town Planning” is interesting, quite apart from its inherent value, because it was made
1 Librarian, Newark Public Library.
during the war. It was delivered at Manchester, England, in December, 1916. This is another proof of the interest in the building of towns and cities that has been noticeably increased by the war. The natural supposition that war would more or less retard city planning, if not bring it to a halt, has been proved erroneous in Great Britain, in France, in Canada, and in Australia; and now the United States government is giving city planning a powerful impetus by the creation of some thirty towns or suburbs, in many of which results of a high order of merit are being attained.
Mr. Tout rightly points out that the problems which most vex the soul of the modern social reformer “made little appeal to the men of the middle ages. The medineval town planner had a limited sanitary outlook. If he provided access to sources of water supply and gutters to carry away the rain water, he gave his burgesses all that they wanted. If, too, he made modest provision for the cleansing of the streets and prohibited pigs from haunting the public ways, he thought that everything necessary had been done to secure public health.”
The modern town planner “is not hampered by the need of crowding his population together within the smallest possible area so as to make its defence practicable by a limited armed force. If he has to deal with hundreds of thousands while his predecessor had to deal with a score of hundreds, he has infinitely greater control over the material with which he is working, and,by far greater authority at his back.” It was more difficult in ancient days “to plan out a great town than it is for the great nations of the modern world with their almost unbounded power of harnessing nature to their service.”
It was well worth while to emphasize these differences between ancient and modern town planning: particularly, as Mr. Tout wisely uses the statement of the advantages of the town planners of today to prod some of them a bit, because of their tendency to limit themselves in practice to the same categories as their ancient predecessors, namely, to devising


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straight streets of width adequate for their purpose, and to providing building sites, squares and open places, similar in type and regular in outline. He softens this by the statement that “the philanthropic or humanitarian motive underlying much of modern town planning was far in the background of the medieval mind. The problem of overcrowding, the need of housing under healthy conditions were seldom, if ever, present to him."
Mr. Tout notes that “however you plan your original town, the town planners never can tell how or where it will grow. Even the mediaeval town planner was often baffled by the capricious and unexpected forces that controlled the building activities of the next generation. The town planner under the modern conditions of vast agglomerations, capable of indefinite expansion, will still find this rock ahead of him.”
The lecture discusses chiefly the towns of Northern France and of England, planned under the direction of Edward I, of which Montpazier is best known. “With the ‘fever for founding towns’ that marked the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the golden age of mediaeval town planning set in.” It is to that period that Mr. Tout largely addresses himself in this interesting paper.
While it is noted that “the modern social reformer cannot expect to find much practical guidance from the town planner of the middle ages,” yet “for those less severely practical it should ever be interesting to see how the same problems present themselves, though under different conditions, throughout all the ages.” The lecturer says elsewhere: “When all the world is talking of town planning, the historic aspects of that problem may well occupy the attention of the historian. It is eminently practical ... to draw the moral that the methodical organization of town construction can only be attained when the impulses of the individual are adequately controlled by the corporate will of the community, and when the immediate advantage of the moment is subordinated to the ultimate welfare of the future.” Real estate
operators, take notice. Mr. Tout is perfectly right. It is not the builders of to-day, but the occupiers of many to-morrows, who must be the supreme consideration.
Mr. Tout adds, entertainly and accurately: “Some towns, including most of the great cities of history, grow; others, on the other hand, are made. And the process of town making is as legitimate as the process of constitution making. Professor Pollard in a paradoxical moment has lately told us that constitutions that develop are better than constitutions that spring from the brain of the legislator. The answer is that it all depends on the constitutions. This is the case with towns as well as constitutions.”
Andrew Wright Crawford.
*
Procedure in State Legislatures. By H. W. Dodds. Philadelphia: The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1918. v, 112 pp.
So far the effort to improve our state governments has confined itself almost entirely to the executive. This is in spite of the fact that the legislatures have displayed quite as many defects as can be charged against the executive and that the effect of these deficiencies in destroying public confidence in government has far outweighed that of all administrative shortcomings. The problem of improving legislative processes has not yet been seriously attacked in this country. In the meantime public confidence in legislatures, state and national, has steadily declined. The rapid spread of the movement for direct legislation is eloquent testimony to this fact. But although that movement is always met by the argument that reform should be sought by improving the machinery of representative government it is not of record that those who have so argued have come forward with any plan of improvement.
Obviously any approach to the problem of improved legislative procedure must he along a pathway of fact. The essential facts upon which to base a proposal for the reform of legislative processes are


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more difficult to obtain than in the case of a similar proposal for improved administration. This difficulty, together with the greater prejudice and political opposition, probably accounts for the lack of progress hitherto made in this direction. The work of Dr. Dodds, embodied in the monograph under consideration, is the most substantial contribution yet made to the study of state legislative procedure. From it one can get an excellent idea of present complications, the method of introducing bills, the diverse and confused committee systems, quorum, control over debate, and lack of responsible leadership, to mention only a few of the subjects treated. While the author has not considered it a part of his purpose to make extensive suggestions for the improvement of legislative procedure, the facts themselves point the way to better methods in many instances. On the whole, this work represents the sort of investigation now so much needed with respect to state and national legislative bodies. It is to be hoped that Dr. Dodds will follow up this excellent beginning and in the course of time give us a well-rounded constructive proposal for legislative reorganization. A. R. Hatton.
*
The Chronicle of One Hundred and Fifty Years. By Joseph Bucklin Bishop. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Pp. 310.
The Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York is more than an important and honored local institution in New York city. During the whole period of its existence, including six wars, it has been an active factor in stimulating and developing public opinion, not only along the lines of commerce and industry but in the civic field as well. It has taken a direct and constructive part in the solution of municipal problems such as that of transit, and it has been actively identified with numerous efforts for honest government. It inaugurated the steps which led to the formation of the original committee of seventy which took so vigorous a stand against Tweed and his colleagues, and it also brought into existence the later com-
mittee of seventy, which again was influential in overthrowing Tammany and correcting many abuses. It has secured state legislative investigation of local evils, especially in the matter of police administration.
Mr. Bishop has performed his task well justly preserving a due proportion in his consideration of the factors which have made of the chamber a leader among commercial organizations in the country and a substantial factor in the life of New York city and state.
Abundantly illustrated it records a satisfactory history of the oldest commercial body in the United States.
*
Municipal House Cleaning. By William Parr Capes and Jeanne R. Carpenter. New York: E. P. Dutton. Pp.
232. $6.00.
Mr. Capes as secretary of the New York state bureau of information, and secretary of the New York state conference of mayors and other officials gathered a great deal of data concerning various phases of municipal administration and especially with regard to the methods and experiences of American cities in collecting and disposing of their municipal wastes, ashes, rubbish, garbage, manure, sewage and street refuse. These facts were embodied in bulletins which the bureau distributed among its members for their guidance as municipal officials, but a wider demand for them sprang up, both within and without the state and so Mr. Cape determined to make them available for this wider audience. This he has done in the present, volume with the assistance of Mrs. Jeanne Daniels Carpenter, an “expert in economics and municipal research.” There are six chapters dealing with street cleaning; sewage disposal methods, ash and rubbish collecting; garbage collecting and disposal, disposal of manure, and municipal clean-up campaigns. There is no index to the book, but an excellent analytical table of contents and seven tables of figures. In his introduction Mayor Burns of Troy, the president of the conference, makes this pertinent re-


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mark: “The expansion and increasing complexity of municipal activities, the desire of women for more knowledge about their new responsibilities, the need for better living conditions, brought about by greater congestion, the necessity for conserving every ounce of man and woman power, the demand for greater efficiency and rock bottom economy in every line— all these conditions are making themselves felt with the public official. . . . The
official’s worth now is not measured by his good fellowship and vote getting capacity, but rather by his ability to produce results,
. . . in the city hall every day. ”
*
The Standard Bearers. By Katherine Mayo. Publishers, Houghton, Mifflin Company. Price, $1.50 net.
Miss Mayo in these “true stories of the heroes of law and order” contributes an admirable piece of propaganda which it is to be hoped will be used as a precedent in other fields of governmental endeavor. The policing of a state is a difficult problem. Pennsylvania has made a splendid contribution under the leadership of a man who proved himself to be a true public servant: Captain John C. Groome. He has known only one service—the public—and the state constabulary under his organization and guidance has been a model of effectiveness and of singular devotion to public duty. These stories are good as stories—but they are something more, far more; they show how a great work can be interpreted in terms that the great public can understand. In her previous work “Justice to All”,1 Miss Mayo did her work so well that it was used as a powerful argument in securing thepas' sage of the New York state constabulary
II. BOOKS
“The Valley of Democracy.” By Meredith Nicholson, N. Y. Charles Scribner’s Sons. 284 pp. $2.00 net. American Cities. Their Methods of Business. By Arthur Benson Gilbert, M.A. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1918. Pp. 240. $1.50.
iSee National Municipal Review, volume 6, page 295.
law. The state police idea is spreading rapidly over the Union. Miss Mayo does not hesitate to ascribe the growth of the movement to the work of the Pennsylvania force.
These stories deal with actual work and accomplishment. Most of them were first published in the Saturday Evening Post.
*
Book Note
Two new volumes in the National Municipal’ Review series will be published this Autumn by D. Appleton Company. One, A New Municipal Program, edited by Clinton Rogers Woodruff, and the other on “Expert City Government,” edited by Major E. A. Fitzpatrick. The first mentioned contains the text of the constitutional municipal home rule amendments and the Model City Charter adopted at the Dayton, Ohio, meeting of the National Municipal League, November, 1916; and a series of chapters dealing with and explaining various features of the amendment and the charter. A series of untoward events have happened to delay the publication of this volume, but it will have lost none of its value by reason of this delay, for the interest in charter reconstruction continues unabated. There has been no apparent cessation of effort in this field because of the war, and interest in the Model City Charter is as great as ever.
Major Fitzpatrick’s book is another timely contribution, interest in effective government having been stimulated by the war. With the coming of peace there will unquestionably be a more widespread demand, not only for improved instruments of local government, but for better administration, and these two books will furnish constructive help along both lines.
RECEIVED
Americanization. By Royal Dixon.
New York: The Macmillan Company.
Pp. 196. 50 cents.
Civic Biology. By Clifton F. Hodge.
Boston: Ginn & Company. Pp. 381.
Illustrated. $1.60.
Democratisch Gemeentebeheer. Een
Verhandeling over Commission Govern-


1918]
REVIEWS OF REPORTS
621
ment in Amerikaasche Steden. By A. Home Manuals. Philadelphia: J. B. Buriks. Published by Martinus Nij- Lippincott Co. $2. hoff, Lange Voorhout 9, The Hague. Imperial England. By Cecil Fairfield Price, 4.60 Gld. Lavell and Charles Edward Payne.
Fifth Avenue. By Arthur Bartlett New York: The Macmillan Company.
Maurice. New York: Dodd, Mead and Pp. 395. $2.
Co., 1918. Pp. 331. Illustrated. The Responsible State. By Franklin
The Woman Citizen. By Horace A. Henry Giddings. Boston: Houghton Hollister, Ph.D. New York: D. Apple- Mifflin Co. Pp. 108. $1. ton & Co., 1918. Pp. 303. $1.75. The Little Democracy. By Ida Clyde
Home and Community Hygiene. By Clarke. New York: D. Appleton & Co.
Jean Broadhurst, Ph.D. Lippincott’s Pp. 253. $1.50 net.
III. REVIEWS OF REPORTS
A Reorganized Board of Trade in Winnipeg.1—For several years Winnipeg has been considering the advisability of establishing a central civic-commercial organization, such as exists in the larger American cities. The most important of the old organizations were the board of trade, industrial bureau and citizens’ research league. “Representative business men and citizens in Winnipeg generally recognize the desirability of having one comprehensive Winnipeg organization commensurate with the growing importance of the city and province, and capable of working actively and unitedly for business and community progress.” The first plan was for a mere federation of all existing organizations, each one to send several representatives to a board of directors or council. There has been throughout the development in the Winnipeg situation an evident tendency “to meet conditions and not merely ideals.” The leaders of the Winnipeg movement have not thus far had the courage to insist on the establishment of an organization whose ideals would be frankly in the interest of the community at large instead of special groups, and it is doubtful whether many of them have had any conception of the civic possibilities of the modern chamber of commerce. As a consequence, the reorganized board of trade in Winnipeg is to include a great many sections, bureaus, departments and divisions, all of which encourage the members of the organization to think in
1 Suggested plan for reorganized board of trade and civics;—bulletin No. 10 of the citizens’ research league of Winnipeg.
terms of their special interests rather than in terms of the city at large.
The plan as outlined by the citizen’s research league is doubtless an improvement over the old state of affairs in Winnipeg, but what is proposed and what is being established provides only-a slight improvement and that slight improvement is likely to postpone for a considerable number of years the sort of thing which every community ought to insist upon as a fundamental of community organization. Chambers of commerce organized on a departmental or sectional basis cannot possibly become a melting pot for the citizens of any city. Sectional organizations are almost certain to bring men together with the desire for some special advantage for some subsection and usually fail utterly to stimulate a desire to serve the city or to establish in the public mind the doctrine of community service.
The report suggests the choosing of officers by popular election rather than by the board of directors. This suggests the old idea of having the people elect a mayor and a council to act as a check on the mayor. It is the American idea of checks and balances in government applied to the government of a citizen organization. The officers of a chamber of commerce certainly ought to be chosen by and from the board of directors annually. This is the general practice in business corporations and is the principle of centralization and definite responsibility which appears in the city-manager form of government.
Annual election is also desirable. The


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
only reason for a two-year term is that it gives continuity in the personnel of the board. This idea is based on the prevalent conception that it would be a good thing to have longer terms for aldermen, so that business men would not have to run the annual gauntlet. Of course this old argument in the field of civics is simply equivalent to saying that business men do not like to feel responsible to public opinion. As a matter of fact, in chamber of commerce activities those members of the board of directors who do effective work are nearly always retained as directors, and the annual election usually disposes of those members of a board who have failed to appreciate the public mind or who have failed to assume their responsibilities seriously. The annual election of the members of a board is a sort of annual recall.
The report implies the use of standing committees. Standing committees are the bane of chamber of commerce work throughout the country. Elbert Hubbard once said that the function of standing committees is to stand. The word "bureau” practically stands for the same thing. Though the use of the word is on the wane, it still persists and looks good on paper, but unfortunately it makes the members think in rigid and selfish terms. It draws a distinction between groups of the chamber, it individualizes activities, and generally builds up vested interests. Every committee should have a definite goal to reach and achievement to record. Bureaus and standing committees do not have a definite goal and as a consequence their efforts are usually not as effective as they should be.
There are two classes of community organization: in one selfish group interests are predominant: in the other group interests are fused into community interests. The Winnipeg report makes concessions altogether too great to the former point of view. It may be that the public mind in Winnipeg is not yet prepared for the sort of a community organization which seems to appeal to men in many American cities, but it seems a pity that the report of the citi-
zens’ league did not give the citizens of Winnipeg the benefit of the doubt, for a report looking forward to the establishment of an organization in which the community viewpoint would have been all-important would have had a very great influence. As it is, the reorganization of the Winnipeg board of trade has made quite unnecessary concessions to selfish principles.
W. J. Donald.
Niagara Falls, N. Y.
*
Lessons in Community and National Life.—The U. S. bureau of education, in co-operation with the food administration, has been making a contribution to the general subjects of “Americanization” and “training for citizenship” by means of these lessons which have been printed as community leaflets during the school year 1917-1918. They are designed for use in the public schools and are divided into three sections according to the maturity of the reader: Section A is for the upper classes of the high school; section B, for the first class of the high school and the upper grades of the elementary school; and section C for the intermediate grades of the elementary school. A community leaflet containing several separate lessons on the same larger topic was issued for each of the three sections during every month of the school year. For the most part the monthly lessons for the different grades of readers have had the same general subject but with weekly topics varying for the sections according to the difficulty of the material. For example, the large question of “business organization and national standards” form the study for all sections; but the detailed lessons differ according to the group for which they are intended. Some of the large subjects treated are production and wise consumption; machine industry and community life; national control and food conservation; customs, laws and forms of government; concentration of population and industries and institutions; and the worker and the wage system.
The editors of the series are Professors Charles H. Judd of the school of education


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and Leon C. Marshall, dean of the school of commerce and administration, both of the University of Chicago. Individual lessons have been prepared by a number of writers, the majority of whom are connected with the University of Chicago. The leaflets are sold by the bureau of education at five cents each, with considerable reductions in price for subscriptions to large quantities.
It is to be hoped that these lessons have been widely used, for their conception and -execution are admirable. The lessons are short, of about 3,500 words each; they are written with clearness and simplicity—the readers for whom they are intended will have no difficulty in comprehending the short sentences and easy words. There is frequent use of concrete examples and of little stories of practical life, with a somewhat moral tone, such as that of “how the goldsmith became a banker,” and of the young employe who built up a business for himself. References to history and to literature are well timed to correlate the students’ study in those branches. Most of the explanations are excellently made and are briefly to the point.
To each lesson is appended a short list of references, and at the bottom of each page of text are six or seven appropriate questions. Answers, however, must be sought beyond the leaflet itself since the questions are intended to stimulate practical inquiries, the use of the appended bibliographies, and reflection on the part of the student. One cannot doubt that the next generation of citizens will come to their duties with a vastly deeper fund of information and altogether clearer conceptions regarding the ends and aims of government. Alice M. Holden.
*
Social Work with Families.1—This volume presents a rather difficult problem to the reviewer who wishes to give the reader in a few words at least a general idea of the contents. Apart from the brief fore-
1 Social work with families: social case treat' ment, edited by Frank D. Watson, 184 pp. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, May, 1918.
word by Dr. Watson, the seventeen papers by as many authors would scarcely suggest the cover title, nor would they seem to constitute either a “reference book” or a “storehouse of knowledge,” to use Dr. Watson’s phrases, although the various papers do without doubt contribute something to the specific problems touched upon.
Part one, “The approach to social case treatment,” consists of three papers, one pointing out the opportunities and elucidating the art of social case treatment, another contrasting case work with social reform, and the third presenting a view of the “normal family,” chiefly from the historical point of view. Part two presents the problem of the physically or mentally handicapped—handicapped being the modern euphemism for the good old word defective. Principles and methods of social treatment for the crippled, the sick, the feebleminded, and those afflicted with mental diseases are set forth by recognized authorities.
Part three, containing nine papers on the “socially handicapped,” deals more distinctly with family problems. The “fatherless family,” desertion and nonsupport, the illegitimate family, the foster care of neglected and dependent children, the homeless, alcoholics, the immigrant family, and soldiers’ and sailors’ families are all authoritatively discussed with reference to social case treatment.
To one not versed in the technique and terminology of social work the term “case work” may appear a bit mysterious. Though its meaning is abundantly illustrated in concrete ways in these various papers, no clear-cut definition is offered and perhaps none is possible. The nearest approach to the heart of the matter seems to be made by the writer who refers to modern social case work as “that elastic, imaginative, penetrating understanding of each individual in need, that process of interpretation that never looks upon the individual as a solitary, isolated being, but as very closely related to many people and things and difficult to understand.”
To the layman it would seem inevitable that all successful social work must be


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
individualized. From these papers, however, one somehow gets the impression that social workers are like the man who, living in dread lest he become paralyzed, keeps sticking pins into his limbs to satisfy himself that he is still normal. Perhaps it is necessary for social workers to keep constantly before their minds the necessity of individualization of treatment in order to ward off the benumbing effect of modern charity and institutional organization which tends to go to extremes in classifying cases and standardizing treatments, as if there ever could be two cases alike in all particulars and calling for identical treatment. C. C. Williamson.
*
Bulletin of the Governmental Research Conference.—Many reports of great value have been produced by the various agencies engaged throughout this country and Canada in the investigation of governmental problems. A few of these have been printed. By far the larger number, however, have never been carried beyond the manuscript stage, and in consequence have been of little or no utility beyond the immediate locality in which they were prepared. The bare fact of a study having been made by a particular bureau generally has escaped the knowledge of outsiders. Another agency attacking the same problem has too often had to start again at the beginning. The result has been duplication in one bureau after another of work already done elsewhere. One of the objects in the organization of the governmental research conference was to secure the mutual assistance of its members in eliminating this multiplication of tasks. The method was to keep each agency informed of the work of all others. From the study of a special local problem, not only the results,—the conditions found, their discussion, the recommendations made,—but also any comparative data collected, if made available to other agencies, would greatly assist these in approaching the same problem.
One means adopted by the conference to the end of supplying each member with this information as to the activities of others is a monthly bulletin showing the
character of all work completed or in progress during the preceding month, on which a written report is, or is to be, made. The bulletin is intended to be of temporary use only, and lists only current activities, an item being dropped as soon as note has been made of its completion.
As items are dropped from the bulletin, they are entered on index-cards which are distributed among the members of the conference. These cards form a permanent index in a far more convenient form for reference than the bulletins.
The bulletin keeps members informed of current work and of the completion of reports. The index makes it easy to refer to past work. It is possible, with this knowledge, for members to correspond direct with the particular agency which has reported. As a matter of further convenience, however, the conference collects as far as possible all reports, whether printed or in manuscript, from its members and holds them available for circulation within its membership.
For the purposes outlined, the conference has established a central office in the bureau of government of the University of Michigan. Robert T. Crane.
Ann Arbor, Mich.
*
Fire Waste in Canada is the title of a special report' resulting from an exhaustive investigation undertaken by the Canadian commission of conservation at the request of â–  numerous individuals, municipal councils, boards of trade and other organizations. It appears that the average per capital fire loss in Canada and other countries during the years 1912 to 1915 was as follows: Canada, $2.96; Scotland, $1.95; Russia, $0.97; France, $0.74; England, $0.64; Austria, $0.32; Germany, $0.28; Switzerland, $0.13; and Netherlands, $0.11.
Fire losses are attributable chiefly to gross and inexcusable carelessness, faulty building construction, arson, and the
1 “Fire Waste in Canada," by J. Grove Smith. Published by the Commission of Conservation, Ottawa, Canada. Obtainable from the commission at the nominal charge of 50 cents, as long as the supply lasts.


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lack of fire-prevention laws; in other words, to clearly preventable causes. Smoking, for example, caused almost the same per cent of fires as the special hazards of all the numerous industries in Canada.
The experience of European countries shows that these losses can be very materially reduced and Mr. Grove Smith presents a detailed constructive scheme for a fire-prevention program. In Canada, as in the United States, there must be a co-ordination of engineering, underwriting, legislative, commercial, and individual interests. Compulsory measures must be adopted which will reduce to a minimum the fire risks in all communities and properties. Town planning should include provisions regulating and defining the use of property in given districts, having regard to the development of such districts in relation to the community as a whole. Fire departments should be adequately trained and equipped for fire prevention. Minimum requirements for building construction should be drastically enforced. Regulations for the suppression of dangerous nuisances such as the storage of rubbish, ashes, etc., should be imposed by every public body. The cause of every fire should be officially investigated and reported upon. Criminal responsibility for fires should be borne by the person who is proven guilty of carelessness or any other cause of fire. The public should be persistently educated through every possible channel as to methods of fire prevention and their individual and personal responsibility.
*
Food Problems.1—This is a painstaking analysis of the food situation under the headings: Producers, manufacturers, carriers, distributers, consumers, educational agencies, regulative agencies. According to the views presented the farmers possess inadequate working capital, are short of labor, and have uncertain marketing facilities. To supply capital during the war a group of men offered to lend money
i Report of the food problem committee of the merchants’ association of New York, March, 1918. 39 pages.
up to $150 to each farmer recommended by a committee. Seed and fertilizer were furnished at cost. Local banks and business men assisted. The shortage of labor while real was found to be much below the first estimate made as the result of a census taken by school teachers. Nevertheless manufacturers are overbidding farmers for labor, young men move to town, retired farmers move to town, and, by no means least, men are going from the farms into the army and navy. Thus the shortage of farm help is real, and is becoming greater County agents are helping on the marketing question. The committee believes the farmers to be better organized than are the manufacturers, distributers, etc. Manufacturers and carriers are very briefly discussed but much more attention is given to the distributers. Under the last named heading it is noted that a very unfortunate public opinion has developed largely due to the attitude of the press. Of the consumers it is said that they are not informed as to methods and costs of doing business. There are many consumers’ organizations but little co-ordination. The educational and regulative agencies are numerous and capable but unfortunately handicapped by politics.
The committee recommends a careful mapping of the city, the forming of a central consumers’ organization, the establishment of a central food information bureau, and the appointment of intercommittees to bring into harmony the separate factors engaged in the food business. B. H. Hibbard.
*
American Cities at Play.—The activities of the playground and recreation association of America during 1917 are summarized and charted in the April, 1918, issue of The Playground. It is pointed out that there were “over two million dollars more spent last year in America for playgrounds, recreation centers and athletic fields than during the year before the war.” A total of 504 cities are reported to have conducted recreational work during the year indicating an increase over 1916 of 17.8
6


NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
626
per cent in the number of cities and 15.8 per cent in the number of centers conducted.
Some interesting statistics included show how the work is organized and administered in various cities. Centers in 48 cities were maintained by playground or recreation commissions; in 22 by playground and recreation departments and divisions or boards or bureaus of recreation; in 108 cities by school boards; in nine cities by city councils or boards of selectmen. In still other instances the work was managed by public works departments (five cities); department of public safety (one city); county authorities (seven), and (eight) municipal playground committees. A combination of municipal departments and private organizations was reported in a number of cities.
Perhaps the most valuable sections of this report are the tables which include the following data: “Officers of recreation commissions and associations”; “what cities ‘played’ last year and how,” and “what small communities are doing.” Valuable names and titles of officials and their addresses can be obtained from the first list. The second table makes an admirable guide for less experienced cities and contains interesting facts for comparison in erecting standards. The information in the last table should be of great assistance to the smaller communities which already have or are contemplating the introduction of recreational systems. Dorset W. Hyde, Jr.
*
Food Preparedness.1—The main thesis of this pamphlet is “our food production has not kept pace with the growth of our population.” Figures are presented showing the per capita production over a period of years of the leading foodstuffs. In almost all instances the rate of increase in these products is less than the rate of increase in population. As a result “the country was becoming less able to feed other countries.” We were exporting a
lColumbia War Papers, Series 1, No. 6; Food Preparedness, H. R. Seager and Robert E. Chad-dock; Columbia University, 1917, 24 pages.
continually smaller portion of total products for some years preceding the war. The situation was made grave by crops smaller than the average in 1916, just as the Allies were coming to depend greatly on us. The view that we were sacrificing farm animals to such an extent during the early years of the war as to deplete the breeding stock of the country, does not seem to be borne out by the published reports of the past few months. Neither should it be taken for granted that the lessened product per capita means danger. It means in many instances that there is no longer a surplus to be dumped on the market at prices which condemn the producer to poverty. Population has grown until there is a market for the products of the farms. Thirty years ago this was hardly true. B. H. Hibbard.
*
Baltimore Municipal Journal Loses Clark S. Hobfcs.—On the occasion of the resignation of its managing editor to enter the service of the National Government, the Baltimore Municipal Journal publishes an appreciation of the services of its former chief together with a review of some of the objects and purposes of the Municipal Journal saying “that he worked so intelligently, so quietly, so modestly, but with such acknowledged efficiency that it is hard to decide whether to admire most the excellence of his work or the utter effacement of self.”
This publication has attained an enviable position in the field of official municipal publications. Perhaps no other organ of its kind has been so widely and persistently quoted in the different civic and municipal publications of the country. It has kept in close touch with local affairs and reported them in an impartial and interesting manner.
Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr.
*
Chilean Municipal Government.—An
increasing interest in local government in Chile is indicated by the publication of this review, Revista de Gobiemo Local, which is now in its third year. The mayor of Santiago, the late lamented Ismael Valdes Vergara, was keenly conscious of


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the importance of an improval system of local government in Chile. He therefore called a local government congress composed of mayors and other officials which met in Santiago, Chile, in September, 1914. Questions of municipal interest were discussed and a permanent council created. In this monthly organ are set forth all important steps in the improvement of local government in Chile. The creation of the council and the establishment of the review, mark a turning point in the history of local government in Chile. Since that time there has been a constantly developing interest in municipal affairs and a marked increase in the active participation of the citizen body in local government. L. T. Rowe.
*
Farm Enlistment.1—This is a plan for the training of school children for farm work. Professor Dewey believes that it is a matter of patriotism to utilize the enthusiasm of boys and girls in producing food for the soldiers. “There will be better results from training drills with the spade and the hoe than from parading America’s
youngsters up and down the school yard. It is no value to give military drill to boys of fourteen.” To teach the school children to help in food production is constructive patriotism, not “a military idea transplanted from Europe.” It is highly recommended that the work be planned so that the children may get the incidental benefits of nature study, mechanics, and arithmetic while performing the immediate duties of producing food. “It is a chance to link the school with life.” B. H. H.
*
Food, the First Essential.1—This association has for its purpose the utilization of idle land by people who need gardens within the city. The land is plowed, harrowed and fertilized and divided into tracts of one-eighth to one-sixth acre, and assigned rental free to families who till them. It costs about six dollars to prepare a garden and part of this amount is returned by those who use it. During the year 1917 about 160 acres of land was assigned to 1,145 families and approximately $70,000 worth of crop produced.
B. H. H.
BIBLIOGRAPHY *
Absent Voting
Pennsylvania. Attorney General’s Department. The constitutional and statutory law relating to the regulation of elections by citizens of the Commonwealth in actual military service, as con-strueid by the Attorney General’s Department. 1918. 58 pp.
Americanization and Citizenship
Anon. Promoting Americanism among foreign-born workmen. (Printers’ Ink, May 30, 1918: 114-117.)
Barnes (Earl). Language as a factor in Americanization. (Public, Jy. 27,1918: 954-957.)
Bennion (Milton) . Direct instruction in citizenship in the high school. (Nat. Educ. Assoc. Jour., Je., 1918: 809-815.)
Goldberger (Henry H.). How to teach English to foreigners. [1918.] 63
pp.
Bibliography in methods and text books* pp. 62-63; a bibliography of books published on the subject of immigration since 1905, p. 63.
Hammond (H. D.). Americanization a problem in human engineering. Great
J Columbia War Papers, Series 1, No. 1; Enlistment for the Farm, John Dewey; Columbia University, 1917, 10 pages.
mass of foreign-born workmen must have fair treatment and equal opportunity if they are to take the cause of this country to heart and produce the engineering materials needed to win the war. (Engrg. News-Record, Je. 13,1918: 1116-1119.)
Home Missions Council. Christian Americanization; our national ideals and mission. Nov., 1918. 48 pp. (Bui. no. 1.)
Bibliography on Americanization, pp. 47-48. The address of the Council is at 156 Fifth Ave., New York City.
Hutchison (E. W.). A plan for a universal training for citizenship. (Public, Je. 22, 1918: 794-796.)
Meeker (Jacob E.). Status of alien soldiers in the different armies of the world and relationship of the American citizen of foreign extraction to his native country and its military regulations. Speech . . . in the House of Representatives,
July 12, 1918. 1918. 24 pp.
National Board of the Young Women’s Christian Associations. War Work Council. For “United America.”
1 Twenty-first annual report of the Philadelphia vacant lots cultivation association, 1917.
s Prepared by Miss Alice M. Holden, Wellesley College.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
[Program of] service among foreign-born women. [1918.] 4 pp.
Rosenstein (David). A crucial issue in war-time education—Americanization. (School and Soc., Je. 1, 1918 : 631-637.)
Smith (W. C.). New York's drive against illiteracy. Epoch-making laws passed by the last legislature for the Americanization of foreign-born adults— special teachers being trained. (State Service, Jy., 1918: 15-18.)
State Commission of Immigration and Housing of California. Our soldiers and the English language. A San Francisco enterprise. Mar., 1918. 12 pp.
United States. Bureau of Education. Americanization as a war measure; report of a conference called by the Secretary of the Interior and held in Washington, April 3, 1918. 1918. 62 pp. (Bui., 1918, no. 18.)
----,-----. Teaching English to aliens;
a bibliography of text books, dictionaries and glossaries and aids to librarians. Compiled by Winthrop Talbot. 1918. 76 pp. (Bui., 1917, no. 39.)
Billboards
Hannan (W. E.). Licensing and regulation of hill board or outdoor advertising. Feb., 1918. [49 pp.], typewritten. (N. Y. State Library, Leg. Ref. Sec.)
Child Welfare
See also Juvenile Delinquency.
Council of National Defense. Minneapolis Branch of the Woman’s Committee. A brief suggestive questionnaire on child conservation. For parents and teachers associations, civic improvement organization and study clubs. Prepared . . . by Arthur H. Taylor. [1918.] 3 pp.
Guilfoy (W. H.) and Wynne (S. W.). Statistics of infant welfare stations lin New York City]: submitting for discussion and criticism a plan for tabulating and correcting these statistics. (N. Y. City, Dept, of Health, Monthly Bui., Apr., 1918: 77-84.)
Kips Bay Neighborhood Association (New York City). Vocational Committee. Is the child a good investment? 1918. 14 pp.
National Child Labor Committee. Child welfare in Oklahoma. An inquiry by the Committee for the University of Oklahoma under the direction of E. N. Clopper. 1918. 285 pp.
The investigators were: G. H. Folks, E. H. Bliss, L. W. Hine, C. E. Gibbons, M. B. Ellis, Eva Joffe and W. H. Swift.
City Manager Plan
See also Municipal Government.
Anon. Adaptability of the city-manager plan to large cities. (Modern City, Je., 918: 27.)
Mabie (E. C.), compiler. Selected articles on the city manager plan of government. 1918. 245 pp. (Debaters’ Handbook series.)
City Planning
See also Housing, Zoning.
The Architect and Engineer of California. City planning number. Je., 1918.
The following articles are of especial interest: The work of C. H. Cheney, architect and city planner, by H. F. Withey; City planning progress in Fresno, by M. O. Humphreys; City planning progress in Berkeley, by F.' D. Stringham; City planning a part of San Francisco, by F. I. Turner; Alameda makes progress with city planning, by C. E. Hewea; Work of the California Conference on city planning, by T. H. Reed; Must California industries provide good homes for their labor? by C. H. Cheney; California urges practical city planning, by M. C. Cohn.
Bennett (E. H.). The new Minneapolis plan. (Arch. Rev., Apr., 1918: 55-58. maps, illus.)
Describes the city plan prepared under the diree-tion of the Civic Commission of Minneapolis.
Lott (Louis). Civic center for Dayton, Ohio. (Arch., Aug., 1918 : 208-210. illus.) Civil Service
See also Salaries.
Bird (W. A.). Civil service reform as employment management. (Public, Sept. 14, 1918: 1179-1180.)
Foulke (William Dudley). Labor unions in the civil service. Their political activities and the duty of the League in the premises. (Good Govt., Aug., 1918: 120-128.)
National Assembly of Civil Service Commissions. Report of Committee on Standard Form of Report. May 27, 1918. 4 pp., typewritten.
Correction
See also Juvenile Delinquency.
Bryant (L. S.). A department of diagnosis and treatment for a municipal court. (Amer. Inst, of Criminal Law and Criminology, Jour., Aug., 1918: 198-206.)
Hale (W. G.). Crime: modern methods of prevention, redemption and protection. (Amer. Inst, of Criminal Law and Criminology, Jour., Aug., 1918: 240-247.) Education
Davis (J. W.). The need of a continuing census of children of school age. (Nat. Educ. Assoc., Jour., Je., 1918 : 842-845.)
School Garden Association of America. Outdoor Education. Monthly, v. ii, no. 5. Jan.—Mav, 1918.
Each of theee monthly is3ue3 is devoted to a particular locality.
Snedden (David). The birth and childhood of vocational education, with a forecast of its development during adolescence. (Educ. Administration and Supervision, May, 1918: 261-270.)
An address before the Department of Rural and Agricultural Education of the National Education Association, Pittsburgh, Jy. 4, 1918.


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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University of the State of New York. Division of Archives and History. A syllabus in government. Jan. 15, 1918. 25 pp. (Bui. no. 655.)
Van Tyne (Claude H.). Democracy’s educational problem. [1918.] 8 pp. (Patriotism Through Education series, no. 38.)
Issued by the National Security League, 19 W. 44th St., New York City.
Fire Prevention and Protection
Anon. Strikes in fire departments. (Nat. Fire Protection Assoc. Quart., Jy., 1918: 55-58.)
----. Comparative statistics of fire loss.
(Nat. Fire Protection Assoc. Quart., Jy., 1918: 38-41.)
----. Fire departments in American
cities. Bulletin by the Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Washington, D. C. (Safety Engrng., Aug., 1918: 118-120.)
National Board of Fire Underwriters. National electrical code. Regulations for electric wiring and apparatus as recommended by the National Fire Protection Association. 1918. 205 pp.
Pryor (J. D.) and Sackett (F. V.). Some economic aspects of fire-protection problems and hazards in war times. (Amer. Soc. of Mech. Engrs., Jour., Je., 1918- 441-449. illus.)
Worth (Edward J.). The handling of fires in vessels. (Fire and Water Engrng., Jy. 31, 1918 : 82-83.)
Housing
See also City Planning.
Ackerman (F. L.). The real meaning of the housing problem. (Amer. Inst, of Arehs., Jour., May, 1918: 229-232.)
A paper read at the annual convention of the Institute, Philadelphia, May 25, 1918.
Anon. The first war emergency government towns. 2. Hilton, Va. By H. V. Hubbard and F. Y. Joannes. (Amer. Inst, of Archs., Jour., Jy., 1918: 333-345. illus., plans.)
Hilton, Va., is a garden city development near Newport News, fpr the housing of shipyard workers.
Atlas Portland Cement Company (New York). A survey of the principal types and groups of permanently constructed industrial houses. [1918.] 42 pp. illus., plans.
Baines (Frank). Housing: planning and materials, permanent and semi-permanent. (Royal Sanitary Inst., Jour., Je., 1918: 26-33.)
Chase (J. C.). Effects of proper housing on labor turnover. Results of a questionnaire conducted by a construction company,—the Norton Company’s workmen’s colony at Indian Hill [Worcester, Mass.]. (Auto-motive Industries, Je. 18, 1918: 1126-1127.)
Eidlitz (O. M.). The housing of munitions workers. What the Bureau of Indus-
trial Housing and Transportation is doing to help. (Amer. City, Je., 1918: 499-501.)
Ellis (A, R.). Housing as a war problem. (Amer. Arch., Aug. 14, 1918: 190-197. illus.)
Furness (Sanderson). Housing: fitments and conveniences. (Royal Sanitary Inst., Jour., Je., 1918: 33-41.)
Building Industries of New York. Survey of available warehousing and industrial housing in New York City. Je., 1918. 11 pp. map.
Magnusson (Leifur). Agricultural camp housing. (U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat., Monthly Rev., May, 1918: 277-287.)
Mawson (T. H.). Industrial villages for partially disabled soldiers and sailors. A dream that might well be realized in this country. (Arch., Aug., 1918: 205-207.)
Mead (Marcia). The architecture of the small house, as influenced by our modern industrial communities. (Arch., Je., 1918: 145-154. illus., plans.)
Reckford (F. F. D.). The relation of fresh air and housing to health. (N. Y. Med. Jour., May 25, 1918: 976-978.)
[United States. Bureau of Housing and Transportation.] Engineering data required for a housing project. Federal Bureau of Housing of Department of Labor issues instructions to be followed by preliminary investigators. (Engrng. News-Record, Je. 13, 1918: 1141-1143.)
Veiller (Lawrence). Part 6: Housing after the war. (Arch. Record, Aug., 1918: 141-151. illus.)
Woodruff (Clinton R.). Municipal measures for better housing. (Texas Municipalities, Mar., 1918: 35-50.)
A review of progress in many cities.
Juvenile Delinquency
Cowdery (K. M.). A preliminary study of potential delinquency. (Jour, of Delinquency, Jy., 1918: 165-175.)
McIntire (Ruth). Child labor and juvenile delinquency. (Jour, of Delinquency, May, 1918: 95-114, tables.)
United States. Children’s Bureau. Juvenile delinquency in certain countries at war. A brief review of available foreign sources. 1918. 28 pp. (Bur. pub. no. 39.) Laws and Ordinances
See also Public Health, Public Utilities, Salaries, Taxation, Workmen’s Compensation.
New York City. Ordinances. The code of ordinances of the City of New York as amended to Jan. 1, 1918 . . .
1918. 208 pp. (Eagle Library.)
An unofficial edition published by the Brooklyn Daily !a?le, Brooklyn, N. Y., at 75 cents. No official edition has been published by the city since 1916.
-----. ----. New code of ordinances of
the City of New York, including the Sanitary Code, the Building Code and Park Regulations. Adopted June 20, 1916, with addenda of all amendments to Jan-


630
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
uary 1, 1918. Compiled and annotated by A. F. Cosby. 1918. 614 pp.
Published by the Banks Law Publishing Co., 23 Park Place, N. Y.
New York (State). Tenement House Department. The Tenement House Law of the State of New York and Chapter XlXa of the Greater New York Charter in relation to the Tenement House Department of the City of New York. The zoning resolution adopted July 25, 1916, article 8 of the Labor Law and other laws relating to bakeries and confectioneries in tenement houses. 1917. 89 pp.
Libraries
Williamson (C. C.). The need of a plan for library development. (Lib. Jour., Sept., 1918: 649-655.)
Lighting
See also Fire Prevention.
Hoeveler (J. A.). New industrial lighting code for Wisconsin. Old code is discarded on account of vagueness—new rules define terms used and provide for definite values of illumination and glare— experts aid in revision. (Elec. World, Aug. 31, 1918: 391-393.)
Luckiesh (M.). The lighting art: its practice and possibilities. 1917. 229 pp. diagrs.
Pennsylvania. Department of Labor and Industry. Safety standards of the Industrial Board: lighting. Operative on and after June 1, 1916. 36 pp., plates. (Safety Standards, i, no. 16.)
Markets
Childs (W. T.). Municipal markets. (Modern City, Je., 1918: 16-18, 41 illus.)
Crane (Caroline Bartlett). The housewife and the marketing problem. (Modern City, Sept., 1918: 31—33.)
Jefferson (L. P.). The community market. Apr., 1918. 22 pp., plates.
(Mass. Agric. Coll., Extension Bui. no. 21.) Motion Pictures
Chicago. Municipal Reference Library. Report on censorship of motion-picture films in cities in the United States other than Chicago. [1918.] 18 pp., typewritten.
Motor Vehicles
Anon. Motor-vehicle registrations, licenses, and revenue, 1917; motor-car registrations and gross motor-vehicle revenues, 1913 to 1917; motor-vehicle registration and license fees in force January 1, 1918; administrative provisions in force January 1, 1918, affecting motor-vehicle registrations, licenses, and revenues. (Pub. Roads, May, 1918: 6—12.)
----. Municipal motor bus service [in
San Francisco]. (Modern City, Jy., 1918: 19.)
----. Cost keeping system of Seattle
Street and Sewer Department for motor
truck operation. (Engrng. and Contracting, Aug. 7, 1918: 154-155.)
Grupp (G. W.). City of Buffalo finds motor sweepers more efficient than horses. 2,500-gal. combination flusher and sprinkler reduces horse costs at rate of 82,000 monthly. (Commercial Vehicle, Je. 1, 1918: 5-9. illus.)
Smith (G. D.). Electric buses for city transportation. Description and tests of new equipment for Rio de Janeiro—example of the employment of the electric vehicle for urban use. (Elec. World, Je. 1, 1918: 1140-1141. illus.)
Municipal Government and Administration
See also City Manager, Education, Salaries.
Alley (John). Principles of military organization applied to municipal affairs. (Pacific Municipalities, Aug., 1918: 340-344. illus.)
Anon. Court of Appeals [of Maryland] unanimous in upholding constitutionality of annexation act. The opinion of the Court as delivered by Chief Judge Boyd. (Baltimore Mun. Jour., Aug. 9,1918: 2-4.)
——•. How our big cities do things. A comparative study of the existing forms of municipal government from New York down to the 100,000 point of population— in this issue, Baltimore and Pittsburgh. (Equity, Apr., 1918: 118-124.)
——. Organizing a co-operative delivery system. Plan outlined by Rochester concern used by nearly 300 towns and cities. (Commercial Vehicle, Je. 1, 1918: 23-25.)
----. Toledo’s city government as it is.
(Toledo City Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: 374-375. chart.)
Baltimore. Charter Board. A [proposed] charter for the City of Baltimore, prepared by the Charter Board. [1918.] 156 pp.
Capes (William P.). What the [New York] Legislature did for cities. Last session accomplished little important to municipalities, but three objectionable bills were defeated through the efforts of the Mayors’ Conference. (State Service, Je., 1918 : 66-67.)
Citizens Research League of Winnipeg. Are you in favor of abolishing the Board of Control? Sept., 1918. 15 pp. diagrs. (Bui. no. 14.)
Hill (C. B.). Commission government in a big city. Experience in Buffalo after two years of the new charter—said to be a decided improvement over the old system of electing many officials. (State Service, Jy., 1918: 42-50.)
James (H. G.). Home rule in Texas. (Texas Municipalities, May, 1918: 68-76.)
Martien (J. C.). Industrial development of our cities. (Nat. Real Estate Jour., Aug., 1918: 55-57.)


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
631
Wood, Gundy and Company, Pub. Canadian municipal statistics. 1917. 361 pp., maps.
Contains brief summary statements of the finances of “practically all borrowing municipalities in Canada,” and is intended chiefly for investors in municipal bends.
Municipal Ownership
See also Markets.
Balch (J. B.). Kalamazoo’s municipal coal yard. (Municipality, Mar.-Apr., 1918: 56-60.)
Abstract of an address before the Public Ownership League of America at Chicago.
Johnsen (Julia E.), compiler. Selected articles on municipal ownership. 3d ed., revised and enlarged. 1918. 334 pp.
(Debaters’ Handbook series.)
Simpson (John). Municipal partnership in public improvement. In most states the constitution prohibits a city from entering into a partnership with a private concern in constructing any improvements. (Mun. Jour., Sept. 7, 1918: 182-185. illus.) Negroes
Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America. The economic value of negro education. Mar. 25, 1918. 11 pp. charts, maps.
Home Missions Council. Negro newcomers in Detroit, Michigan. A challenge to Christian statesmanship. A preliminary survey. By George Edmund Haynes. 1918. 42 pp. table, chart.
Ports and Terminals
Anon. Projects for the development of the Port of Havre. (Engrng. and Contracting, May 29, 1918: 525-528. illus.)
Translated from Le Genie Civil, Dec. 22, 1917.
-----. New Orleans builds inner harbor
and navigation canal—rush construction with state funds to provide ocean docks and industrial sites on fixed level waterway between Mississippi River and Lake Pontchartrain. (Engrng. News-Record, Aug. 15, 1918 : 304-307.)
-----. Joint Commission rushes study of
Port of New York, for present as well as post-war development. It investigates railways, steamships, lightering and trucking. (Engrng. News-Record, Aug. 29, 1918: 397-399.)
MacElwee (Roy S.). Ports and terminal facilities. 1918. 315pp. illus.,maps.
Bibliography, pp. 304-309.
San Francisco Chamber of Commerce. Special Committee on Harbor Survey. Report to the Board of Directors. (San Francisco Chamber of Com. Activities, Je. 13, 1918: 179-191.)
Public Health
See also Child Welfare, Housing, Negroes, Recreation, Schools, Social Work, Vital Statistics.
Broderick (F. W.). A scheme for a state dental service. (Pub. Health [London], Apr., 1918: 75-78.)
Cance (Alexander E.) and Ferguson (Richard H.). The cost of distributing milk in six cities and towns in Massachusetts. 1917. 54 pp. tables, pi. (Mass. Agric. Exper. Sta., Bui. no. 173.)
Groenewold (Ella). Milk supply and public health. (N. Dak. Univer., Quart. Jour., Apr., 1918: 239-254. charts.)
A summary of data obtained by numerous investigators in this line, as well as by health departments of several large cities. Written for the use of students of home economics.
Harris (Louis I.) and Swartz (Nelle). The cost of clean clothes in terms of health. A study of laundries and laundry workers in New York City [1918.] 96 pp.
A study under the joint auspices of the New York Department of Health and The Consumers’ League of the City of New York,
Lasker (Florina), and others. Care and treatment of the Jewish blind in the City of New York. Feb., 1918. 109 pp.
Lewis (D. M.). Prevention in public health. (Boston Med. and Surgical Jour., Apr. 25, 1918: 571-574.)
Wile (I. S.). Public health publicity and education through public schools. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, May, 1918: 336-340.)
Venereal Diseases
American Social Hygiene Association [and others]. A symposium on venereal disease control in the army, the navy, and the civilian community. (Social Hygiene, Jan., 1918: 38-80.)
The papers were prepared for one of the sessions of the joint meeting of the American Social Hygiene Association and the Sociological Section and the Public Health Administration section of the American Public Health Association, held Oct. 18, 1917, at Washington, D. C.
The following papers were contributed: The method of attack on venereal diseases, by Major General W. C. Gorgas; The venereal diseases in civil and military life, by Colonel F. F. Russell; Have we devised an effective medical propaganda of venereal prophylaxis? by R. C. Holcomb; The program of the Commission on Training Camp Activities with relation to the problem of venereal disease, by R. B. Fosdick; Some suggestions for the community control of venereal diseases, by J. W. Iierr; Venereal diseases in the civil community, by W. H. Frost.
Ohio. Department of Health. Regulations for the prevention of venereal diseases, effective July 1, 1918. Adopted by the Public Health Council . . . May
2, 1918. (Cincinnati Sanitary Bui., May 30, 1918.)
Spokane. Ordinances. An ordinance relating to public health, providing a penalty for the violation thereof, and declaring an emergency. No. C2331. (Official Gazette, May 29, 1918: 4619-4620.)
Requiring the reporting of venereal diseases.
United States. War Department. Commission on Training Camp Activities. What some communities of the West and Southwest have done for the protection of the morals and health of soldiers


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
and sailors, by Baseom Johnson, [1918.] 19 pp.
Reprinted from Social Hygiene, Oct., 1917.
-------. Next steps. A program of activities against prostitution and venereal diseases for communities which have closed their “red light” districts, by Major Bascrm Johnson. 1918. 23 pp.
Reprinted from Social Hygiene, Jan., 1918.
-----. Social Hygiene Livision. The
soldier, “Uncle Sam,” and you. [1918.] 14 pp.
Public Safety
See also Lighting, Social Work.
Addison (C. L.). The prevention of accidents at grade crossings. (Good Roads, Jy. 27, 1918: 29-32. illus.)
National Safety Council. The teaching of safety in technical schools and universities. A memorandum prepared for the aid of those desiring to undertake such work. Je., 1918. 26 pp.
Bibliograpny, pp. 15-21.
New York State. Industrial Commission. Proposed rules [Je., 1918]. 7 leaflets.
Relating to the following subjects: Automatic sprinkler equipment, installation and maintenance of, 14 pp.: Elevators and hoistways in factories and mercantile establishments, construction, guarding, equipment, maintenance and operation of, 36 pp.; Guarding of dangerous machinery, vats, pans and elevated runways, 27 pp.; Lighting of factories and mercantile establishments, 11 pp.; Sanitation of factories and mercantile establishments, 4 pp.; Smoking in protected portions of factories or in special classes of occupancies, 5 pp.; Window cleaning, 3 pp.
Wynne (Shirley W.). Highway accidents in the city of New York. (N. Y. City, Dept. of Health, Monthly Bui., Aug., 1918: 175-181. tables.)
Reprinted from the New York Medical Journal for December 22, 1917.
Public Utilities
See also Street Railways.
Anon. W hat commissions are doing on rates; careful review of conditions in California, where the applications so far cover more than 50 per cent of the electric utility business—action in other states. (Elec. World, Jy. 27, 1918: 158-159.)
Bauer (John). Cost versus value of service in rate making. 1-2. (Elec. World, Aug. 31, Sept. 7, 1918: 388-389; 443—444.)
1. Discussion of fundamental purposes and factors that must be considered in general system of public utility control—charging “what the traffic will bear”'—popularity of cost rates.
2, Differences in classes of service involve varying methods of determining basis for rates to avoid actual loss in carrying certain customers—the public policy involved.
CHArMAN (L. H.). Success of city light plant, Kansas City. How Kansas City, Kansas, makes good in operating its electric light and power system. (Kan. Municipalities, May, 1918: 1-5.)
Clark (WAlton). Responsibility for adequate extensions of gas company
plants up to the regulatory commissions. Lack of ability to secure capital is greatest danger to gas company’s ability to properly serve public under commission regulation. (Amer. Gas Engrng. Jour., Sept. 7, 1918: 225-227, 229-235.)
Elsman (Ralph). The modern utilities organization. Parts 1-2. (Amer. Gas Engrng. Jour., Jy. 20, Aug. 10, 1918: 49-51: 121-123.)
1. Banishing petty jealousies among department heads—relation of latter to company—keeping the employee friendly and happy.
2. Handling the collections a problem of no small dimensions and one that requires careful, painstaking and constant effort.
Lawyers’ Co-operative Publishing Company. (Rochester.) Digest of public utilities reports annotated for the year 1917, including vols. 1917A-1917F. 1918.
Stevens (D. L.). A bibliography of municii al utility regulation and municipal ownership. 1918. 410 pp. (Harvard
Business Studies, IV.)
Van Lear (Thomas). Franchises and public utilities. (Minn. Municipalities. Aug., 1918: 115-119.)
Washington (State). Public Service Commission. Laws . . . relating to
the powers, duties and jurisdiction of the Public Service Commission, annotated with decisions of the Supreme Court of the U. S., federal courts, supreme court of Washington, comp, and annotated by Hance H. Cleland, assistant attorney general, and Chas. E. Arney, Jr. 1917. 275 pp.
Refuse and Garbage Disposal
Anon. Wrichita shares profits from feeding garbage to hogs. Contractor collects and disposes of garbage, paying city 10 per cent of net income, with no allowance for capital charges—all under sanitary control. (Engrng. News-Record, Je. 20, 1918: 1180-1182.)
------. Municipal pig-keeping. An object lesson from East Barnet. (Mun. Jour. [London], Jy. 12, 1918: 723.)
----. The pig as a garbage reduction
plant. Information prepared by the U. S. Food Administration for the aid of cities in their conservation policy. (Amer. City, Aug., 1918: 87-92. illus., diagrs.)
Bamman (F. G.). New Jersey’s useless garbage pail. (N. J. Municipalities, Je., 1918: 180-184. illus.)
Canada. Commission of Conservation. Garbage as feed for hogs. 1918. 15 pp.
Lee (W. E.). Baltimore receives bids for garbage disposal as part of general plan for improved collection and disposal of municipal waste. (Mun. and Cy. Engrng., Jy., 1918: 34-37.)
Osborn (I. S.). Effect- of the war on the production of garbage and methods of


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
633
disposal. (Amer. Jour, of Pub. Health, May, 1918 : 368-372.)
Roads and Streets
See also Motor Vehicles, Pavements, Public Safety.
Anon. Standard forms for tests, reports, and methods of sampling for road materials. (Better Roads and Streets, Aug., 1918: 300-308. illus.)
Barnett (R. C.). The cost of a bad road. (Good Roads, Aug. 31, 1918: 77-78. illus.)
Blanchard (A. H.). The construction and maintenance of highways under war conditions. (Highway Transportation, Jy., 1918: 5-6, 10.)
Mackenzie (H. R.). The necessity of engineering supervision in the construction and maintenance of earth roads. (Western Mun. News, Je., 1918: 163-166, 169. plans.)
Mullen (C. A.). Road maintenance and wheel tax. Proposal to compel vehicles to pay the cost of construction and repairs. (Modern City, Je., 1918: 31.)
Sohier (W. D.). Are good roads remunerative to municipalities? Experience in Massachusetts throws some light upon the question, do good roads pay?—increased amounts of taxes are collected due to rise in land values directly caused by road construction. (Canadian Engr., Je. 13, 1918: 521-523. illus.)
[United States. Council of National Defense.] Construction and maintenance of roads during war. [State Council Section, Bui. 100.] (Better Roads and Streets, Aug., 1918: 299, 324, 326.)
Salaries
Columbus (Ohio). Ordinances. [Ordinances fixing salaries and wages of various city officials and employes, passed May 27, 1918.] (City Bui., Je. 1, 1918: 183-190.)
Miller (S. I.). Salary standardization for Seattle. Report . . . (Civ. Serv-
ice Age, Sept., 1918: 6, 12-14.)
The author is dean of the College of Business Administration of the University of Washington.
St. Louis. Ordinance. An ordinance providing for the fixing of uniform salaries or compensation for all positions of like service in the classified service. Approved June 15, 1918. (City Jour., Je. 25, 1918: 21-31.)
Toledo. Ordinances. An ordinance fixing the salaries and compensation of officers and employes of the City of Toledo. No. 1326. (Toledo City Jour., Je. 1, 1918: 286-288.)
Schools
See also Americanization, Education.
Anon. Department of Psychology in the Los Angeles public schools. (Jour, of Educ., Aug. 29, 1918: 187.)
-----. Government policies involving
the schools in war time. (School Life, Aug. 1, 1918: 3—4.)
Berkowitz (J. H.). Better school houses as a factor in race betterment. 1918. 8 pp
Reprinted from the American School Board Journal, June, 1918.
Bliss (D. C.). The school cottage in theory and practice. (Amer. School Bd. Jour., Aug., 1918: 25-26.)
The educational authorities of Montclair, N. J., having acquired, in the purchase of school property, certain adjacent dwelling houses, have utilized the latter for the instruction of classes in domestic science and home-making.
Bruce (W. C.). Some essentials in the planning of school buildings for community use. (Amer. City, Je., 1918: 520-522. illus.)
Clark (Evans). Outline of data on school dental clinics, with selected bibliography. May, 1918. 7, 3 pp., typewritten. (Socialist Aldermanic Delegation, Bur. of Investigation and Research.)
Talbert (W. E.). Should school expenditures be limited? (Amer. School Bd. Jour., Sept., 1918: 23-25, 74.)
United States. Bureau of Education. Government policies involving the schools in war time. April, 1918. 6 pp. (Teachers’ Leaflet no. 3.)
Sewerage and Sewage Disposal
Allen (Kenneth). The development of sewage treatment. (Mun. Engrng., Je., 1918: 244-249. illus.)
Partial contents: Review of past development; Standard methods of sewage treatment; Screens; Settling tanks; Tank design; Activated sludge process; Miles process.
Anon. The legal status of stream pollution. Digest of judicial decisions, interpreting both common law and enactments of state legislatures—drainage of surface water—discharge into streams of sewage and manufacturing wastes—joint action and responsibility. (Mun. Jour., Je. 29, 1918: 521-523.)
Dallyn (Fred. A.). Are sewers remunerative to small municipalities? Analysis of the costs and the benefits—it pays to construct sewerage systems even in very small towns, claims paper read at the Hamilton Convention of Medical Officers of Health. (Canadian Engr., Je. 27, 1918: 569-570, 586.)
Hudson (H. E.). Organization of forces and plant and methods employed in construction of sewers in Chicago. (Mun. Engrng., Je., 1918: 228-234. illus.)
Mohlman (F. W.) andSTURGES (W. S.), Jr. The New Haven sewage experiment station. (Conn. Soc. of Civ. Engrs., Papers and Transactions, 1918: 35-51. illus.)
This station was established by the City of New Haven to investigate various processes for treatment of the city’s sewage before its discharge into the harbor.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
Taylor (H. W.). An inventory and prospectus for a comprehensive sewerage system. A recent development in the City of Glens Falls, N. Y. (Amer. City, Aug., 1918: 139-143. illus., diagr.)
Social Work
See also Child Welfare, Public Health.
Anon. An act relating to public welfare in counties. (Pub. Welfare, Aug., Sept., 1918: 75-77, 95.)
Gatlin (Lucy C.). The hospital as a social agent in the community. 1918. 113 pp. pi., diagr.
Central Council of Social Agencies of Chicago. Constitution, by-laws, committees and membership. 1918. 18 pp. (Bui. no. 3.)
Committee of Public Safety for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Department of Civic Relief. Community organization in war time. An outline for study of community needs and resources. Frepared by Alice S. Cheyney. Parts III ancl IV. [1918.] 28, 29 pp.
III. Health.
IV. Working conditions.
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ of America. Commission on the Church and Social Service. A bibliography of social service. Prepared by F. Ernest Johnson. July, 1918.
Halbert (L. A.). Boards of public welfare. A system of government social work. 1918. 15 pp.
Published by the National Public Welfare League, 319 Ridge Bldg., Kansas City, Mo.
League for Preventive Work. The cost of alcohol in Massachusetts. 1918. 20 pp. (Pub. no. 4.)
Contains among others brief articles on: Public expense, by Robert W. Kelso, pp. 1-4; Medical evidence, by Abraham Myerson, pp. 4-6; The relation of alcohol to court work, by V. V. Anderson, p. 15-1G. The League’s address is at 44 Brom-eld St., Boston.
The National Committee. The social service exchange. Report of meetings held at the National Conference of Charities and Corrections, June 7-9, 1917, Pittsburgh, made by John Solenberger, superintendent, The Registration Bureau. 1917. 23 pp.
Author’s address is The Registration Bureau, 425 S. 15th St., Philadelphia.
People’s Institute of New York. A book about a school that studies life. The Training School for Community Workers. Announcement, fourth year, 1918-1919. 1918. 29 pp.
Vermont Conference of Social Work. Proceedings of the third annual conference, Jan. 23 and 24, 1918. 47 pp. State Government and Administration
< See also Education, Laws and Ordinances, Municipal Government, Schools.
Anon. How many governors has each state? (Equity, Apr., 1918: 91-95.)
Citizens’ Union. Committee on Legislation. Report . . . for the regu-
lar session of 1918. [1918.] 63 pp., tables.
Commonwealth Club of California. Constitutional amendments of 1918. (Transactions, Sept., 1918 : 215-264.)
Illinois. Legislative Reference Bureau. Constitutional conventions in Illinois. 1918. 156 pp.
Malcolm (James), ed. An illustrated state manual. The New York red book.
. . . 1918. 675 pp.
Published by the J. B. Lyon Co., Albany.
Street Railways
See also Motor Vehicles, Public Utilities.
Anon. Six-cent fare permitted in St. Louis. Missouri Commission holds that constitutional consent clause does not bar it from raising franchise rates to provide adequate revenue—suggests ultimate
adoption of zone system. (Elec. Ry. Jour., May 25, 1918: 1014-1015.)
----. The six-cent fare problem. (Amer.
City, Sept., 1918: 183-185.)
-------. Service-at-cost offered to all Massachusetts electric railways. Legislature enacts measures providing for public control of Bay State Street Railway and state directors of other roads accepting service-at-cost plan; membership of Public Service Commission reduced from five to three. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Je. 8, 1918: 1093-1096.)
-------. The rate case. (N. J. Municipalities, Sept., 1918: 199-200, 216-218.)
----. The New Jersey fare decision.
(Mun. Jour., Aug. 3, 1918: 99 )
----â– . New York companies appeal to
city. Board of Estimate asked to waive franchise provisions during the war.— B. R. T. roads show, how they may legally substitute higher rates for. those now existing. (Aera, Jy., 1918: 1228-1230.)
----. War Labor Board grants 48-cent
maximum. This award made for surface lines in Chicago, Cleveland and Detroit. —Maxima in smaller cities 42 and 45 cents.—Board asks President Wilson to urge special legislation looking to appointment of Federal agency to raise fares where necessary. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Aug. 3, 1918: 207-208.)
Clark (Harlow). Massachusetts cuts loose: 1. Abandons state regulation for greater part of her street railway systems; public control, with and without guarantee, cost of service plan, subsidies and municipal ownership as substitutes. 2. How the policy of subsidizing railways to keep down fares has been adopted in the Bay State. The causes that threatened disaster to roads in which over-capitalization was not present. (Aera, Je., Jy., 1918: 1077-1094; 1199-1215.)
Ridgway (Robert). Some features of New York City’s new rapid transit sys-


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
635
tem. (Boston Soc. of Civ. Engrs. Jour., May, 1918: 19’-225. illus.)
Author is engineer of subway construction with the New York Public Service Commission for the First District.
iMsAi-mo (Alexander). History of the “skip stop.” 1-2. (Aera, May-Je., 1918: 947-991; 1103-1115.)
1. Where and how its introduction on American electric railway systems has been accomplished. Its various forms, the economies produced and its benehts to both public and company.
2. Campaigns of education that have preceded its introduction on some systems. Its adoption by the United States Fuel Administration as a coal saving method.
Taxation and Finance
See also Municipal Government, Roads, Schools.
Anon. United States Government asked to protect city’s credit. Comptroller Craig protests against proposal to tax municipal bonds — Mayor wants police exempt. (Record and Guide, Aug. 24, 1918: p. 209.)
Refers to New York City.
----. State executive budget system.
(Modern City, Sept., 1918: 3-5.)
Bureau of Municipal Research, Toronto. City budget facts, 1918. 1918. 25 pp. charts, tables.
Huie (A. G.). Taxation on land values in New South Wales. (Single Tax Rev., May-Je., 1918: 74-77.)
Iowa. Iowa law relating to collateral inheritance tax; a complete compilation of the Iowa statutes relating to collateral inheritance tax, with annotations from the courts of Iowa and New York; including excerpts from treaties now existing between the United States and foreign states, edited by B. J. Powers. 1918. 170 pp.
New York. State Tax Department. Equalization. Appeals from equalizations made by boards of supervisors or by commissioners of equalization. March, 1918. 18 pp. (N. Y. State Tax Bui., iii, no. 1.)
Pierson (A. N.). The policies underlying New Jersey’s new [municipal] finance laws. (N. J. Municipalities, Sept., 1918: 211-212, 220-222.)
Address delivered before .the National Association of Comptrollers and Accounting Officers, June 20, 1918.
Schultz (Herman). The way out; a guide to financial independence of the commonwealth. (Municipality, Jy.-Aug., 1918: 118-123, tables.)
Traffic
Anon. A traffic census that recorded vehicle movements in business district of Chicago. (Engrng. and Contracting, Je. 5, 1918: 564-566.)
Fifth Avenue Association. . Report made by the . . . Association’s in-
vestigator on traffic conditions on the side streets between Fifth and Sixth Avenues
and from 26th to 46th Streets. 1918. [11 pp.] typewritten.
Lenth (George C. D.). Analysis of the traffic count in down-town Chicago. (Jour, of the Western Soc. of Engrs., Feb., 1918: 79-169.)
Vital Statistics
Eastman (P. R.). Infant mortality statistics in New York State. (N. Y. State Dept, of Health, Health News, May, 1918: 119-124. charts.)
Framingham Community Health and Tuberculosis Demonstration of the National Tuberculosis Association. Sanitary Series. 1. Vital statistics. Aug., 1918. 42 pp., map. (Framingham Monograph no. 3.)
Guilfoy (W. H.). Comparative mortality of foreign cities and the city of New York during the year 1917. (N. Y. City, Dept, of Health, Monthly Bui., Aug., 1918: 169-174, table.)
Clark (H. W.). Control of water supplies. (Fire and Water Engrng., Aug. 21, 1918: 130-131.)
Nelson (F. B.). Methods of determining and plotting meter capacities and some results. (Amer. Water Works Assoc., Jour., Je., 1918: 120-131. charts.)
State Bureau of Municipal Information of the New York State Conference of Mayors. Water consumption in New York State cities and its effect on coal consumption. Jy. 1, 1918: [8 pp.] (Rep. no. 345.)
Women, Employment of
Anon, vv omen conductors in New York. Labor Bureau’s report on women conductors—State Medical Inspector makes thorough examination and finds conditions generally satisfactory—employees interviewed and say work is preferable to that in which they were formerly engaged —Federal report less favorable. (Elec. Ry. Jour., May 25, 1918: 1003-1013.)
Cleveland Chamber of Commerce. Committee on Industrial Welfare. A report on the problem of the substitution of woman for man power in industry. 1918. 49 pp.
Contains interesting comparative tables.
Workmen’s Compensation
Illinois. Illinois workmen's compensation act and decisions of the Industrial Board, with references to negligence and compensation cases annotated. 1918. pp. 1129-1200.
Indiana. Indiana workmen’s compensation act and decisions of the Industrial Board, with references to negligence and compensation cases annotated. 1918. pp. 1129-1196.
Ohio. Ohio workmen’s compensation act and decisions of the Ohio Industrial


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
Commission, with references to negligence and compensation cases annotated. 1918. pp. 1129-1193.
Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania workmen’s compensation act and decisions of the Workmen’s Compensation Board, with references to negligence and compensation cases annotated. 1918. pp. 1129-1196.
All the above-mentioned excerpts are published by Messrs. Callaghan and Company, Chicago.
New York State. Industrial Commission. Workmen’s compensation law,
with amendments, additions and annotations to July 1, 1918. 1918. 88 pp.
Prepared by the Bureau of Statistics and Information.
------. Insurance Department. Report on examination of the National Workmen’s Compensation Service Bureau, dated Aug. 15, 1917. 1918. 59 pp.
Zoning
Anon. New uses for the “zoning” system as adopted by New York City and applicable to American communities. (Arch. Rev., Apr., 1918 : 66-67.)


NOTES AND EVENTS
I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
City Manager Notes.—The three candidates for positions on the first commission under the new commission-manager charter, Griffin, Georgia, nominated in the primaries held September 26, are among the most public-spirited business men of the city. They were selected by a somewhat unusual procedure which augurs well for the success of the new plan. A general mass meeting was held at the City Hall September 18. A “straw vote” was taken. Those receiving the three highest totals were declared the candidates of those present at the meeting. When these three candidates entered the primaries, they received the overwhelming majority of the votes cast. In Georgia, the nominees of the Democratic primary are certain of election at the succeeding general election, held in December. A city manager will be selected in December to take office January 1. Griffin is the first city in Georgia to adopt the new plan. Its population is estimated at 10,300.
Edwin J. Fort has been chosen city manager of Niagara Falls, New York, to succeed O. E. Carr, who was promoted to Springfield, Ohio, September 1. Mr. Fort has served eleven years as head of the department of sewers, Borough of Brooklyn, New York. He is an engineer of reputation and has had considerable experience in municipal affairs.
George R. Belding has been appointed city manager of Hot Springs, Arkansas, to succeed Charles H. Weaver, recently resigned. Mr. Belding was at one time mayor, and has been serving as secretary for the local business men’s league. Hot Springs is experimenting with the plan originally tried at Beaufort, South Carolina, of employing one man to fill the dual positions of city manager and secretary of its commercial organization, as Mr. Belding still retains his office as secretary of the business men's league. His salary
will be apportioned between the city and the league.
Dr. W. C. Bailey, formerly president of the San Jos6 chamber of commerce, has been appointed city manager of San Josi, California, to succeed Thomas H. Reed. The vote stood five to two. The two voting in the negative stated that they had no personal objections to Dr. Bailey but did not believe that the city needed a city manager at present. A letter from Dr. Bailey states that he has entered the new profession, temporarily only.1
Hubert A. Stecker who has served as city manager of Charlottesville, Virginia, since January 1, 1917, has resigned to enter the army. His administration has been most successful. His duties in the army follow very closely the work of a city manager, as he has been commissioned captain in the quartermaster corps and placed in charge of streets, buildings, and grounds at Camp Logan, Texas. Shelton S. Fife an engineer has been appointed to succeed Cap’t Stecker.
The United Stales Government is applying the principles of the city-manager plan to many of its war-time enterprises. Announcement recently appeared in the daily press that Uncle Sam is seeking men to place in charge of his war-work communities. The management of these communities will involve not only the collection of rents, the supervision of repairs and maintenance of buildings, but will comprise duties analogous to those of a city manager, including responsibility for sanitation, cleanliness, fire and police protection and the general health and welfare of the inhabitants. These managers will not be permanently attached to one community, but will be transferred and promoted, thus creating a corps of trained experts in community management. Allan Robinson, manager of operating division,
â– See National Municipal Review, Vol. vii,
p. 438.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
U. S. housing corporation, 613 G Street N. W., Washington, D. C., is in charge of this branch of the service.
A great many cities and towns throughout the country are considering the adoption of city-manager government. Among those which have recently been called to our attention are: Aberdeen, Washington; Ambridge, and Blairsville, Pennsylvania; Burlington, and Davenport, Iowa; Daytona, Florida; Enid and Pawnee, Oklahoma; Grand Mere, Province of Quebec; Lawrence, Mansfield, and Wellesley, Massachusetts; New Haven, Connecticut; St. Paul, Minnesota; Suffolk, Virginia.
S. A. Siverts, Jr., who has served as city manager in Morris, Minn., since the new plan became effective in 1914 has resigned to enter the federal service having been ocmmiss'oned 1st Lieutenant in the Engineers Office s Reserve Corps.
J. B. Wiles, secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, of Philipsburg, Pa., has been made borough manager of that community. He wil be expected to discharge the duties of both offices. This is the third city to make such a dual arrangement.
J. J. Carment has been appointed as the first city manager of Kamloops, B. C., at a salary of $3,000.
E. A. Beck who has served as city manager of Goldsboro, North Carolina, since the new plan was put in operation July, 1917, has been commissioned as captain in the army’s sanitary department and is stationed at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia. Mr. Beck’s work has received most favorable comment and the local paper suggests that in time he will be recognized as deserving a statue in the public park. It will be recalled that Mr. Beck was selected from a field of 422 candidates for the position of manager at Goldsboro. Prior to his appointment he had served as manager and engineer for the boroughs of Sewickley and Edgeworth, Pennsylvania. No successor is announced.1
Beavforl, South Carolina’s fourth city manager is Hal R. Pollitzer who has been serving as acting manager since the resignation of John R. Kneebone last spring.
â– See National Municipal Review. Vol. vi.
p. 605.
Mr. Pollitzer graduated from Clemson College, South Carolina, as a civil and electrical engineer. He has served for several years in the Beaufort organization, first as superintendent of public works, then as city engineer and is well trained for the new position. His salary is $1,800.
Albion, Michigan, has appointed W. E. Baumgardner as acting manager for the balance of the year 1918 upon the resignation of Manager A. L. Sloman, who has entered the army. Mr. Baumgardner commenced his duties June 4, with a salary of $150 per month.
The borough of Seioickley, Pennsylvania, has come under the manager plan and W. M. Cotton, borough manager of the adjacent borough of Edgeworth serves both boroughs. In addition to this Mr. Cotton acts as engineer for a third borough. His salary from the combined manager positions is $3,600 and the population of the district is about 10,000.
Arthur M. Freed, city manager of Winchester, Virginia, has been given leave of absence for the period of the war and will be connected with the Government Bureau of Industrial Housing in the engineering department in Washington. Thomas J. Trier, assistant city manager, will assume the duties of city manager.
The city manager charter, Sioux Falls, South Dakota, has been declared unconstitutional because the title of the act did not define the contents of it; and because it discriminated between the cities of the state without classification. Moreover the court held that the petition for the election should not have been received until there had been an investigation of the names thereon. It was discovered subsequently that unqualified citizens had signed it.
*
Durham, North Carolina, where a semi-manager plan was tried out, with W. M. Wilkes as manager, has discontinued the experiment. The city clerk makes this comment: “The system was a complete failure here and I do not think it will be tried here again. No one has been appointed to succeed Mr. Wilkes.” This is one more illustration of the oft-repeated slogan “that you can’t force reform on


1918]
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639
folks,” and a manager who holds office under ordinance provisions is liable to destroy the abortive attempt to install the plan without the preliminary educational essential to the adoption of a new charter is often a mistake and sometime constitutes a real damage to the movement.
*
Gary, Florida, incorporated October, 1908, as a city, and granted a commission charter in June, 1917, has appointed J. A. O’Berry as city manager, vice J. H. Henry resigned to join the engineer corps.
*
Montreal’s New System.—Under its amended charter the city is governed by a mayor, a commission of five members, called “the administrative commission of the city of Montreal” and a council composed of the mayor and one aider-man for each ward. The present chief city attorney, the present city comptroller and the city treasurer are ex officio members of the commission and may be dismissed only by a vote of two-thirds of all the members of the council and such dismissal shall take effect only if approved by the lieutenant-governor in council. The other members of the commission are appointed for four years by the lieu-tenant-governor who may, however, dismiss them at any time for cause and appoint their successors. The chairman of the commission is designated by the lieu-tenant-governor, his salary being $12,000 per year. The other members of the commission receive $10,000. Three commissioners form a quorum. The chairman or the member presiding in his absence shall vote as commissioner, but shall have no casting-vote.
The following powers are exclusively vested in the commission:
1. The powers which the city charter, the other general or special acts and municipal by-laws of the city conferred, previous to April 2, 1918, either upon the city, or the council, or the board of commissioners, or upon the two latter bodies jointly or subordinately one to the other.
2. The powers which may after April 2, 1918 be conferred (a) upon the com-
mission appointed by a general or special act; (b) upon the city by a general or special act; (c) upon the council by a general act.
The resolutions, by-laws and other acts of the commission shall be submitted to the council in connection with the following matters; annual and supplementary budgets variation of funds; appropriations of the proceeds of loans; taxes and licenses; by-laws, with the exception of those defining the duties of the city officials, officers and employes; granting of franchises and privileges; annexations.
The council may, by a majority of three-fourths of all its members, reject or amend the 'commission’s report of such matters within thirty days of their receipt by the city clerk, or within sixty days in the case of a by-law; otherwise they shall be deemed to be adopted. The council cannot, however, in amending the reports of the commission on questions of finance, increase or apply to other purposes the appropriations recommended, nor add new ones. The approval of the municipal electors, whether proprietors of immovable property or others is not dispensed with, when the same is required.
The mayor shall represent the city on all ceremonial occasions; he may submit suggestions to the administrative commission, to the council and to the committees of the council; shall preside at the meetings of the council; shall have the right to vote on all questions submitted to the council.
For many years there has been much fault finding, and a royal commission resulted in what is known as the Cannon report, prepared by Mr. Justice Cannon. This was a scathing indictment of the administration. The city was then governed by aldermen elected one from each ward. The work of the council was divided between a large number of committees, the recommendations of such committees generally being adopted by the council. The charter was then amended and provision made for the election of a board of control in addition to the mayor and council. From, the first there was friction between the two


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
bodies and between the members of the board who made the mistake of giving each member a district or department to control—in practice quite arbitrarily. Matters continued to go from bad to worse; the debt, an abnormally large one, continued to grow and the demand became insistent that a new form of government be inaugurated.
While the charter prior and subsequent to the creation of the board of control was quite broad the government of the province, which granted the charter, always took the view that it could at any time step in and pass laws directly affecting the city even though the city had apparently been granted such powers. The “home rule for cities” idea has made little if any headway in this province or for that matter in any part of Canada.
For some years delegations have been going, not to the city hall but to Quebec, pleading for amendments to the city charter until it became quite clear to most people that the city was really, in the important matters ruled, at Quebec. Strangely enough the Quebec government was not expected (until recently) to take any of the blame for the lack of good city government. The French-Canadian electors seem at last to be very much aroused and recently have been holding public meetings protesting against taking away the power of the alderman and the granting of a new franchise to the tramways company. The thirteen members of the legislature from the District of Montreal are blamed. There are unconfirmed rumors that the Provincial Government now fear a mistake has been made and that there is a probability that within a few years the present commission will give way to a council. During the last session of the legislature far-reaching amendments to the charter were passed which in effect delegate the powers of the legislature to five commissioners appointed by the provincial cabinet.
As in most large cities much has been made of the alleged bad management of the aldermen and little has been said publicly of the large sums—many millions
lost to the city by the grant, in tnis case, by the legislature, of valuable public utility franchises for practically nothing; the exemption from taxation of much valuable property; the low taxation of property worth millions of dollars and held out of use for speculative purposes.
Montreal has also had, and is having the experience of having the question of valuable franchises gravely affect city government.
And as usual the city continues to carry on the unproductive utilities which nevertheless give added value to the privately owned utilities.
It is significant that among those most active in pressing for amendments to the charter, which would take the power from the aldermen, were representatives of some of our public utility corporations who apparently feared the aldermen would not favor the proposed new tramways franchise.
Some months ago the Provincial Government appointed a small commission with power to compel the city to enter into a new contract with the Montreal Tramways company for a period of thirty-six years. This commission had the power to appoint valuators who would fix a value for the company’s property. The value was placed at $36,000,000, which valuation was perforce adopted by the city. The agreement was then enacted into law by the provincial legislature. The Provincial Government next appointed a tramways commission which is to act as the representative of the citizens and see that a proper service is given. The commission whose salaries are paid by the tramways company consist of an ex-judge, a civil engineer and an architect, all men of good standing who have been successful in their professions. Their decisions are appealable to the provincial public utilities commission whose powers are apparently not well defined and who so far have had little effect in the settling of questions usually determined by such commissions.
An appeal as to the rate of fares is now being considered by this commission but the question of the value of the assets


1918]
NOTES AND EVENTS
641
of the tramways company, $36,000,000, cannot be gone into.
Public meetings are being held by French-Canadian electors protesting against increased fares and advising the citizens to adopt the same methods as resorted to recently at Detroit.
Notwithstanding the fact that the members of the new administrative commission are nearly all political appointments it is the general opinion that they will give as good government as is possible under such a system, but the all-important fact remains that “good government is not a satisfactory substitute for self-government” and that the electors of Montreal will not be content until they have a charter which will give them control of the affairs at the city hall and a larger measure of home rule than they have
ever had. __ „ _
H. S. Ross.
Montreal. ^
Grand Rapids Defeats Amendments to Charter.—Former mayor George E. Ellis, who is the chief opponent of the new charter, utilized the surplus energies of certain members of the socialist party, some of whom are strong pro-German, and certain disgruntled office seekers in an effort to have the voters adopt charter amendments. While these amendments were proposed ostensively by the Initiative-Referendum-Recall-League, so-called, a mere paper organization, and two amendments related to the limitation of salaries of city officials and a'municipal coal yard, the main amendment would have legislated Mr. Ellis as commissioner-at-large into the office of mayor May 1, 1919, and provided for the election of the city attorney and city clerk directly by the people instead of their appointment by the city commission.
The citizens’ league (C. Roy Hatten, secretary), conducted a strenuous campaign against the amendments to change the form of government and stood noncommittal on the coal yard, and did everything to secure a large vote. The main factor in securing the large vote was the work of the Americanization committee of the federation of social agencies which had
a complete organization, and every voter at the polls was given a small white tag with a red border and blue letters on the tag “I am an American. I voted. Did you? Wear this tag three days and make the shirker conspicuous. Americanization Committee, Federation of Social Agencies.” Large bills were tacked up around the city and a great deal of money spent for window cards and newspaper advertising, and there is no doubt that this work was chiefly responsible for the large vote, which unquestionably helped to defeat the amendments. It was, however, a discriminating vote, as the proposition of electing the mayor, city attorney and city clerk stood Yes, 7,470; No, 9,479; salary amendment, Yes, 6,239; No, 10,180; and the coal yard amendment, Yes, 9,100; No, 7,688; the coal yard being an addition to the charter failed to secure the necessary three-fifths vote and so all the amendments lost.
Concerning the tagging of voters in Grand Rapids, Secretary Hatten writes: This movement was suggested by Frank Dyekma, secretary of the federation. A special fund was raised under the leadership of the Americanism committee of the federation. Special emphasis was placed on registration, and on registration day and primary day together there was an unusually large registration. The city clerk says that at a conservative estimate there were at least 3,500 above the normal amount that would have been received without this publicity; the movement also resulted in a large number of people applying for their first and second citizenship papers. It was found that some of our most prominent business people, who had made fortunes in Grand Rapids, had never taken the necessary steps to become full fledged citizens. One of our leading retail merchants, who has been conducting a large store on our main thoroughfare for twenty years with another large store in Detroit, as well as his brother who is engaged with him in the business, had only obtained first papers and were still citizens of Canada. The main benefit of this movement was that it made those individual cases conspicuous.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November
“Large bill-board posters were used all over the city; extensive newspaper advertising was done and many forms of publicity indulged in. While we had reason to expect at the primary a vote of probably twelve or thirteen thousand, the total vote cast was upwards of twenty thousand, due to the stimulus of this movement.”
*
The Federal Government and Public Utilities.—The capital issues committee, of which Charles S. Hamlin is chairman, had addressed a communication to the public utility commissions and municipal officials of the country calling attention to the creation of the committee and to the fact that “men, money and material which the government needs are to be made available for essential war purposes.” The statement declares there must necessarily be a considerable degree of sacrifice on the part of individuals, communities and corporations in adjusting themselves to the substitution and changed standards which the situation compels. “Existing facilities must be made to serve in place of new ones,” Mr. Hamlin declares, “regardless of temporary inconvenience and discomfort unless the public health or paramount local economic necessity is involved.” The committee suggests that these considerations apply with marked force to the public utility situation and announces the opinion of the committee that extensions and betterments should be postponed until after the war unless an immediate war purpose is served. Moreover the committee goes to the extent of asking the consideration of the propriety of deferring even the performance of contractual obligations arising from franchises or other local requirements when no military or local economic necessity is served by such expenditures. Of course “local economic necessity” is an elastic phrase.
*
Municipal Ownership of Street Railways in Seattle.—Seattle has agreed to purchase the lines of the Puget Sound Traction, Light & Power Company, comprising almost all the street railway transporta-
tion facilities in the city, for $15,000,000, payable in public utility bonds secured by the earnings of the system, bearing interest at 5 per cent. The only line not included in that purchase is the Rainier Valley line, which is now offering to sell to the city on the same basis for $1,600,000. The prospect is that we shall see in Seattle the largest experiment in municipal operation of street railways in this country at the present time. The opinion of a National Municipal League correspondent is that the city is getting the property at a reasonable price. It looks now as if the city council would place the administration of the street railways under the superintendent of public utilities, who was formerly a lawyer, with no experience in business of any sort.
The wage situation also is such as to cause anxiety. The city will begin by paying wages almost double those previously paid by the traction company. It will be necessary for the city to raise the street car fares during the remainder of the war and the city may become saddled with such a high wage scale that municipal operation will compare very unfavorably indeed with private operation. When the war is over and general wages begin to recede, as they undoubtedly will to a considerable extent, it will be very difficult to secure any corresponding reduction in the city wage scale. These matters have received no attention in Seattle, and, in fact, the taking over of the system, probably the most important event in the municipal history in years, is being done with very little public discussion and without a vote of the people. In other words, it is being put through as a semi-war measure without any appreciation of its. significance.
*
Federal Help for East St. Louis.—The
production division of the chief of ordnance has established a branch to better or eliminate those community conditions adversely affecting labor engaged in the production of war material. The Illinois supervisor of the branch reported an almost unbelievably low standard of civic,


1918]
NOTES AND EVENTS
643
social and moral conditions in East St. Louis. As a consequence F. C. Butler who is in charge of this branch visited the place and after conferring with representative citizens drew up a plan, program and budget for the improvement of local conditions. He presented this to the presidents of the packing companies at Chicago who immediately gave it their cordial approval and offered to furnish one-half of the necessary funds to carry it into effect. Later Mr. Butler presented it at a meeting of the other industries at East St. Louis and the needed 1200,000 fund is practically completed.
A committee of fifty has been formed to represent the war department and to act as a policy and public sentiment-making body under the direction of a representative of the production division of the ordnance department. This program is probably the most comprehensive thus far undertaken for an American city, according to Mr. Butler, who has every confidence that “if it is carried into effect it will amount to a complete civic redemption of the city.” The program includes housing, health, municipal survey, clean up, city planning, industrial welfare, neighborhood work, law enforcement, home defense, gardening, cost of living, recreation, welfare of labor, racial problems, charities, safety, parks and playgrounds, transportation, patriotism, thrift, administration.
The special committee authorized by congress to investigate the East St. Louis riots presented its report on July 15. It has been issued in pamphlet form. It has very little value further than setting forth in an official and definite way the facts leading up to the riot and the incidents of the riot, although it contains some very interesting side lights and observations.
*
The Massachusetts Constitutional Convention adjourned after providing for the submission of nineteen separate propositions for the action of the voters at the November election. Among these are: amendments relative to the revocation of granting franchise privileges and immuni-
ties; the retirement of judicial officers; the regulation of advertising in public places to prevent the marring of city streets, boulevards, parks and beautiful landscape (unsightly advertising); to grant to the legislature power to divide cities and towns into building zones; providing for a state budget and a veto by the governor of items or parts of items in appropriation bills; authorizing the creation of not more than twenty executive departments under which should be co-ordinated all the present executive and legislative offices, boards and commissions; providing for compulsory voting at elections and for biennial elections of state officers, counsellors and members of the general court; for establishing the popular initiative and referendum and the legislative initiative of specific amendments of the constitution; and one making possible the taking by right of eminent domain, and the conservation, development and utilization of the agricultural, mineral, forest, water and other natural resources of the state under such legislation as the general court may enact.1
*
Ohio’s Constitutional Amendments.—
Two amendments will be submitted to the voters in November, one providing that the general assembly have power to provide for the “raising of revenues for all state and local purposes in such manner as it shall deem proper”; and that “the subjects of taxation for all state and local purposes shall be classified and the rate of taxation shall be uniform on all subjects of the same class and shall be just to the subject taxed.” The other amendment prohibits the sale and manufacture of intoxicating liquors as a beverage. At the same time the federal prohibition amendment will be submitted on a referendum provision for the action of the voters.
*
North Dakota’s Constitutional Amendments.—The North Dakota supreme court has ruled that the ten amendments to the state constitution initiated by the
1 Sec. National Municipal Review, vol. vii,.
p. 95.


Full Text

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1918 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associate Editors ALICE M. HOLDEN W. J. DONALD HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD LEE MCBAIN C. C. WILLIAMSON VOLUME VII JANUARY, 1-130 JULY, 339-448 MARCH, 131-236 SEPTEMBER, 449-544 MAY, 5237-337 NOVEMBER, 545-655 PUBLISHED FOR TEE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H. 1918 BY

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. VII, No. 6 NOVEMBER, 1918 TOTAL No. 32 Ordinarily the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ahould be in the hands of msmbera and aubsmiberr within a week of the firsi day of the months of publicalion, to wit, January, March, May, Julu. September, and NooemLer. The eztraordinary conditiona of the laat aiz monlha, however, haoe resulted in numerous delays. If the maoarins ia not teceioed b# the 15th ofthe month of issue. the Edilor m’ll be greatly obliged if u pontal to thd effect is smi to his osu. 703 North Amm’can Building, Philadelphia. THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE BY DORSEY WILLIAM HYDE, JR.’ Judge Ransom’s article entitled “A new Deal on the Franchise Question” wm de livered at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, held in Greenwich House, New York City, June 6. As it has appeared practically in full in several publications before the National Municipal League had an opportunity of publishing it, we have asked Mr. Hyde to give an abstract of the article and to bring it up to date in the way of developments, which he has done.-EDIToR. HE cause of the American municipality in the present nation-wide propaganda for higher fares was ably defended by Judge William T L. Ransom, counsel for the New York public service commission for the first district, in his address before the June meeting of the National Municipal League in New York city. Pointing out that the present situation has placed a “wholeso ne and salutary PO ver in the hands of the .nunicipalities” the speaker urged that American cities face their traction problems in a courageous and statesmanlike Nay, grantiAg increases where absolutely necessary but insisting upon just and desirable c?anges in fraJchise terms for future public protection. “Lines and portions of lines Jhich are no longer necessary or desirable should be abandoned, and not continued as drains upon the resources of the systems. In many instances, rail lines on the surface are obsolete, and should give way to improved or more economical facilities. ‘Water’ should come out of stock; the power of ‘extortion’ possessed by the holders of ‘ pioneer franchises:’ covering essential links in the present-day system, should be broken.” Municipal Reference Librarian, New York City. 545

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546 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November The street railway problem is not of recent growth. Long prior to the ,var there was conflict between the desire of investors to obtain a legitimate return upon their investments and the desire of the general public to obtain good service at low cost. With increased costs due to the war, investors have found their incomes reduced and street railway patrons are being asked to pay more, for a service in many instances actually inferior to previous standards. LOW FARES ARE ESSENTIAL There are a great number of cases where favorable action in the matter of relief “is the alternative of cessation of service.” Granting the need for relief the problem is from what source the assistance will be forthcoming. As “most of our municipal communities have been built up, and their population distributed, in reliance upon the prevalence of low fares for intra-urban and suburban travel,” it is a grave question whether or not sharp increases in transportation costs will become a social factor of menacing importance. Rather than deterioration of service, properties, and employes, Judge Ransom believes that “slight, temporary advances in fares” would be preferable. There is, however, an acceptable alternative which may be adopted in some of the larger cities. Responsibility for operating deficits may be temporarily accepted by the public authorities, i.e., the community may decide to meet the deficit temporarily by taxation, rather than raise the rates. This principle, embodied in the New York city subway contracts, enables the mimicipality, at. its option, to maintain the low, uniform rate of fare, despite the temporary period of war-time costs. NATION-WIDE MOVE FOR HIGHER FARES Before taking up Judge Ransom’s discussion of recent developments in New York state let us outline the main features of the problem in its nation-wide aspect treating each event in due sequence. Early in the war the public utility interests decided upon a nation-wide campaign for “relief and fixed upon the state utility commissions as the most advantageous point of attack. As Judge Ransom points out: “The courts and public service commissions of various states have been inclined to hold that . . . thecommission . . . haspowertoauthorizethecompany to charge more than five cents, without the consent of the city or a modification of the franchise contract.” At this point it is interesting to trace the history of this doctrine of commission jurisdiction over local utility franchises and contracts. The movement for state regulatory bodies, in its inception, aimed to protect the interests of Iocal communities. Acting upon the principIe that what, is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, public utility corporations

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19181 THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE 547 1 are now noisily insisting upon the duty of state commissions, under present trying conditions, to afford them protection from the sort of rapaciousness of which they themselves were guilty in the past. DO STATE COMMISSIONS POSSESS JURISDICTION? But an examination of public service commission laws, and opinions of commissioners themselves, by no means tends to indicate a uniformity of opinion on this point. As matters stand to-day there are some eighteen states where the commission does not have jurisdiction or has failed to act, and almost a dozen states where there is no commission. On the other hand the question of jurisdiction is pretty firmly established in about fifteen states, is claimed but contested in five states, is claimed but not affirmed (by courts), or as yet exercised, in three states, and in one other state is claimed, but not affirmed although increases have been granted. The problem is first of all complicated by the degree of home rule operative in the various states. In California the public utility act provides that all incorporated cities so voting have jurisdiction until same is surrendered to the commission. In Ohio, Alabama, Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Oregon, South Dakota, Tennessee, Michigan and Texas, the original public service commission law denied the jurisdiction of the commission. Of these states Colorado, Kansas, Oregon, Illinois, Indiana, now claim or have been ordered to assume jurisdiction. In Colorado although complete jurisdiction is claimed by the commission it has only been affirmed (by courts) in regard to cities not operating under the home rule act. It is interesting to note that in the original public service commission laws of the different states jurisdiction was specifically denied in thirteen states and obviously not contemplated in twelve states-a total of twenty-five states. In sixteen or seventeen states only was jurisdiction specifically asserted. The New Jersey constitution “does not confer upon cities the right to grant street franchises, and the requirement for municipal consent was imposed by legislative acts.” In this state the jurisdiction of the commission has been definitely established, but the demands of the public service railway have been refused notwithstanding that its president called a witness for the defense a “jackass” and referred to the board of commissioners as “political horse thieves.” But, as pointed out above, the New Jersey case does not furnish a precedent for other states where a larger degree of home rule is vested in the cities. BASIS OF MUNICIPAL CLAIM OF JURISDICTION The claim of jurisdiction by the commissions in many cases is based upon the theory that “there is always existent a right upon the part of the legislature to change the law”-the legislature is the sovereign body

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548 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November and all local powers are delegated therefrom. Professor McBairi has admirably shown how this “doctrine of legislative supremacy over the political subdivisions of the state has been upheld with little if any regard for the property rights of these subdivisions” (the cities), and how this has resulted in the ignoring of the personal character of this city. In fact the framers of the constitution of the state of Pennsylvania realized this tendency and sought to tie the hands of the legislature by declaring that “The general assembly shall not delegate to any special commission . . . any power to make, supervise, or interfere with any municipal government. For legal opinion on this point we quote Judge McQuillin: “It is well settled that the state legislature may authorize a municipality to establish by contract the rates to be charged by a public service corporation for a definite term, not grossly unreasonable in point of time, and that the effect of such a contract is to suspend, during the life of the contract, the governmental power of fixing and regulating the rates, but inasmuch as such contract extinguishes an undoubted power of government, both its existence and the authority to make it must be resolved in favor of the continuance of the p~wer.”~ Presentday commissions apparently have based their claim of jurisdiction on the underlined portion of Judge McQuillin’s holding, although such an interpretation would seem to be in direct conflict with the intention of the writer. INTENTION OF ORIGINAL COMMISSION LAWS Reference to the public utility commission acts reveals another fact of importance. While in the majority of cases the right of a municipality to regulate fares is tacitly admitted it is often specified that the commission has the right of supervision over the fares of interurban street railway corporations. But even this principle is not universally accepted, as is evidenced by the ruling made by the Ohio commission and sustained by the supreme court, to the effect that the commission “had no authority to increase the rates of fare of interurban roads which have accepted certain rates in consideration of franchises from cities and counties through which they pass.” (According to the secretary of the Ohio commission “while there was some talk of an appeal to the federal courts, nothing has yet developed.”) All things considered the question of jurisdiction (except perhaps, as previously indicated, in the states where home rule powers are greatly restricted) is by no means settled. The Maine commission bases its authority for action, first on the question of the lawfulness of contracts 2 Quoted in McBain, The Law and the Practice of Municipal Home Rule. 3 See further the much cited decision of the federal supreme court handed down by Mr. Justice Day in Vicksburg vs. Vicksburg Water Works Co., 206, U. S. 496, 27 Sup. Ct. 762, 51 L. Ed. 1155. Also Dillon, Municipal Corporations, Vol. 111, p. 2242, par. 1326.

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19181 THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE 549 between city and utility and secondly upon the sovereign power of the legislature. In Indiana the commission declined to assume jurisdiction until ordered to do so by the state supreme court, which court based its order on the theory that an emergency existed, thus giving the commission authority to act under Section 122 of the public service commission act. THE PLEA FOR “EMERGENCY” RELIEF . The “emergency” argument has been worked to the utmost by the public service corporations as a justification of their claims. In fact in several states the commission was requested to grant immediate relief to the petitioning railways before the formality of an investigation! That this argument is by no means new and has been used in the past to extract valuable concessions from public regulatory and legislative bodies is shown by the following statement of Mayor Jacob A. Westervelt of New York city in his annual message of 1854: “I cannot but deprecate the practice which has grown into use of late years, of applying, almost annually, to the legislature of the state for amendments to the charter, whose necessity is urged to meet special emergencies, or alleged exigen~ies.”~ Propaganda on the part of interested utility corporations reached its height last. spring when in a number of states much money had been spent in collective advertising and publicity campaigns. Then out of a clear sky, when all seemed to be going well, there came in rapid succession the decisions in New York, Massachusetts and New Jersey to dash previous hopes and change entirely the prospects for immediate grants of ‘‘ relief .’I CRUCIAL EVENTS IN THREE STATES In the North Shore railroad case over a year ago the New York commission of the second district had refused to act, on the grounds that it lacked jurisdiction. The commission was ordered to assume jurisdiction by the appellate division, and the increase requested by the company was granted. But in the case of Quinby vs. Public Service Commission the New York court of appeals, somewhat unexpectedly, ruled “that as to rates limited by the provisions of franchise contracts, the commission may not put the company in position to exceed the franchise maximum without first obtaining the city’s consent. When the state legislature adjourned in May it had by its enactments stripped of its powers the state commission-referred to as “the oldest, as well as one of the most progressive of the commissions” in street railway periodicals-and provided for ‘ Massachusetts came next. 4 Quoted’in McBain, The Law and the Practiee of Municipal Home Rule, p. 6. The wording is from Judge Ransom.

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550 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November public control, with and without guarantee, ([cost of service” plan, subsidies, and municipal ownership as substitutes. Editor Harlow C. Clark of Bra, in commenting on this action, said: “It is scarcely too much to say that the theory of state regulation of electric railways, has by these acts of the general court, been relegated to the past so far as Massachusetts is concerned.” * The final blow came from the “sure fire” state-New Jersey, where th; principle of commission jurisdiction is well established. Largely as a result of the strenuous fight organized and directed by the New Jersey state league of municipalities, the $3,700,000 “relief ” applied for was practically denied-the award being $860,000 (to be derived through a one-cent transfer charge) with the stipulation that the company must live up to certain obligations and submit a plan for a zoning system before January 1, 1919.6 NEW ATTITUDE TOWARD MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP At this unpleasant juncture a prominent street railway man, returned from a trip through the west, proclaimed that the failure of regulation by state commissions, demonstrated in Massachusetts, ((was forecast in other states when the character of the personnel of the commissions began to decline.” The same gentleman pointed out that the street railway business was going ta the “demnation bow-wows” and that although state ownership “may do violence to our preconceived notions of sound economics and politics l7 nevertheless “our troubles in the future may be lessened by inviting it now.” A war board of the street railway interests appeared before the federal war labor board in June and it was suggested to the board that the President or congress might (‘take over the control of electric railways to a sufficient degree to regulate their rates, irrespective of state statutes or local franchises, for the period of the war.” Following upon the hearing the board issued a statement pointing out the “necessity of action to enable companies to pay higher wages.” (More “horse thieves” in our midst!) The fight, however, still continues. THE SITUATION TO-DAY A few months ago, according to &-a, street railway fares had been increased in 246 American cities, affecting more than one-quarter of the urban population of the country. In 43 cities, according to the same authority the seven-cent fare has been adopted, and the six-cent unit in 86 other municipalities. Three cities had even gone as high as ten cents. The zone system, viewed with such apprehension a short time ago, has *Aeru, June, 1918, p. 1077. 6 Word has just come that this deciszon has been reversed on appeal and the seven cent fare allowed in the New Jersey cities where the public service railway operates.

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19 181 THE FATE OF THE FIVE CENT FARE 55 1 been adopted in one form or another in some 27 communities. The increases, in many instances, have been obtained by the companies after surrender of their franchise rights and the problem of drawing up new agreements, or even the transfer to municipal ownership, is demanding much attention. Hard words are being bandied about in Chicago over the proposed street railway ordinance. Mayor Davis of Cleveland has gone on record as favoring municipal ownership, and Seattle’ and Portland are definitely attempting to take over the operation of their street railways. Perhaps the most extreme evidence of the tendency is the recent action of the Louisiana state legislature in passing an act authorizing municipalities to band together to build, own and operate interurban street railways. EFFECT OF INCREASED FARES It is difficult at the present writing to say just what has been (or will be) the effect of increased street railway fares upon the travelling public. In the cities where increases have been granted the financial results have been far from satisfactory. The United railways of St. Louis, finding that the six-cent fare is not producing sufficient revenue, are applying for a test of a three-zone system, with a minimum five-cent central area.* In several other cities the results have been disappointing to the companies. To this should be added the information that the companies, disappointed in their expectations, are asking further increases, until it would seem that as far as they are concerned “the sky is the limit.” On the other hand, as pointed out by Judge Ransom, fare increases may become a social factor of menacing importance as regards certain of the laboring classes. Word comes from Detroit that “violence and bloodshed” followed the short-lived attempt to increase street railway fares, and echoes of this dire condition have come from a number of other cities. We may all be sure that the end is not yet in sight, and if this all-important problem of municipal economy is to be satisfactorily solved the constructive thought and action of every public official and civic worker is urgently demanded. MISCELLANEOUS SOURCES OF INFORMATION General Sources THE LAW AND THE PRACTICE OF MuHoward Lee McCOMMENTARIES ON THE LAW OF MUBain. 1916. NICIPAL CORPORATIONS. John F. Dillon. M~~~~~~~ F~~~~~~~. ~~l~~ F. wil1911. A TREATISE ON THE LAW OF MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS. Eugene McQuillin. State Sources 1912. COMMISSION REGULATION OF PUBLIC New Yo&:-Public Service Corn&UTILITIES. National Civic Federation. sion, First District. Reports and Deci(Analysis of state public service commissions. Vol. IX, No. 6, June 30, 1918; sion laws.) Effect of Presidential Direction of Railroad NICIPAL HOME RULE. cox. 1910. 7 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, Vol. VII, p. 642. 8 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, Vol. VII, p. 591.

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552 I NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November Operation upon the Regulative Powers of State Commissions. An Opinion Rendered . . . by W. L. Ransom; Before Sureme Court New York County. Brook!? n Borough &'as Company v. Public Service bmmission, First District. Memorandum in behalf of the Defendant. Public Service Commission, Second District. People, ez. rel. New York & North Shore Traction Com ny v. Public Service Commission (162 N.?. Supp. 405; P. U. R. 1917B, 957. Decided December28,1916); In the Matter of the Application of Henry D. Quinby et al. . for a Writ of Prdhiiitibn agains't ;he Public Service Commission (223 N. Y. 244); Opinipns, Nos. 325,343,344,347,354,356 (published separately). Cd~ornia:-Public Utilities Act (as amended by Legislature of 1917) of the State of California, 1917; Opinions and Orders of the Railroad Commission of California. Decision No. 5636. Application No. 3788. Decided July 26, 1918; 0 inions and Orders, etc. Decision No. 5%60. Application No. 3805. Decided Au t 10, 1918. f!%bado:-Public Service Commission. William Campbell et al. v. City of Grand Junction . Decision No. 144 Case No. 134; Before Supreme Court. benuer & South Platte Railway Compang v. City of Englewood, 62 Colo. 229; 161 Pac. 151; Before U. S. Supreme Court. City of Enalewood v. The Denver & South Platte "Railway Co. (No. 324. Pending since October, 1917.) Connecticut:-Public Utilities Commission. Docket No. 2565. Hartford v. The Connecticut Company. District of Columbia:-Law creating the Public Utilities Commission of the District of Columbia. March 4, 1913. Georgia:-Railroad CommiBion of Georgia. Order and Opinion.. (File No. 13946.) Application of Georgia Railway and Power Company for increased fares. . . . Decided August !4, 1918. Illinois:-Public Utilities Commission. In the Matter of Proposed Advances of htes . . by Bloomington & Normal Railway & Light Company, etc. Order No. 7704;. City of Chicago. An ordmance authorizing the Chicago Local Transportation Company to construct maintain and operate a system of locd transportation, etc. In Journal of Proceedings of City Council. Meeting of August 14, 1918. Maryland:-Public Service Commission. Case No. 1492. Order No. 4452. Filed August 9, 1918. Opinion and order in the matter of the complaint of the Public Service Commission of Maryland v. Consolidated Gas, Electric and Power Company of Baltimore. Missouri:-Public Service Commission Law, 1917. Before the Public Service Commission of Missouri. Kansas City Railways Company v. Kansas City, a Municipal Corporation. Defendants' Brief and Argument. New Hampshire:-Public Service Commission. Reports and Orders. Vol. V, No. 11; Public Service Commission Reports and Orders. Vol. VI, Advance Sheet No. 6; Public Service Commission. Reports and Orders. Vol. VI, Advance Sheet No. 7. Nm Jersey:-Brief against *the A pli cation of the Public Semce Rallway 8oi pany for an increase of rates before the Board of Public Utility Commissioners of New Jersey by Marshall Van Winkle and George L. Record of Counsel for New Jerse State League of Municipalities Memgers of that League, 1918. Oklahoma:-Corporation Commission. Tenth Annual Report. Order No. 1255, p. 438' Corporation Commission. Tenth Annuat Report. Order No. 1259, p. 457 (affirmed by Supreme Court-see Public Utilities Reports Annotated, 1917-D, p. 947); Corporation Comminsion. Tenth Annual Report. Order No. 1214, p. 367. Oregon:-Oregon Decisions. Advance Sheets. Vol. 6, No. 9, July 31, 1918 (Portland v. Public S& Commission). Pennsylvania:-Public Service Commission. Complaint Docket No. 1716, No. 432. Harbor Creek Tmhip v. Buffalo and Lake Erie Traction Company; Public Service Commission. Complaint Docket NO. 1883, NO. 428. Bmough of Wilkinsburg v. Pittsburgh Railways Company. Rhode Island:-Report of the Special Commission (of state legislature) for the investigation of the affaus of the Rhode Island Company. March, 1918. Virginia:-State Corporation Commission. Case No. 706. Commonwealth of Virginia, at the relation of the City of Clifton Forge, Va. Washington:-Laws of Washington Relating to the Powers, Duties and Jurisdiction of the Public Service Commission of Washington. September, 1917; Washington Decisions. Advance Sheets. Vol. 3, No. 2, July 17, 1918 (City of Seattle v. Public Sewice Cornmission). West Virginia:-Public Service Commission. First Annual Report: Part 1, 1914. Public Semce Commission. Biennial keport. Part 1, 1915-1916. Wisconsin:-R a i 1 r o a d Commission. T. M. E. R. & L. Company v. Railroad Commission. 153 Wis. 592 (affirmed by Federal Supreme Court in 238 U. S. 174); Railroad Commission. Duluth Street Railway Company v. Raihoad Commission, 161 Wis. 245.

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19181 WAR TIME HOUSING IN AMERICA 553 WAR TIME HOUSING IN AMERICA’ BY JOHN IHLDER~ PhiWlphia N pre-war days we listed and discussed the reports3 on local housing conditions prepared for local committees and perhaps appended to them the names of a series of improved industrial villages created by corporations for their own employes and of one or two new and small limited dividend companies organized to improve the dwellings of wageearners in large cities. That was our seed time. Without it we should have entered the war totally unprepared to deal with one of the most difficult factors in our war industry problem-the housing of our workers. We should have provided far less effectively and with correspondingly greater loss through sickness and death, for the housing of our armies during their period of training. Had we begun our planting ten years earlier or been granted ten years more for the seed to germinate, the story of our war-time housing would have been a Merent one. As it is we have been compelled to force the harvest, to do in a scant year and a half what should have taken several years, to thresh out at high speed and with minds pre-occupied by an overwhelming mass of detail, policies and problems that should have been settled before construction began. Even to-day we have not settled these fundamental questions; we are fighting the battles without having fully decided upon the plan of campaign. Our great good fortune is that we had available men who had studied the problems involved, though on limited fields, and like our army officers whose only practice had been with regiments and divisions, they are now demonstrating an ability to think and act in terms of a nation mobilized. I NATIVE MIGRATION But this rapid progress makes futile any attempt to list and discuss individual communities as we did in the past. That way we are likely to miss seeing the forest because of the trees. A year and a half ago we were still thinking along old channels, though at slightly higher speed. The pre-war boom towns-Bridgeport, Flint, Hopewell, Penns Grovehad forced us to take new factors into our calculations. The virtual cessation of immigration from Europe, the migration of our nativb pop1 See article “Wooden Cities”:-The National Army Cantonments, by John IhIder Volume VII, pp. 139. 2 Secretary, Philadelphia housing association; representative U. S. housing corporation for Philadelphia; member, national city planning institute. 8 See NATXONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW.

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554 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November ulation to war industry centers, which reached a dramatic phase in the great negro migration of 1917, introduced new values. Our entrance into the war greatly increased this movement of native population. Certain sections of the country because of location, natural resources, established industries fitted to supply war essentials, drew workmen by the thousand and in some cases by the hundred thousand. At the same time the construction of new dwellings virtually ceased. Housing shortages in the war-industry centers became acute and private means were unable to meet the need. Yet unless the need were met, essential industries would halt because of lack of workers. We were compelled to think not in terms of a single manufacturing concern, even though it is as large as the U. S. Steel Corporation which built large towns, nor even in terms of a great industrial community like Philadelphia, which delights to call itself the workshop of the world, but in terms of a nation suddenly called upon to utilize all its resources to the utmost. WE ARE TOO BUSY FOR MAN?' REPORTS This change is reflected not so much in reports recently issued, for we are going too fast now to write many reports or to have them be little less than antiquated by the time they are published, but in the work that is being done. A year and a half ago we were issuing old-time reports; even in 1918 an occassional one appears from some still comparatively unhurried community, as that written by Robert E. Todd for the Des Moines housing commission. Especially effective are the illustrations. Mr. Todd has a way of writing his message on the photograph itself and using arrows to point to the exact spot to which he wishes to call attention that is much more effective than the usual description printed below a picture. It spoils the artistry, but it makes perfectly clear what he wants the reader to see. This report, like the interesting one on New Amsterdam, New York, written by Miss Udetta D. Brown, and that prepared for the city commission of Portland, Oregon, of which a summary is published in the Oregon Voter of July 20, 1918, raise again the old wonder how the citizens of a community can read such descriptions and not act. After enumerating the windowless rooms, the foul toilets and insanitary plumbing which make the city of roses smell like something quite different to a large proportion of its population, the Votm gives one picture in detail: It is excellent of its kind. PORTLAND, OREQON, CONDITIONS In one two-room tenement lives a family of four, and there is no direct access to the outside air in either room. There is no sink in either room. Water has to be carried from a distance and the slops carried out an equal distance. At the end of the hall is an enclosed toilet, which ventilates into the same hallway that the two enclosed rooms depend upon for what air they get. A stifling stench pervades the entire premises-and little

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19181 WAR TIME HOUSING IN AMERICA 555 children breathe this from morning until night and then the whole family breathes it all night long. Such is the home of one family in Portland, a rich, conservative city in a thinly settled commonwealth over which it may expand. Nor is this news to Portland, for it has been told similar stories during the past, half dozen years. What Portland lacks is energy, not to overcome the greed and selfishness of a few landlords, but its own inertia and lazy acceptance of tradition and conditions. THE INTEREST OF THE DYNAMIC BUSINESS ELEMENT In other parts of the country war is supplying this energy, but accompanying it by a loss of effective power. Suddenly aroused to the need of more housing and better housing the dynamic business element has set itself to secure new dwellings of an improved type, but has become so absorbed in this that it neglects to inquire into the conditions of existing dwellings. Bridgeport, Connecticut, is still our best example, for there some attention was paid to existing buildings and the law was strengthened even though the greatest attention was given to new construction. Even in Bridgeport the emphasis was so much on one side that the plans for a new “model” apartment house had to be redrawn to comply with the law. Bridgeport had the great advantage of a prewar boom, however, which eoncentrated outside attention upon it and brought it criticism and suggestion in plenty. Later towns, like Lockport, New York, did not awaken until the housing shortage had begun to become national in its effects, and the efforts of its housing company failed to excite much more than local interest. Their successes or failures may or may not have interest to us after the war. If now, like Elizabethtown, New Jersey, they do succeed in erecting a few good dwellings, despite the high costs of labor and material and the difficulty of securing capital, they have a double satisfaction, they are helping to meet their own needs and at the same time aiding the nation-providing the workers who inhabit their new dwellings are engaged in essential industries. Five years ago we would have watched such co-operative efforts with the greatest interest as indications of a long step forward from ownership by a single firm. Now we do not know whether their contribution is anything more than the provision of a few more dwellings. With these efforts of business groups to meet a need too great for the old-time competitive builder’s resources may be classed the latest comers among company villages: Berwin, Tennessee, the garden village of the Connecticut Mills Company, Sawyer Park at Williamsport, Pennsylvania, the new developments at Dayton and Youngstown and Morgan Park. Some of these may have technical features calling for study; some may show the way to meet a practical difficulty-or a way sure to lead us into difficulty and therefore to be avoided. With them again may be

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556 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November classed an ever-increasing number of pamphlets on housing issued by concerns which have something to sell. They are a natural sequel to the old-time housing reports from which they draw a great part of their argument. Now that the business man has at last awakened to the need of good housing for wage-earners other business men are ready to sell it to him. The “ready-cut house” firms were the first in this field, but they now have competitors among dealers in metal lath, cement, lumber. Many of their publications are handsomely gotten out, as that of the Associated Metal Lath Manufacturers entitled As a Man Liveth. Industrial Houses of Concrete and Stucco by the Atlas Portland Cement Company is more obviously a catalogue as its straightforward title indicates; while Housing and Industry by the National Lumber Manufacturers Association mingles housing philosophy with selling arguments. The National Fire Protective Association recognizes the new era by supplementing the building code of the National Board of Fire Underwriters with a pamphlet on Recommendations on Emergency Housing, and wellknown firms like Ballinger and Perot and the Aberthaw Construction Company call attention to their services past and prospective by pamphlets on Modern Industrial Housing and Industrial Housing Problems. It is such as these that prove hbusing has ceased to be the fad of reformers and become the business of practical men. If only the practical men had arrived a few years earlier-but then they would not have been practical. NATIONAL HOUSING ASSOCIATION’S PUBLICATION How fast we are moving in housing is indicated by the Proceedings of the National Housing Association, held in October, 1917, and of the symposium on war housing, held in Philadelphia in February, 1918. The former shows us trying to get some understanding of our war housing problem and using as illustrative the experiences of small communities like Kenosha and Akron or the great, but foreign one of England. It contains discussions on reducing the cost of workmen’s dwellings-reminiscent of a time when we dreamed of the $1,000 house, while now we are building $5,000 and $6,000 houses; on the best house for the small wageearner, while now we are building for the wage-earner who gets from $50 to $150 a week-the small wage-earner must wait in an old building until after the war; on housing by employers, while now employers are calling upon the government to build; on the real estate man, while now the real estate man is closing his almost useless office to take part in Liberty Loan drives, for his houses are all rented. Whatever conclusion could have been reached then on such subjects must be modsed now and probably still more modified before peace is signed-and after. Opinions are -or should be-based on facts. Yet this volume has more than an historic interest for it contains some discussions on questions which have not undergone such violent change.

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1918) WAR TIME HOUSING. IN AMERICA 557 .We are still concerned as to which department of the city government shall enforce housing lawsifor city governments‘still have their old powers over existing dwellings and even over new dwellings not built by a federal agency. We are still studying the problems of districting or zoning and still look to men like Lawson Purdy with his peace-time experience, for war has not changed the principles of city building and the federal authorities, immersed in detail, have not taken control of the development of cities as they have of the building and management of villages. Here the facts have not been greatly altered. WAR TIME HOUSING QUESTIONS The symposium, held four months later, shows the change. It was not g, conference with prepared papers, but a series of snap-shot discussions. It did not deal with generalizations but with immediate problems: ‘(TO what extent shall war workers be housed in temporary barracksin permanent homes?” The answer given then is now being worked out, “In barracks only until permanent houses can be erected or where the need is temporary”; “shall houses for war workers be rented or sold?” a question that could not be answered. Is the industry permanent or will it decline after the war, compelling the present tenant to seek work elsewhere while a man of a different trade takes his dwelling? Should the wage-earner own his home? The two great federal agencies engaged in house building, the Emergency Fleet corporation and the U. S. housing corporation, have opposite opinions. Without prejudice to these opinions in general, they seem recently to have agreed that no houses should be sold now. “Shall we provide for housing many women workers?” One great war industry in the Philadelphia district, in a community where dwellings have been overfilled for months, is now seeking 4,000 women employes. It is not a question of shall but of must. So with the question shall we encourage or discourage the ‘take a roomer campaign ’ ? ” Even at the time they were asked these questions as phrased had ceased to be pertinent. Only the remaining one remains live, “what is the best way to house the woman worker?” But it calls for a hundred answers. The woman worker, married, unmarried, mother and childless is with us as we never dreamed, in February, 1918, she would be. She works on railroad section gangs, in munition plants, she cleans city streets, and does home sewing for government arsenals. How shall she be housed? HOUSING STANDARDS Most of the war time changes in housing, great as they have been, only partially prepared for them as we were, are encouraging. Our unpreparedness has left us with fundamental questions unanswered. We are doing things not because we are convinced that they are the right things or that we are doing them in the right way, but simpIy because

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558 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November the war compelled us to do them in the first and quickest way we could. Yet day by day we are growing more confident that we shall find the answers. But in housing the war emphasis so far has been all on the side of construction. In that we have been able to secure the acceptance of good standards through the adoption of standards recommended for permanent industrial housing developments by the U. S. housing corporation, as well as through the work in both the housing corporation and the Emergency Fleet corporation of architects and housing specialists who know their importance. For our new federal housing we are also likely to have good maintenance. It is in the field of local government regulation that we have cause for most disquietude. One effect of the war has been to divert interest from local questions. Moreover many of the best not only of our citizens, but of our local officials have answered the call to national and foreign service, leaving their home communities much the poorer. As a result the local work has suffered. Even with their best citizens all at home and with interest in local problems keen, the present would have proved a difficult time. Here is the continued work that has no glamor of war, though its performance is essential to our war power. The man or woman who continues at it must either realize its importance enough to sacrifice himself or be one who puts personal security and ease first. There are workers of both kinds in our public services to-day, but both the number and the power of the first have been much decreased by the call to the colors. Municipal work has slackened; departments are undermanned and often incompetently manned. This is true in war industry centers as inthose where the only appeal to national service comes through the national government. And this is true in housing as it is in other branches of the local government. The machinery is still working, but at very low speed, in marked contrast to the feverish haste of the federal government’s housing machinery. Yet in the war industry centers it is of quite as great importance. In Philadelphia there may and should be erected 15,000 to 20,000 new houses. That is the federal government’s task. To do this task it has called in the best men from all over the country and they are working tremendously. In Philadelphia there are nearly 400,000 existing dwellings. To maintain them in proper sanitary condition would be a service many times greater in result than the erection of new dwellings, for they house many times the number of shipyard and munitions workers who will inhabit the government’s dwellings. But that is old work, it has become more or less routine, and it has not the official stamp of being national service. In its performance there is none of the spirit that characterizes the federal work, a spirit that leads men to work day and night regardless of hours. Even in New Jersey, where the board of tenement house supervision has increased its work, there is no indication given by the latest annual report, that the board realizes the new duties

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19181 WAR TIME HOUSING IN AMERICA 559 and new opportunities of these days. Yet New Jersey at its northern and southern extremities comes within two of the great war industry districts. In New York a recent proposal by real estate interests that the tenement house department be abolished as a measure of economy and on the plea that it has done its work, was answered by a former commissioner by quoting figures showing the needs of the normal civil population. In Philadelphia, where the health of a vastly increased working population is of immediate and vital concern to the nation, the work is under the supervision of temporary appointees and no attempt has been made to do more than simply go through the established routine. FEDERAL INTEREST IN LOCAL CONDITIONS In grateful contrast to these cities is Buffalo, not because of what it has accomplished, but because its health and housing officials see their task in its true relation to our national program and desire to do their full duty. Like the other cities mentioned, Buffalo is a war industry center. The health department, under which is the enforcement of housing regulations, has made a thorough study of the situation which showed definitely the dearth of vacant dwellings, the falling off in new construction and the increasing population. It admits that under these conditions it cannot maintain all standards as it would and calls attention to the increase of families in lodgings. But it does maintain sanitary standards and in spite of the dearth of dwellings, to which its own report called attention, it vacated five tenement houses because of their insanitary condition. In this it has the moral support of the federal authorities, for the U. S. housing corporation, whose purpose in being is to secure additional housing for war workers, constantly lays emphasis upon the need of making and keeping dwellings wholesome and habitable. So important do the federal authorities consider this that a short time ago Adjutant General H. B. Smith and Dr. W. F. King, of the Indiana health department, warned East Chicago that unless it improved its housing and sanitation martial law would be declared. So far, however, the federal authorities have not interfered in local housing regulation except in the immediate neighborhood of large camps. There, as at Norfolk, they have made their influence felt. What they may do in the near future may be another story, unless the local authorities awaken to the fact that they too have a part to play in the war. For the increasing interest of the ordnance and navy departments in the health of workers on war contracts points in the same way as does that of the CJ. S. housing corporation, which already has made housing surveys of fifty-two cities in its search for available dwellings and which, despite its desire to secure accommodations, discards all insanitary houses, residence in which would reduce the productive efficiency of workers

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560 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November “Every effort,” it states officially, “is being made to protect health and morals and gain comfort.” So for the period of the war we are likely to have an increase of federal initiative and control based upon the need for producing at our maximum. Until the end of September this was as far as any one in authority at Washington would go. Federal participation in housing was a war measure and even those who are working out the plans for managing the new industrial communities built with government money would say nothing publicly of what they thought should be done with those communities when war ends. One even declared that the subject is of no interest to him, that when peace is signed he will give up his position and that so far as he is concerned the government may scrap them all, as it can afford to do considering the small part they represent of the total war cost. WILL WAR COMMUNITIES BE SCBAPPED? But they will not be scrapped. Some of these developments are among the best examples in existence of industrial communities. They are a permanent addition to the national wealth. The time is at hand when, without relaxing our efforts to win a speedy and decisive military victory, we must begin to think of peace. We went into war unprepared and it has cost us billions more than it otherwise would. But war brings with it an exaltation that overrides obstacles. If we go into peace unprepared we shall unnecessarily waste more billions, and peace may bring with it a weariness and lassitude that can be overcome only by having a clearly defined purpose. Senator Weeks took the first step in his resolution advocating the appointment of a congressional committee on reconstruction, one of whose purposes will be a consideration of the housing problem. When that committee, or some other agency, congressional or administrative, begins to study the proper disposition of the government’s housing developments it will find one clear-cut proposal awaiting it in the plan put forth by the committee on new industrial towns, according to which they shall be owned by all their inhabitants as a group, not by some of them as individuals.

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561 19181 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS FOEt WAR AND PEACE’ BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Philadelphia VERY individual, and every organization is now n,aking a war record, just as is the soldier and the company of s(,~~~~~~ at the front, and this record must always stand a credit or a shame. As the president of a civic league in Florida has so pertinerltly declared, “if there was ever a reason for the existence of such an or’ kanization as increase the this civic league, a body of citizens working together ‘to mprove local public interest in all matters relating to good citizenship, to i ,s any reason conditions, and to promote the general welfare,’ if there wa exist to-day? for our banding together four years ago, does that reason not ery existence Is it not increased many fold when need is threatening the v of entire nations, and no one can tell what tax will be put upon the resources of our own fair land?” E WAR WORK BEHIND THE LINES This is the spirit of every civic body, city, state and national, of which we have record. Increased civic activities are as essential tc ) the winning ?ms. “Hold of the war, as they are to the solution of the after war probk for the boys the home lines,” “Service in the home trenches,” “Prepare cribed on the when they come home,” are some of the suggestive slogans ins banners of our civic forces. the studerit of history who is able to place himself within the strc:,; of evoluplace on the tion the really important events of to-day are not taking battle lines, but behind them.”. . . ‘f immediate “What is municipal war work” is a pressing question o iinistrations, moment claiming the attention alike of city and federal adn uestion. In for the war has made it both a municipal and a federal q these days of need for vast sums to equip and maintain our 6 bhting forces the federal our federal government has of necessity assumed through’ reserve board, the capital issues cominit,tee and the war fina nce corporation a supervision and control over municipal finances (insofr w as municipal borrowing is concerned) that forces new definitions and d elimitations. the Chicago In a letter to the Chicago plan commission the president of associabioii of commerce said : I have notieed in press reports that t,here is an appn.rent discourage consitlerntion of some of t,lw projects of the 1 Coiideiieetl rel:ort of the xltlress of the secret,ary of the National Mu . . at, the nnnii:il niwting held in Sew Pork Cit,v, dime 6, 1918. In the words of Winston Churcllill IIII i.r;>ti.l Leque

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562 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November commission because of the war. I am not surprised at this, for it is in line with the suggestion made by some people in connection with other local problems. It is nevertheless, unfortunate, because while winning the war must be the predominant thought with all of our people, the victory will be a barren one if we have failed to conserve present worthy objects and forward consideration at least of the plans for the future. The Chicago association of commerce has been giving its energy to whole-hearted support of the war problem. At the same time we have not shed the burdens of encouraging local business and civic effort. We have tried to profit by the experience of our Allies. I believe that any study of the municipal and national affairs of the European countries who have been through three years of intensive warfare will show conclusively that part of the war program was the planning of large municipal undertakings and extension of foreign and domestic trade. This is in line with the best English and French thought on the subject. ... FEDERAL CONTROL OF THE SOCIAL EVIL Federal control is being exercised in another highly important direction, “There is not a single red light district existing to-day within an effective radius of any army cantonment or naval station where any considerable number of soldiers or sailors are in training.” Raymond B. Fosdick, chairman of the commission on training camp activities, declared in summing up vice conditions around military camps: Twenty-five segregated districts within the five-mile zones established around military camps have been closed under the congressional enactment which provides for absolute repression in these areas. Beyond the dead line in cities contiguous to military camps many more have been abolished through the co-operation of federal, state and civic authorities. “ Scatteration,” which has invariably followed the abolition of segregation in these cities, also has been combatted effectively. Varying degrees of public ignorance and prejudice have hampered the effective enforcement of laws. There have been people who have opposed any change when a clean-up was ordered, failing to realize the destructive influence of the segregated zones upon the military efficiency of the soldiers and sailors. Others have argued that the abolition of segregation would scatter evil throughout the community. These conditions coupled with the apathy of a few public officials have forced the government to take drastic steps to bring certain cities to a realization of their duty in keeping their soIdier and sailor visitors fit for fighting. At Seattle, Washington, recently pressure brought about by indignant citizens forced the officials to make a sweeping clean-up of all questionable places after soldiers from Camp Lewis at American Lake, Washington] had been forbidden to enter the city because of the vicious conditions existing there. To accomplish these ends the federal authorities acting through army and navy officers have not hesitated to “take over,” “control,” “commandeer,” call it what one pleases, the police force of the communities

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19181 MVNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS 5 63 failing on their own initiative to protect our boys from a danger almost as great as the enemy’s guns. . . . As a whole the Fosdick commission is meeting with patriotic co-operation from citizens, who will not permit the continuance of immorality in their town to compromise the municipality’s devotion to the cause of winning the war. The American people are coming to see that all the evils which are alleged to exist in the camps are more prevalent in civil life. As the social service commission of the Diocese of Pennsylvania pointed out, “It is here that habits are learned and acquired. We must therefore get at the root of the matter and purge our home conditions. Prostitution, gambling, drinking are not to be blamed only on our soldiers and sailors as such. They are to be blamed on the citizens and city government which allow them to exist, and we must act accordingly.” Therefore it is not surprising to find that the influence of the Fosdick commission is spreading into the cities and states. . . . THE RETURNING SOLDIER AND WHAT HE WILL FIND Indeed it is a pertinent question to ask “What sort of a city will the soldier find when he comes back from the front?” In the words of the Bishop of Pennsylvania : Here, then, is our work cut but for us, put up to us. It is every bit as criticad as the work which is done in first line trenches. It is even more important. For there is no use in plowing if there is no seed. There is no use in building houses if there are no tenants. There is no use in conquering the Germans on the battlefields abroad if we are not preparcd to use the fruits of victory at home! This war is waged to make the world a decent place to live in, or, as Christians would prefer to put it, to set up the Kingdom of God upon this earth. Prudence, brethren, suggests that we should set about it here and now. “Behold! I make all things new.” When the.boys come home they will be bent on newness. They will look with new eyes upon our homes, our education, our commercial system, our politics, our international relations. There will be a new and grim strength of purpose behind their demand for drastic change. Shall they, or shall they not, find us ready for it and working at it? CHANGES IN METHODS, STANDARDS AND IDEALS In every direction the war is making changes in methods, in dtandards, in ideals. It is sweeping into the dump heapbld ideas of public life and service, old ideas of administration and legislation. It is bringing new forces into the field. It is welding the nation together as never before. The various drives for the Liberty Loan, Thrift, the War Savings Stamps, the Red Cross, the War Chest are performing a great function. They are making Americans. They are making America known unto herself. They are Americanizing Americans. The government as such is being brought to the knowledge and consciousness of the smallest com

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564 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November munity, the humblest individual and this is bound to be reflected in the public activities of the individual and of their organization. Particularly in the cities will this new spirit manifest itself where congestion already great is becoming greater. The influx of new citizens, however, will tend to break up old combinations and make new and more public-spirited ones possible. THE NEW AMERICANIZATION Our foreign populations are being touched and melted into our citizenship. Once we thought of Americanization as John Collier so happily puts it as consisting of getting naturalized. Then we thought that learning English was Americanization. Then we decided that a better intellectual grasp of American history and of American political ways was needed for Americanizing the immigrant. Then the war came along, and our conception of Americanization broadened a thousand-fold. What does Americanization mean to us now? We are in the world arena, no longer an isolated people. We have decided that nations across the globe from us are fighting for those ideals for which our American grandfathers fought. We have decided that democracy is a world issue, that justice is an international concern, that brotherhood is as wide as the human race. We are no longer just talking about these things, we are giving our treasure, we are freezing in the winter and putting our children on short rations and we will ere long be shedding the blood of our soldiers, because we believe that these things are so. We now see that Americanization consists in a fitting of all the dwellers in America, alien and native alike, for that new and greater, more gorgeous, more generous-hearted America of to-morrow. Our Americanism looks forward, not backward. THE FAILURE OF AMERICAN CITIES It is not an edifying spectacle, however, to see our cities failing in important duties at this critical time, failing to such an extent that the federal government is compelled to interfere in the interests of the preservation of the American Army. New York, Philadelphia, Chicago have not been giving a good account of themselves and numerous smaller cities are falling behind in their citizenship as shown in their elections. Public spirited, socially conscious, far visioned men have not been conspicuously to the front as candidates. The most that cities like Chicago can say is that loyal men have been chosen-but we must have something more than loyalty, something more than goodness-we must have loyalty and goodiiess plus,-plus ability, public spirit, vision, a discernment of the time. . . . Who was it that aaicl: “Democracy can never be achieved in reality wit,hout direct understanding and conscious participation of every indivitlunl citizen.” We shall never have good goveriiinent, in the broadest conception of t8hat term, until we want, want all the time, want it suffi

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19181 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS 565 ciently to work for it, not now and then, not a few days each year, but every day in every year. PUBLIC INTEREST AND PUBLIC SERVICE There seems to be a recession in certain of the commission-managed cities which have heretofore bulked large in the public eye, notwithstanding that in many communities the commission manager is considered a war measure. Largely because the people in those communities thought that the form of government took the place of, and made unnecessary, the active co-operation of the citizenry. There is a direct ratio between public interest and public service. Let us hope that the women who are so generally coming into a direct participation in the responsibility for government will exercise the same persistency, intelligence and fine appreciation of the situation they have been manifesting in their war time activities. They are unquestionably fitting themselves for an effective participation in public affairs that holds out great hope for the future. In this crisis the National Municipal League stands (to quote from a letter of a Minneapolis member to his friends in that city) “as it has always stood, for honest and efficient city administration. It is going to fight during the war to make every city efficient for war service. Whether the need is good housing for munition workers, expert organization for relief of war sufferers, a bet.ter charter, or better business standards, the National Municipal League will lend its aid and its advice. It will do its part to keep the cities efficient and safe for democracy. Nay, it may be depended upon to do more. It may be depended upon to promote a truly democratic spirit without which democracy will be safe nowhere. . . . Why is this so? J# GERMAN AND AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP CONTRASTED In the words of the editor of The Canadian Municipal Journal: Citizenship, as we understand the term, is unknown in Germany, the men and women being merely numbers, their usefulness being measured principally by their procreation proclivities. Compare this form of citizenship with what we enjoy in America or can enjoy if we would but put forth our hand, the control of our government, its conception, its purpose, its administration, its ideals. The basis of our voting lists is becoming truly democratic, our governmental machinery is being simplified and made truly responsive, equal opportunities are being opened to all, brotherhood and social interdependence are developing on every side, co-operation is becoming the order of the day: . . . PRUSSIANISM IN OUR CITIES There is a form of Prussianism in our cities, however, which must be exterminated-the autocratic boss and his machine. It represents in

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566 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November spirit and practice all that we are fighting to defeat on the battlefields of Europe. We must not fail, those of us who remain upon this side of the ocean, to do our share in rooting out every form of Prussianism, wherever found, wherever practiced. It is hateful in Europe. It is equally hateful here and we must not ask our boys who are hazarding their all to come back home to find here what they thought they had defeated and killed across the waters. We must prepare for the future, now, by building up our cities as strong, efficient democratic units, that they may do their full share in winning the war and be prepared to solve the multitude of difficulties which will follow in the wake of the war. The breaking out of war found us unprepared for its prosecution. Let us hope and work that the coming of peace will not find us unprepared for peace. THE SURVEY AS AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY BY MURRAY GROSS Philadelphia A MERICAN democracy was not ushered in complete, nor has it been handed on from generation to generation unchanged. It has reacted under the influence of international relations; the tremendous development of industry; the enormous growth of cities; the movement of population to cities; the immigration of foreign peoples; the influx of women in industry; and other variations in the life of the nation. These changes have been most potent in affecting our public affairs during the past few decades, and by their nature have given rise to innumerable new problems in social and economic life as well as in political and governmental administration. The past has shown much experimentation in its attempts to get at, interpret, and solve pubIic problems. During the past decade, while experimentation has not ceased, the efforts of communities in outlining programs of correction, readjustment and betterment have more and more been based on social, industrid, and civic investigations and surveys, having as their aim a scientific solution of the problems that confront the communities. By their nature, these movements toward scientific solution of public problems are predicated on a desire for a peaceful and economical process as a substitute for the wasteful, oftentimes illadapted, experimental efforts of the past. Indeed, as Dr. Shelby M. Harrison, director of the department of surveys of the Russell Sage Foundation, says in his Community Action Through Surveys, (' Something

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19181 SURVEY AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY 567 mighty fundamental in the fabric of our public affairs has been inweaving in the last dozen years or more, something that bears the marks of high resolve, and that carries the infection of life and youth and renaissance.” IMPORTANCE OF THE SURVEY MOVEMENT That interpretation of Dr. Harrison of the spirit impregnating our community life gives emphasis to the importance of the social and civic survey movement in the process of peaceful social, economic, and governmental readjustment and renewal. This readjustment and renewal depends above all things upon the correcting power of dependable facts, and these must be gathered as carefully and faithfully as the scientist in any field of research gathers facts and in the same way be supplemented by such an analysis and handling as will make them potent in correcting the community faults that are discovered through them and in stimulating such existing tendencies as promote the common welfare. Since its inauguration in the Pittsburgh Survey in 1907, the scientific social and civic survey movement has spread enormously with increasing momentum throughout the country. While the department of surveys and exhibits of the Russell Sage Foundation and the New York bureau of municipal research have been leading the way in scientific survey activities, other public and private agencies have resorted to the method and plan of the scientific survey for making inquiries into and constructive recommendations in regard to social, civic, and other conditions. Prominently among these are the United States war emergency boards, the federal bureau of education, the children’s bureau, the public health service, state and city boards of health, civic federations, charity societies, housing associations, city planning boards, churches, home and foreign missionary societies, Sunday schoo1 associations, Young Men’s and Young Women’s Christian Associations, chambers of commerce, tax associations, women’s clubs, civic improvement societies] vice commissions, city boards of public welfare, state boards of charities, recreation associations, committees of private citizens] colleges, universities, and boards of education. It is obviously impossible to mention specifically all the scientific surveys and investigations which have been made. In geographical distribution, they extend from Boston to San Francisco and from Montreal to New Orleans; and in scope they cover practically every phase of community life and problems. DISTINCTION BETWEEN GENERAL AND SPECIAL SURVEYS Broadly the scientific surveys classify themselves into two groups: general social and civic surveys and special subject surveys. The former, comprehensive in scope, involve “the application of scientific method to the study and solution of social problems, which have specific geographical limits and bearings, plus such a spreading of facts and recommendations

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568 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November as will make them, as far as possible, the common knowledge of the community and a force for intelligent co-ordinated action.” They involve the careful investigation, analysis, and interpretation of the facts of social and civic problems; the recommendation and outlining of action based on the facts, and the acquainting and educating of the community not only to conditions found but to the corrective and preventive measures to be adopted. They lay, moreover, emphasis upon the importance of studying social and civic problems in the various community wide relations and urge co-operative action on a community wide basis. The special subject surveys, on the other hand, as the terminology implies, cover only a specific field of social, civic, and governmental activity, and are generally intended more for the guidance of administration in the fields which they concern than for the formulation of public opinion. This distinction between the general social and civic survey and the special subject survey is important because it must be borne in mind not only in the plan and method adopted for the survey, but also in the management and handling of its findings and recommendations in relation to the community of interest which the survey affects. Moreover, a disregard of this distinction has in some quarters aroused a discouragement as to the results attending surveys which is unwarranted under the conclusions of a more thoughtful consideration of the subject. Here and there too much impatience is manifested under an apparent inability to connect up with a particular survey specific or concrete results. In this connection it must always be remembered that a scientific survey shows conditions and needs, and furnishes a program of improvements; but after all the program must be carried out very largely by other agencies than those that made the investigation, which on account of the nature of the changes sought and the magnitude of the recommendations involved, very often cannot be expected to accomplish the aims of the survey in an instantaneous and revolutionary manner. Time is an essential factor. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE INTANGIBLE INFLUENCE OF SURVEYS Constantly this query in regard to scientific surveys is heard: Do the surveys really lead to action? In answer to this, A. L. Bowen, secretary of the Illinois state charities commission, may be aptly quoted in his words referring to the important Springfield survey: In any campaign such as the survey is, we must always look for two classes of results. We must ferret out the intangible or abstract results. We must find the tangible or concrete results. Very often the intangible results of a great public welfare movement are by far the most important and far-reaching. . . . The intangible results of the Springfield survey are worth more to our community than those which we can actually see with our eyes or touch with our hands. I would say a new community conscience, or, perhaps, more truthfully, an aroused and stimulated Do results follow?

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19181 SURVEY AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY 569 community conscience, is the most noteworthy effect of the survey. Our attitude as a community toward all questions affecting its well-being has radically changed. We see meanings in them and react to them in a different manner. Our sense of duty in many cases where it would have been dormant now asserts itself and prompts us to action. Or as H. T. Chase, chief editorial writer of the Topeka Daily Capital, in an article on the survey of Topeka recently made, said: The survey has broadened the foundations of existing welfare organizations and has awakened a larger and more sympathetic popular confidence in systematic and organized methods of welfare work, as well as a deeper consciousness of municipal responsibilities and capabilities, a profounder sense of the city’s unity. In general it may be said that in every instance of a social and civic survey in which the investigation, analysis of facts, and recommendations for betterments have been adequately and properly made, the result has been a community education and awakening. This in itself constitutes the essential public background for the correction and improvement of social, political, and other conditions in a democracy. It is not going too far afield to say that much of the success that has accompanied the operation of the United States war emergency boards, including the work of the food and the fuel administration throughout the country, is due, first, to the careful investigation of the facts pertaining to the country’s situation, and, second, to the preparation of the public mind and the mobilization of public opinion in support of the plans and public restrictions which necessarily had to accompany the activities of these boards in doing their part in the prosecution of the war. No one can view the tangible or concrete results obtained by scores of surveys, including the Pittsburgh, the Springfield, the Topeka, and other notable ones, without being impressed by the importance of their specific, tangible, concrete accomplishments. A glance at this aspect of the Springfield and Topeka surveys will illustra.te to what extent they have influenced and are influencing the communities with which they are concerned. Here are some of the details of specific results in the affairs of the city of Springfield that followed the Springfield survey as reported by Dr. Shelby M. Harrison, director of the department of surveys and exhibits of the Russell Sage Foundation, in his Community Action Through Surveys: SPRINGFIELD RESULTS (a) In the Public Schools: 1. The rules of the board of education have been revised, reducing the number of committees to three as follows: Education, finance and supplies, and school property.

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570 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November 2. The junior high school system has been adopted, and four junior high schools organized. 3. A new high school principal was elected, and the entire organization and course of study changed. A well-planned system of supervised study has been introduced, and it is reported that the best of discipline is obtained without friction. 4. A new modern high school building is now being erected and will be ready for occupancy next year. This building will accommodate about 1,500 pupils, and will cost, completed, about $500,000. 5. The lighting, ventilation, and general sanitation of all the schools have been given attention and greatly improved. Fire exit locks have been placed on all outside doors, and fire escapes on the high school. 6. The new school buildings in course of erection meet much higher standards with respect to lighting, heating, ventilation and sanitation. 7. A special supervisor of buildings is employed to see that the property of the school district is kept in proper repair. 8. Patrons' clubs have been organized in every district of the city, and nearly every school house is now used as a social center for neighborhood meetings. Public meetings and political discussions are held in the auditoriums of several schools, and about one third of the voting places of the city are now located in school buildings. 9. The number of teachers employed in manual training and household arts has been more than doubled since the survey, and pre-vocational training and guidance are promoted. 10. The school census has been revised, and valuable additional information is now obtained. 11. A new salary schedule of teachers and janitors has been established on a basis of efficiency, and the required qualifications of principals and teachers have been raised. 12. Seven branch libraries have been established in as many different schools, and in five other centers, the books being furnished to each of them thr'ough the city library. 13. Attendance department has been reorganized and an experienced supervisor of attendance has been secured. The work of the department has been studied and systematized. 14. Finally the entire course of study for the elementary, junior high, and senior high schools, has been revised and made more modern. (b) In Delinquency and Corrections: 1. The sheriff has pledged himself to turn into the county treasury approximately $7,500 per year of profits from feeding prisoners in the county jail. For his four-year term the total will approximate $30,000, an amount alone that exceeds the cost of the Springfield survey. 2. The closing of the former large and flourishing red-light district of the city. It had existed as a recognized community institution for fifty years. 3. Appointment of a policewoman and woman deputy sheriff. 4. Improvement of the juvenile detention home. 5. Improvements made in conditions in the county jail and a beginning made in putting city and county prisoners at work in farming and gardening. Progress toward the establishment of a modern institution for the care of the city and county prisoners is also reported. A first return has already been made.

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19181 SURVEY AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY 571 6. The humane society has abandoned its plan of subsidizing regular policemen for its work. (c) In Health: 1. Infant hygiene work started. 2. Announcement made of a movement on foot for new contagious disease hospital facilities. 3. The tuberculosis association has reorganized itself and its work, placing more emphasis upon educational features. 4. Free dispensary established at St. John’s hospital. 5. Publication of the milk inspection scorings of milk dealers has been started by the health department and an improvement in the milk situation is claimed. (d) In Charities: 1. A new associated charities secretary has been secured and marked improvements have been made in the society’s methods. In fact, its work has been completely reorganized. 2. A county child welfare organization is planned. 3. Better co-operation between private charitable societies and between the public and private agencies has been accomplished. 4. Improvements have been made in bringing legal influence to bear upon non-supporting husbands and fathers. 5. Home for the Friendless has begun to initiate placing-out and other child welfare work along lines recommended. A trained nurse has been added to its staff, and the physical condition of the children is reported greatsly improved. 6. A trained nurse employed to care for the tuberculous and other sick patients at the county poor farm, and food and rooms for them improved. 7. The attendance department of the public schools has been reorganized with a view to closer co-operation with the associated charities and other social agencies. An experienced supervisor has been secured to have charge of the work. 8. A tangible new interest in its charitable institutions on the part of the community is also reported. 9. A central council of social agencies organized. (e) In Recreation: 1. Employment by the board of education of a director of hygiene to take charge of playgrounds, athletics, and social centers. 2. Extension of athletic organization among elementary school children, and the holding of athletic contests for them and a play festival for all Springfield citizens. 3. Extension of park board’s plans for equipment of play sections of parks and an attempt to work out a plan of supervision in conjunction with school board. 4. Free public golf courses in two of the city’s largest parks have been established. 5. Bathing heaches with proper protection and safeguards have been constructed in two of the parks. 6. Complete reorganization of the Y. M. C. A. work and the extension of its physical department. 7. Clean-up of one burlesque theater.

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572 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November TOPEKA RESULTS Similarly, the specific developments in the city of Topeka, following upon the publication of the findings and recommendations of the Topeka survey, show: (a) In Health: secured. milk situation reported. Kansas provided for and built. Cost, $150,000. ciation. (b) In Delinquency and Corrections: court. lishing a farm workhouse for lawbreakers. will be voted on at the next election. (c) In Industrial Conditions: it power to limit women’s hours of work and fix minimum wages. 1. Full-time health officer, a specialist in public health and sanitation, 2. New and more able milk inspector secured, and improvement in the 3. Health department laboratory with laboratory worker established. 4. East-side sewer system in the largest unsewered settled area in 5. Development of infant hygiene work by public health nursing asso6. First printed annual report of the health department issued. 1. Establishment of detention home for children held for the juvenile 2. Bill passed legislature to permit city and county to unite in estabA bond issue for this purpose 1. Bill passed legislature establishing industrial commission and giving INDIANAPOLIS RESULTS Concerning the tangible results that have already come in the life of the city from the recent survey of the municipal government of Indianaapolis, conducted under the direction of the New York bureau of municipal research, Robert E. Tracy, director of the bureau of governmental research of the Indianapolis chamber of commerce, says : 1. The new city administration is using the survey report as its guide. 2. The city has been divided into four fire districts with a battalion 3. Fire stations are used for police sub-stations. 4. A number of policewomen are to be appointed. 5. The purchasing agent is maintaining current liability records. 6. Plans have been inaugurated for consolidating the local governments now operating within the city limits. These governments include a county, four townships, an independent corporation called Woodruff place, and the municipality. 7. The survey report has done more to create public interest in the municipal government of Indianapolis than anything that has been accomplished in many years. A very important index of tangible and concrete achievements of scientific surveys is found in the improvements and the economies of financial operations which result from an increased efficiency in pbblic chief at the head of each.

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1918) SURVEY AN IMPLEMENT OF DEMOCRACY 573 administration. Along this line, it may be cited that one of the beneficial resultants of the early Pittsburgh survey was the elimination of conspicuous features of the taxation system of Pittsburgh, which prior to 1912, distributed the tax burden very unevenly among the citizens of the municipality. Some property under the city’s old scheme of levying taxes paid more than three times the rates paid by other properties, and the high rates in most cases fell upon those least able to pay. The survey of the administrative departments of the city of New York, made by the New York bureau of municipal research, is credited with having saved the taxpayers of New Y?rk city several million dollars. As a result of the survey of San Francisco, carried out under the direction of the New Yorlc bureau, the tax rate of 1918 was reduced four points. This is the first reduction in the history of the city. In its report, the survey pointed out where San Francisco could save a million dollars a year, and the recommendations were immediately adopted to such an extent as to effect half that amount, thereby enabling the city to make its notable reduction in taxation. During the past year, under the guidance of the same New York bureau, a survey of Montreal was initiated and financed by the city government of Montreal at a cost of $18,000. The report of this survey sets forth in detail how Montreal can also save the taxpayers of the city a million dollars. THE SURVEY MOVEMENT AS IT STANDS TO-DAY In summing up, it may be said the scientific survey movement has justified its inception, and as an implement of democracy it promises to play an important r6le in national, state and local affairs. An immediate and adequate presentation of the results that have accrued from the movement would require more time and painstaking work than any one has yet been able to devote to it. Wherever surveys have been made, however, the intangible or abstract results in the community life are generally manifest, and the tangible or concrete accomplishments are appearing day by day in practical realizations which contribute highly to the wellbeing of the communities affected. During the past year the survey movement has been considerably curtailed in its activities and developments by the national mobilization of the forces of the country in prosecuting the war against an invasion of international and humanitarian rights, but in spite of this situation, the following noteworthy surveys have heed undertaken and some of them completed: Municipal gouernment surveys of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania; Buffalo, New York; Columbus, Ohio; Indianapolis, Indiana; Jamestown, New York; .Kansas City: Missouri; Mobile, Alabaiiia; Montreal, Canada; Richmond, Virginia; and San Francisco, California. A police survey of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Finance surveys of Rochester and of Nassau County, New York. Charter surveys for Mt. Veriioii. Sew York, and Kingsport, Tennessee. Chari

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574 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November ties surveys of Rochester, New York, and of Lexington, Kentucky. School surveys of San Francisco, California, and Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. A hospital survey of Rochester, New York. Sickness surveys of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania ; Chelsea Neighborhood, New York City; and the principal cities of Pennsylvania and West Virginia. A survey of the state employes’ pension system of New Jersey. And a survey of the juvenile institutions and courts of New Jersey. A LOCAL RECONSTRUCTION PROGRAM BY LEROY E. SNYDER’ Rochester, N. Y. I T IS axiomatic that in war time no sacrifice of individual interest or of the normal social activities of a nation is too great, if that sacrifice is necessary to the winning of the war and is not destructive of the fundamental and essential interests of the state. The personal sacrifices that are being made by individuals in many countries now at war are of such a nature as could not have been anticipated in times of peace. It is perhaps conceivable that, in an overwhelming national emergency, demanding the sacrifice of every personal comfort and convenience to achieve victory, men might walk the streets naked and be unashamed. These considerations must influence any decision reached in a discussion of war time work of civic organizations, but they make necessary a fundamental examination of the kind and quality of service rendered by civic organizations to the state. We have had repeatedly quoted the words of President Wilson, “War must not destroy civic efficiency.” If war did destroy civic efficiency it would be suicidal. A national life which is not wholesome, purposeful and promising in future usefulness, is not worth any effort to save. We know men who feel that almost any kind of civic work is more or less of a luxury, and therefore quite dispensable in war times. If we were to take the point of view of those who hold this opinion (whether or not they are conscious of its implications), we should have to say that, immediately upon the nation’s becoming involved in such a struggle as this war, it is not only necessary but desirable that all civic work be immediately stopped. I recently received a letter from a man who has achieved a national reputation for effective community service, in which he said, “No amount of municipal reform will avail us if we lose 1 Director of the Rochester bureau of municipal research. Address delivered at the luncheon held in connection with the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, June 5, 1918.

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19181 A LOCAL RECONSTRUCTION PROGRAM 575 the war.” But we are convinced that the winning of the war will avail us nothing if we come out of it with a fundamental impairment of those social values for which our state stands, and which alone give validity to our position in the struggle. There is a fable of a man who fought for the preservation of a great treasure, but who became so engrossed in the struggle that he stooped to ignoble methods and so made himself unworthy of that which he guarded. When victory came he opened the strong box in which his treasure lay only to find that it had turned to ashes. Let us admit that, because of the regard in which the warrior has been held since the beginning of man’s life, they who take a direct part in the struggle work in the full blaze of sunlight, while those who serve less obvious needs of the state work in the shadow. This must be accepted. It is a difficult thing to deny the claims of service directly connected with the conduct of the war, and to this many of us can testify. But;as I conceive it, there must be men who are willing to deny themselves the satisfaction of directly contributing to the aims of the war, in order more effectively to render that service which they know themselves best able to perform. Some of us must remain in civic activities in order that the values which are conserved by those activities may be saved to the nation in the days of victory. These are abstractions, yet I am only trying to put into words the thoughts which have been going through my mind since our declaration of war. We all know that men engaged in such work as that in which we are interested must first conceive of their work in terms of abstract ideals, and then have the ability to translate those ideals into concrete action. We know of several civic organizations that have left the field since we entered the war, as it seems because of a lack of such ideals, because the men who supported them were not fundamentally convinced of the indispensable nature of the work being done. Had the men supporting those institutions held a different theory of the nature of the work to which they had pledged themselves, they would have kept alive such work no matter at what sacrifice. Granting all this, it must of course be admitted that sensible men will use, in such abnormal times as those in which we find ourselves, the greatest discretion and common sense which they can command. It is a question of relative values. There are civic activities which are absolutely essential, there are those which are important but not urgent, and there are still others which are easily to be dispensed with. My own feeling is that, as the struggle grows more intense, it will be necessary for us to give more thought to the particular activities we shall pursue, and that probably in the end we shall be doing only those things which appeaI to the universal judgment as vital to the conduct of the war and the preservation of the essential interests of the state.

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576 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November There are certain studies which a bureau of governmental research, for instance, can and should undertake in times of peace, when the citizen can bring to bear upon public questions his normal judgment, that are in war time-by the very force of circumstances-made more or less futile. What these things are must be determined in each case apart. It is impossible for me in Rochester to say what may or may not be dispensed with in another city. I may instance a salary study which was undertaken by the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research and which had made very substantial progress, but which has been stopped, not only because our organization lost the services of two men who had been engaged upon the study and could not be replaced, but also because the abnormal salary and wage conditions in private industry leave us without reliable comparable data, and so without a basis of judgment upon which we can stand. This was our situation in Rochester. The same circumstances in another city might not produce the same result. In any case the decision made, whether the thing shall go forward or stop, must be determined by those familiar with local conditions. To illustrate the kind of activity I have had in mind when I have spoken of those that may be considered as vital and essential, the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research is about to throw most of its energies into a major study having to do with this question: What are the public works in Rochester, that need to be done, that can be done at the end of the war in order to help absorb labor released from military service and from industrial pursuits connected with the war? The dimensions of this study will instantly suggest themselves to all of you. It is a question of city planning on the broadest possible scale, to determine those community values (physical and spiritual) that may be conserved by the city, so that we, in our especial field, may help achieve the democratic aims for which those men who will return to us are now fighting. Once more may I emphasize the point that the decision of any civic organization concerning work which it may have in hand, as to whether that work shall go on or stop, must be based upon an underlying philosophy. If we once grant that civic work is more or less of a luxury, to be undertaken by men who have nothing better to do, then we are engaged in an unworthy task, whether in war or in peace, and our work should stop. But if we believe we are serving the essential needs of the state, strengthening the foundations for a more truly democratic society and buttressing the walls for a finer community life, then our work inust go on-in some way and with some instruments. Our treasure must be preserved intact, so that the great struggle shall not prove bootless.

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19181 THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION 577 THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION AND RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT AUGUSTUS R. HATTON Cleveland, Ohio HE Massachusetts constitutional convention adjourned on August 21 after holding its second summer session and having proposed T twenty-two amendments to the state constitution. Three of these were submitted to the voters last November and approved. Nineteen remain to be passed upon at the election this fall, four of which involve changes of some importance in political methods. These four are the proposals for the initiative and referendum, biennial elections of state officials, the executive budget, and compulsory voting. A NOTEWORTHY BODY In many respects the work of the convention was noteworthy. The long struggle over the initiative and referendum produced the most comprehensive debate on that question hitherto heard in any American public body. As regards legislative power it showed a cautious tendency to relax constitutional restrictions in order that impending problems might be dealt with more freely. In general it may be said that none of its proposals contemplates a less responsible or efficient government than Massachusetts now has and that no backward step has been proposed, THE GREAT FAILURE But while the convention cannot be charged with submitting any objectionable proposal its sins of omission in one important particular are conspicuous. The net result of its long deliberations was to leave the structure of the government substantially unchanged. As things now are, that would imply either serious lack of insight or dereliction of duty on the part of a state constitutional convention anywhere. In Massachusetts the fault is particularly glaring. Probably nowhere in the United States is the system of county government more in need of reform and, in fact, more nearly useless. Moreover, few state governments make it so difficult to fix responsibility and so nearly preclude responsible leadership. One might be pardoned for regarding this failure to propose improvements in the ordinary machinery of government as unusually strange. In Massachusetts agitation for the initiative and referendum was constantly met by the argument that true reform lay in the direction of improving the representative system. It was reasonable to expect, therefore, that those who opposed the initiative and referendum would 3

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578 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November unite in support of some plan which would make the state government so responsive to the popular will that the use of direct legislation would be unnecessary. The most active opponents in the convention of any substantial alteration in the structure of government were also active in opposition to the initiative and referendum. An analysis of the Massachusetts situation may give some conception of the sort of opposition which any structural reform in state government will have to overcome before susbtantial progress can be made. Such was far from the case. NO REFORN IN COUNTY GOVERNMENT The failure to propose any reform in county government is easily explained. While every thinking citizen in Massachusetts agrees that their county governments need thorough overhauling, there was no organized demand for change. But there was organized opposition against altering the existing system. When the resolutions relating to county government were referred to a committee of the convention, the county officers came down on that committee like a wolf on the fold. The county rings are among the most powerful political agencies in the state. Consequently, there being no one to urge a change in county government, the committee surrendered to the county office holders and brought in an adverse report on all measures effecting county government. That ended the consideration of county government so far as the convention was concerned. OPPOSITION TO A STRONG EXECUTIVE The failure of the convention to submit some proposal for a more responsible system of state government is not so easily accounted for. However, the chief cause is to be found in the fact that any effective scheme of state reorganization would involve an increase in the power and influence of the governor. Tradition in Massachusetts does not favor a strong executive. The governor has aIways been weak. Although he has a wider appointing power than most governors he is, in this, pretty effectually checked by the executive council consisting of eight members elected from districts. In general, the executive power is greatly diffused among a multiplicity of departments, boards and commissions. The heads of the various executive departments are elected and many of the boards and commissions have broad powers, in the exercise of which they are beyond any effective control by the governor. While this situation is not unlike that in other states it nowhere has such a firm basis in history, and historical reasons weigh more heavily in Massachusetts than elsewhere in the Union. During the colonial and revolutionary periods, the revolt against executive power as represented by royal governors, was strongest in Massachusetts. This has hardened into a tradition which stiil offers a surprising amount of resistance to the development of

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19181 THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION 5 79 executive leadership. Many people still think of the governor as though he were the royally appointed official opposed by their forefathers. Mental inertia prevents them from seeing that, while a powerful royal governor might be a menace to liberty, a governor chosen by the people must have broad powers if he is to be an effective instrument of popular government . The opposition in the convention toward any increase in executive power or leadership grew more marked as time passed. Only a month before final adjournment well informed and influential delegates thought that there was a good chance for the passage of a proposal providing that the auditor and possibly one or two other state officials should be appointed by the governor. It gradually became apparent, however, that any proposition looking toward a more concentrated state executive was foredoomed to defeat. This opposition was not only marked but organized. It came together first on the so-called Quincy proposal and consisted of reactionaries who saw the danger to their position involved in responsible state-wide leadership, of the “organization” element of both the Democratic and Republican parties and of a considerable number of unenlightened liberals. PERSONAL AND PARTISAN OPPOSITION The feeling just described is accentuated in Massachusetts by the fact that recent governors, whether Democratic or Republican, have not been altogether popular with their own parties. Governors Foss and Walsh did not get along any too well with some of the Democrats and Governor McCall is intensely unpopular with a large number of Republicans, including the old dominant and dominating element led by Senators Lodge and Weeks. Hence, when any measure was proposed in the convention relating to the state executive, scores of delegates thought of it with reference to some particular governor of whom they did not approve. The Republicans had a further object in keeping the executive power divided. The Democrats have elected governors more frequently than usual during the last few years, but have not been able to carry through the remainder of their state ticket. Consequently a Democratic victory as to the head of the ticket has still left the major portion of the executive department in Republican hands. These successes of Democratic candidates for governor also resulted in organization Republicans opposing the abolition of the governor’s council. Even when the Democrats have elected a governor they have never been able to get more than one place on the council. This has enabled the Republicans to control the governor’s appointments no matter to what party he might chance to belong. Thus, in spite of rather frequent irruptions of Democratic governors, the state administration has, thanks to the existing

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580 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW !November system, remained in the hands of those whom the Republicans would designate as the “better element.” NATURE OF PARTY DIVISIONS IN MASSACHUSETTS To a surprising extent party struggles in Massachusetts are contests for the control of the government between the original New Englanders and the new immigrant population. I know of no other instance in the United States where this line of cleavage exists on such an extensive scale. In fact it exists nowhere else in such a clear-cut form on any scale. The average man of New England stock contemplates the idea of turning over the affairs of the old Bay State to these uncultured newcomers with something akin to horror. This feeling is similar to that of the Federalists, when, in 1800 they saw the national government about to fall into the hands of Jefferson and his “rabble.” Party differences in Massachusetts are, in fact, rather more nationalistic, cultural and religious than economic or political. On the whole the Republican party is the party of the original New Englander. It is protectionist, of course, but for that matter the Democrats of Massachusetts are somewhat tinged with protectionism also. Above all, the Republican is the party of the old stock, which happens also to include the great employers, capitalists and industrial managers of the state. Owing to the antipathies and prejudices growing out of nationality and religion many men of New England stock maintain their allegiance to the Republican party when, from every consideration of political principle and economic interest, they might more logically ally themselves with the Democrats. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN MASSACHUSETTS On the other hand, the Democratic party, while it probably enrolls more voters from among the industrial workers than does the Republican, is by no means a radical or even a progressive party. Its dominant element in the industrial centers, particularly in and around Boston, is Irish Catholic. On many econoinic issues these voters are progressive or even radical. On the whole they are in favor of the change in political method involved in the initiative and referendum because that promises an increase in their voting power. But as to any changes in the direction of an effective executive they are reactionary both in tradition and leadership. The Irish have a background of centuries of rebellion, and rebellion has involved conflict with the executive. Their distrust of the executive is as marked as was that of our revolutionary forefathers whose heads had been broken at the behest of royal governors. There are among the Irish Catholic Democrats in Massachusetts no accepted state-wide leaders. It is true that they will give their solid support to such a prominent co-nationalist and co-religionist as David

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19181 THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION 581 I. Walsh; but that is largely because he is an Irishman and a Catholic rather than because he is David I. Walsh or advocates any specific political doctrine. Any other Irish Catholic standing for any other political program would probably receive substantially the same percentage of the Irish Catholic vote. The effective leadership among this element of the Democratic party is of that local and personal type of which ward and city bosses are made. These leaders naturally have all of the common Irish prejudice against the executive and, in addition, they are keenly alive to the fact that effective and responsible state-wide leadership would undermine their power and topple them from their petty political thrones. The Dem’ocrats in Massachusetts are inclined to be against the short ballot because they are usually the minority party in state affairs. In recent years they have not gained control of the legislature or elected a majority of the state ticket. Their success in state affairs has been confined almost wholly to the election of an occasional governor. A minority party is not likely to support a reform, the immediate benefits of which are apt to go to its opponent. This is short-sighted, of course, but it is a real factor in the opposition which such a reform as the short ballot regularly encounters. If the Democratic party in Massachusetts were a political party in any real sense-an organization based on the promotion of political or economic doctrines-it would be for the short ballot. With that, the occasional Democratic governor could be an effective agent for putting party doctrines into practice. He would become a real leader, responsible to the party for the accomplishment of avowed party purposes. But, as already explained, considerations of nationality, religion and local bossism are strong enough to prevent the Democrats from taking any such enlightened attitude or functioning in any such true party sense. As a party in Massachusetts the Democrats are practically that “fortuitous concourse of unrelated prejudices” which they were described as being nationally more than twenty years ago. It should be said that at least two Democrats in the convention deserve higher rating than the foregoing would indicate. Josiah Quincy, though a leader of the I. and R. forces, introduced the only comprehensive measure designed to improve the system of representative government in Massachusetts. By experience and study he has acquired a firm grasp of the fundamentals of democratic political organization. The defeat of his proposal was, in some respects, the most disheartening feature of the convention. The other Democrat of prominence who rises above the common level of his party is ex-Governor David I. Walsh. He is a man of ability and for2e and his experiences as governor have made clear to him that the present Massachusetts system is inconsistent with any true conception of responsible government.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW INovember THE REPUBLICANS OF MASSACHUSETTS In the convention the most rabid opponents of an effective and responsible state executive were the organization Republicans. This opposition obviously reflected the attitude of local leaders and petty bosses on the one hand and, on the other, that of the great financial and industrial interests of the state which still find the Republican party a usable and useful instrument. The state-wide primary has accentuated the antagonism of these elements to any increase in the power or prominence of the governor. With direct nominations the governor is far less dependent and pliable than he was under the convention system. Even Republican governors have shown an uncomfortable tendency to appeal to the voters over the heads of those who have hitherto regarded themselves as the proprietors of the party. Moreover, with direct nominations, a party intended by its magnates to be conservative may find itself nominating and electing a governor with liberal or even radical tendencies. This is far from being a remote possibility in Massachusetts, where nationalistic and religious peculiarities give to party lines an unusually artificial cast, with the result that some of the most effective progressive leaders and thousands of liberal voters call themselves Republican and, as such, participate in the primaries. With these conditions it is safer for the dominant, or at least dominating, element of the Republican party to keep the governor weak by diffusing executive power and making it difficult for him to become an effective political leader. That was the line of action pursued in the convention. The active fight against executive reorganization was made by Republicans of the types mentioned. They engineered a combination between themselves and the forces controlled by Martin Lomasney, the Democratic boss of ward five in Boston, who in vote-delivering power, was the most potent figure in the convention. Added to these were the delegates attached to the tradition of a weak executive, most of the Irishmen inside and outside the Lomasney following, and a considerable number of short visioned political liberals and labor delegates who do not yet see that democratic progress is as much dependent on efficient administration and responsible political leadership as upon any other factors. THE DIRECT PRIMARY AND THE SHORT BALLOT If experience in Massachusetts be any guide, the short ballot in state affairs will find the pronounced conservatives arrayed against it whereever the state-wide direct primary is in operation. It is not so very long ago that the short ballot numbered more adherents among the conservatives than among the liberals. That was primarily because the conservative usually desires efficient administration and he saw the possibilities of the short ballot as an efficiency measure. Its equal potency as an

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19181 REMOVAL FROM PUBLIC SERVICE 583 instrument of democratic control was either not understood or was discounted with the idea that a “safe” candidate for governor, running on a “safe” platform could be assured. With a convention system of nomination it was believed that such a situation could usually be brought about. And, really, the short ballot in state affairs provided, always, that the candidates for governor could be hand picked and their platforms carefully phrased and censored, would not be such a terrible thing from a conservative point of view. But the state-wide primary makes that sort of management precarious if not impossible. Beyond doubt a combination of short ballot and direct primary would provide an unprecedentedly effective system for the popular control of state government. Under such a system the quality of successful candidates and the wisdom of prevailing issues would depend on the intelligence and patriotism of the voters to whom appeal would have to be made in a direct and intelligible form. As yet, however, the American conservative seeks to avoid submitting his cause to that tribunal. METHODS OF REMOVAL FROM THE PUBLIC SERVICE BY FRED G. HEUCHLING’ Supen’ntendent of Employment and Member Civil Service Board, West Chicago Park Commissioners, Chicago ETHODS of procedure in separating employes from their positions, in private as we11 as in public service, have been beM coming of increasing importance each year. Under the present war conditions, when the government has drawn the most active and able-bodied young men into the training camps in batches of a hundred thousand and more ahd the munitions factories and other war industries are seeking to attract every remaining worker, the question of removals becomes of vastly greater importance. Time was when we civil service commissioners were objects of the entreaties-and sometimes the embarrassing demands-of long lines of office seekers. But now, we must assume the entreating attitude. We have to urge people to take our examinations. When they have done so and have succeeded in getting on our eligible lists we must persuade them to accept an appointment. After their entrance into the service foremen and office chiefs must treat them with special deference and chastise them with extreme mildness lest they resign from their position NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, Volume VII, pp. 266 and 365. Presented at the Meeting of the National Assembly of Civil Service Commissions, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, June 20, 1918. ‘See article of William Dudley Foulke on same subject.

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584 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW \November and seek more lucrative employment elsewhere. Under these trying conditions, it is well that we give close study to enforced separations from the service, surrounding them with such safeguards as will give assurance that they will only occur when the interests of the public require. The subject of methods of removal from the public service has been discussed at practically every meeting of the National Assembly. I know of no occasion, however, when an agreement has been reached in regard to it. In the past the differences have mainly arisen over the question, “Shall a hearing be required by law before a civil service employe may be removed from his position?” This gives rise to the expression “the trial before removal clause” in a civil service law. At the meeting of the Assembly in Ottawa, Canada, in 1916, the committee on a standard civil service law reported a draft for adoption containing a provision that no removals could be made without a trial. After prolonged argument this draft of the model law was finally-and, I say, erroneously-modified to include an alternative provision giving the civil service commission no jurisdiction over removals. I say that this modification was erroneous because I strongly advocate “the trial before removal clause” for every civil service law. However, rather than to have the discussion to-day spend itself on the abstract question of whether or not there should be a trial, I intend to point out a few details of the desirable method of making removals from civil service positions. I intend, afterwards, to give a few arguments as to why an investigation should be held for every removal and to show that the trend, in private employment, is in the same direction which I advocate for public employment. In considering the question of ‘(trial before removal” it becomes necessary, first, to determine: What is a removal? and, second: What is a trial? I am convinced that many of our differences lie actually in the definition of these terms. WHAT IS A REMOVAL? A removal is not necessarily a discharge because it need not necessarily be a separation from the service. Strictly speaking, an employe is removed from his position when he is separated from it and placed in some other position. This change may take the form of a transfer to a position of the same character of duties and pay where the worlung conditions are far less favorable. The result of such a transfer acts as a punishment upon the person affected. Again, a removal may be a transfer to a. position of less important duties and, therefore, carrying less pay. This results in a demotion and is generally more drastic a punishment than the removal by transfer just mentioned. I bring out these points to call to your attention the fact that a hearing of charges filed against an employe may result in his assignment to other

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19181 REMOVAL FROM PUBLIC SERVICE 585 kinds of work or to another location and continue him in the service, very possibly as a valuable employe. Especially in these times of abnormal employment conditions it is worth while to give men a chance in other work after they have failed in their first venture in the public service. Without B hearing or trial such measures can seldom be taken. I count it, therefore, as an argument in favor of the trial clause that we can salvage some of the man power in our civil service by an intelligent administration of this feature of the law. It should not be supposed, however, that I believe that every trial under charges should result in the employe being given another chance. Where the evidence is clear, and the return of the employe would endanger discipline or be of questionable benefit to the service, in my opinion, the result should be discharge, absolute and final. WHAT IS A TRIAL? Passing now to a discussion of what we mean by the term “trial,” I wish to say at the outset, that the term is not a happy one. In our service in the West Park district of Chicago, we speak of our trials as investigations and we conduct them as such. When charges are preferred against an employe we appoint an investigating officer, not a trial officer. The hearing is conducted in an informal manner and with as few technicalities as possible. Aside from having all the witnesses sworn and their testimony taken in shorthand, the entire affair is merely a matter of conversation between the investigating officer and the persons who can give relevant information regarding the incidents which led up to the filing of charges. Very often our investigations are held in the offices or shops where the employe under charges and most of the witnesses are located. We have even gone so far as to hold a trial out in the open air near where a job of building a sewer was going on. This resulted in talring the employes from their work for only about ten minutes each. As each man was needed to testify, his work was interrupted and he was brought over to the investigating officer, placed under oath, and questioned. REPRESENTATION BY COUNSEL While our civil service law permits an employe to retain counsel to represent him, at his hearing, we find that the accused rarely makes use of this protection. During six and one-half years of civil service administration we have conducted one hundred and thirty-one investigations of charges. In only seventeen of these has the employe felt the need of employing counsel to protect his interests. When an attorney is retained for the accused, we do not permit him to brow-beat the witnesses and at times we will not even allow him to put questions directly to the person testifying. He is, instead, required to state his question to the investigating officer and the latter puts the question to the

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586 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW INovember witness. The laws of evidence are not strictly adhered to and the investigating officers are permitted to bring out any information which is of value in determining whether or not the employe deserves discharge or retention in the service. In fact we frequently have what we might well designate as a “friendly suit” involved in the preferring of charges. An employe realizes that he is no longer fit for his position or that for some reason his value in it has been very materially reduced. In such cases he readily admits that he should be removed from his place and is willing to accept an adjustment recommended by the investigating officer after hearing all the facts from him as well as from his superior officer. The result generally is a demotion into some other kind of work for which he is fitted, rather than an outright discharge. To discharge him, I feel, would be as detrimental to the service as his retention in the position for which he had already shown his unfitness. An employe may not even be suspended while under charges. RESULTS OF “INVESTIGATION” IN CHICAGO To fully illustrate the results of our type of investigation I quote from our annual report for 1917:RESULTS OF CHARGES AGAINST EMPLOYES HEARD BY CIVIL SERVICE BOARD OF THE WEST CHICAGO PARK COMMISSIONERS, JULY 1, 1911 TO DECEMBER 31, 1917 Year 1911 (6 mos.) ..... 1912 ............ 1913 ............ 1914. ........... 1915 ............ 1916 ............ 1917 ............ Totals. ............ Number charges filed 7 18 32 20 20 14 201 .. .131 Number Number Number Number acquittals discharged suspended demoted 0 4 5 1 0 1 2 13 3 5 13 10 9 10 12 62 4 6 10 5 9 3 3 40 0 3 4 4 2 0 1 14 Represented by attorney 1 2 3 6 1 0 4 17 - “Among the striking facts disclosed by the foregoing table, perhaps the most interesting is the protection afforded the efficient civil service employe by the “trial before removal” provisions of the park civil service act. Thus we see that even during the years 1913 and 1917, when there were complete political changes in the administration of the park system, the number of employes discharged from their positions were only two or three more than in other years. That there ever has been any removal of civil service employes for political reasons in the West Park System is Two cases still pending.

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19181 REMOVAL FROM PUBLIC SERVICE 587 effectually refuted by these figures, which show that out of a service including more than twelve hundred positions, an average of less than ten persons per year are discharged. This becomes all the more striking when it is noted that common laborers are included with the higher grade employes in the data given.” OBJECTIONS TO TRIAL CLAUSE I believe I have made clear what I mean by the term i‘removalll and I pass now to the consideration of what I mean by the term “trial.” the objections which are usually raised against the trial clause. Briefly stated these are as follows:1. That the discipline in a department is interfered with by the protection from removal which an employe gains through the trial clause, and because it makes him independent of the jurisdiction of his superior, 2. That the department head is himself placed on trial when he prefers charges against an employe and they are heard by the civil service commission. 3. That the cause for discharge must be very glaring and apparent in order to have an employe discharged, and for this reason inefficient employes manage to retain their positions on the public payroll. Considering the first of these objections, namely, that a department head is hampered and discipline is destroyed, I feel that the proper administration of the civil service law will entireIy prevent such a condition from arising. First of all we must remember that civil service laws usually contain a concurrent provision, giving the department head the power to suspend any one of his subordinates for a period as long as thirty days, without pay. During six and one-half years in the West Chicago park system we have had two hundred and seventeen such suspensions with a yearly average duration of from six to twelve days. I know of no civil service law where repetition of such a suspension may not be resorted to when the culprit persists in his misdeeds or delinquencies. In other words, where the employe does not have the proper respect for his department head and for the discipline of the office it is possible to separate him from his job for a month. If this punishment does not suffice and he refuses obedience after his return he can be further suspended. I can imagine no situation which is insufficient to warrant discharge by trial which cannot be overcome through the use of the suspending power. I expect before I finish to show very clearly that the tendency among private employers is in this same direction, namely, that the immediate superior of an employe is only permitted to suspend, the matter of discharge resting in the hands of the general manager or of the employment department. Surely, if the discipline among the employes of a private corporation can be maintained by this method, there should be no reason why,-with proper administration,-it should not be just as efficacious in the public service.

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588 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ]November THE HEAD OF DEPARTMENT ON TRIAL With respect to the second objection, namely, that the department head is himself placed on trial when the charges which he prefers against his subordinate are under investigation, I refer to my previow remarks describing our method of conducting such investigations in the West park system in Chicago. We take pains to prevent any show of ill feeling on the part of a witness or employe toward his superior. We should punish an employe for expressing disrespect of his superior while testifying in the investigation just as we should punish him for such action during the transaction of ordinary business in the department. Rather than feeling that they are placed on trial, our department heads feel that the investigation of charges brought against employes in their department is of particular value to them. Very frequently situations are brought out during a hearing and facts are disclosed which would not otherwise come to the attention of the head of the department. This entire objection is based upon the supposition that the hearing is to have all the aspects of a trial by jury with its intricate technicalities, cross examinations and heated arguments. Take away these truly objectionable aspects from the investigation and I believe you quite remove this second objection. It is well to mention here that our civil service rules permit any employe or any citizen to file charges against an officer in the public service, provided his charges are supported by affidavits from actual witnesses. The result is that when a citizen visits an office to pay a special assessment, or to pay his taxes, and is mistreated by an employe he has a ready instrument for redress, which very probably would not be at his disposal if he had to rest his case with the head of the department alone. OUTSIDE INFLUENCES With regard to the third objection against removal by trial, namely that there must be very serious grounds for removal, I answer again that this objection arises through faulty administration, and is not a true objection to the principle itself. Where adequate and careful records are maintained of the efficiency of each individual employe in the service there is no reason why an inefficient person should not be removed from the service,-or transferred or demoted to some more suitable place. Those who argue that serious charges are necessary to remove a man from the service when a trial is prescribed by law are really arguing against their case. When an employe’s retention or discharge from the service rests entirely with his department head, there may be good discipline in the office, but that discipline extends further than the office door. It extends to the ward, the precinct, and the polling booth. And this is just what civil service laws were drawn to prevent.

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19181 REMOVAL FROM PUBLIC SERVICE 589 Even where the department head is inherently honest, his power over the jobs of the men in his office soon becomes generally known. After that he becomes the target of the politician who seeks to have the henchman of his political opponent separated from the public payroll or who wishes to punish one of his own political workers for the failure of his “vote-getting” function in the precinct. This sort of situation even permits of the political war lord using his influence with the department head to put an efficient public servant out of the way in order to make a place for one of his vassals who was fortunate enough to win first place on the eligible list for this job, either by merit or otherwise. The damage to the public service is just as great whether this eligible won his place through a fair examination or through crookedness. I mention these facts to anticipate the time-worn argument of advocates of full power of discharge for the department head. They say there is no reason for fear that he will wrongfully remove a subordinate, because he cannot fill the latter’s place with a friend of his own choice but instead must take the person at the head of the eligible list. POLITICAL INFLUENCES Suppose that I am a senior clerk in an office in which you are the chief. Suppose,-if you can,-that I am efficient and industrious in performing my duties, and that I have served under your supervision for a number of years. I am a married man with a family, residing in a suburb, where I have recently commenced the purchase of my little home on monthly payments. One fine spring morning you call me into your private office and explain that Alderman Blank is fighting for re-election in the ward in which I live. The alderman is a close friend of yours and you are anxious to see him re-elected. Will I therefore please visit each resident in my neighborhood and urge him to vote for Mr. Blank. And will I also be good enough to hand you next day a substantial contribution to help defray Mr. Blank’s campaign expenses. If you have the legal power to discharge me from my position without assigning any reason for your action, am I likely to give you a hasty reply refusing to accede to your wishes? Even if it be necessary for you to find some plausible reason to discharge me,-other than a political one,am I still going to depend upon your inability to find some minor flaw in my work that will serve to deceive the civil service commission, which has no power,-and probably even no desire,-to investigate beyond your written statement? And, under the circumstances how much comfort or assurance shall I find in the fact that if you do discharge me you must take the next person on the eligible list in my place? Will that prevent the loss of my home? Will that keep my wife and children from want? No, gentlemen, there is only one circumstance that can give me courage to stand before you as a worthy public servant and say to you that I

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November serve the public but not Alderman Blank or his cohorts. That circumstance is the knowledge that I can safely refuse to do your bidding, and you cannot remove me without first proving me unfit for my place and allowing me an opportunity to disprove your assertion. I am trying to point out that in a certain measure it is wise that the charges shouZd be serious before a public employe is removed, or at least that the charges should be commensurate with the punishment meted out. To say that the trial before removal clause protects the inefficient employe in the public service is no argument against this protection for the efficient, honest and valuable public emproye who must necessarily suffer under any other system of removal. THE PRACTICE IN PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT I said that before closing I should give a few facts to prove that private employers are coming to take the same position about the removal of their employes that we advocates of the trial clause take with regard to the removal of public servants. In support of this I have collected information on the practice in private employment, partially through the courtesy of the efficiency engineering department of Arthur Young and Company, who maintain a corps of employment experts :The Midvale Steel and Ordnance Company states in its Regulations:“Employes may be laid off or suspended by foremen but can be discharged only by the department superintendent or higher authority.” The Curtis Publishing Company-“ In the employment division is placed the authority to discharge from the service of the company. . . . John M. Williams, secretary of the Fayette R. Plumb Company, at the employment managers’ conference in Philadelphia last year said :As to the firing end of the proposition, there are many arguments against leaving this power with the foreman, but the following seems to my mind pertinent and serves to point out the weakness of the practice, viz.: Factory managers check up their foremen on all material they use; watch them to see that the machinery is in good condition and save every penny they can by careful supervision; but when it comes to firing men, they give the foremen full sway because the potential value of $50.00 to $100.00 invested in that man is not shown in hard cash and is therefore overlooked. Professor Roy W. Kelley of Harvard University recently published a book called Hiring the Worker. In this book he publishes the results of questionnaires sent to thirty corporations throughout the country, each employing from three hundred to twelve thousand persons. TO his question, “ Should discipline and discharge be controlled by the employment manager,” there are nineteen significant replies. Fourteen of these, or 73.6 per cent of the total were in favor of complete control by the employment department. It is quite patent then that private corporations )f

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19181 ST. LOVIS STREET RAILWAY SITUATION 591 are coming to see that efficiency and economy in their every-day operations are furthered by assuring every employe of a hearing before some reviewing officer or body before he can be separated from his job. If this be true in private corporations where the unrelenting dividend production is a constant check on efficiency, it cannot well be other than true in the public service. THE ST. LOUIS STREET RAILWAY SITUATION BY LOUIS F. BUDENZ' St. Louis, Mo. OR more than a year St. Louis has been struggling intensively with its street railway situation, due to much the same conditions as exist in almost every other city in the country. In St. Louis, however, there has been a degree of vivid picturesqueness and a unique combination of many different problems which have made this struggle somewhat more instructive and interesting than the ordinary street railway controversy. Out of an original attempt to obtain a so-called compromise franchise has arisen a paralyzing and successful strike; an award of 6 cent fares to the company; a referendum movement (accompanied by a burglary of the petitions on the eve of their being certified to the election commissioners) and a loan from the Federal Government to the railway company as the only means to avoid a receivership. The United Railways Company of St. Louis is a successor by process of reorganization of the Central Traction Company (1899), and by way of purchase of the St. Louis and Suburban Railway Company (1907). In 1898 the Central Traction Company obtained a fifty-year general blanket franchise from the city covering a number of individual street railway lines which it had consolidated. In the following year the St. Louis Transit Company-which had leased the United Railways' lines shortly after the reorganization, only to surrender them five years later-obtained a forty-year general franchise for these lines, and for all lines which crossed such properties. The underlying franchises of the original lines, brought together by the predecessors of the United Railways Company, expire at irregular intervals from 1911 to 1942. At the expiration of the Jefferson Avenue franchise in 1911 the city contested the validity of the attempted extension of franchises in the 1898 and 1899 grants. The circuit court declared that the 1898 grant did not 'Since this article was written the Company has publicly withdrawn its support of the ordinance and has suggssted public operation. The Board of Aldermen thereupon repealed the measure. ' F *Secretary Civic League of St. Louis.

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592 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW INovember apply, but that the 1899 grant to lines crossing the lines of the St. Louis Transit Company was valid and effective, and that therefore the franchise did not expire until 1939. The city appealed this case and it is now pending in the higher courts. OVER CAPITALIZATION The United Railways Company has been and is notoriously overcapitalized. On December 31, 1917, the outstanding bonds and stocks of the company totaled $97,122,000-against which stood in actual property only the $37,638,667, allowed in the James E. Allison valuation made for the St. Louis Public Service Commission in 1911 plus some small additional improvements since that time. Even the company’s claim to a value of $49,355,753 in 1911 plus the cost of the necessary additions would fall some millions short of equalling the outstanding stocks and bonds of the company, the bonds alone in 1917 amounting to $55 , 825,000. Since 1903 the company had been subject to a municipal tax of a mill for each passenger fare, such tax having been substituted for the original tax per car. After twelve years of litigation, the mill tax was declared valid by the federal supreme court-mainly through the persistent efforts of William F. Woerner, author of the ordinance. The company, however, defaulted in its subsequent payments and by December 31, 1916, had accumulated an indebtedness of almost $2,000,000 on this account. As a result of the condition within the company which these facts brought about, the company proposed as early as Noveniber, 1916, that the city enter into an agreement with it in regard to the ‘I controversy,” the company proposing the following as a basis: First: The company to “acknowledge liability” for the mill tax up to December 31, 191G. Second: The city to accept the deferred mill tax in a number of annual installments. Third: The city to “adjust” the mill tax for the future. Fourth: The city to withdraw its attack on the underlying franchises and validate them or extend them until 1948. The proposal as put forth could be readily seen on its face to be of no value to the city, except merely in such benefit as might incidentally come from the relief it afforded the company and the improvement in its financial situation. No definite action resulted, but the city administration shortly after pledged itself to the enactment of an ordinance which would grant the desired relief to the comFany. RELIEF ORDINANCE NO. I In accordance with this pledge, the board of aldermen in July, 1917, at the request of the mayor, appointed a special conference committee,

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19181 ST. LOUIS STREET RAILWAY SITUATION 593 composed of the mayor, the comptroller, and three members of the board, to meet with the representatives of the company and frame an ordinance. Within a very short time they produced the desired ordinance-afterwards known as ordinance Number One. Under the terms of this measure, a franchise was granted to the company until 1967, the city entering upon a partnership scheme which would assure for it a participation in the profits after 6 per cent had been earned by the company, and a representation of four out of thirteen members of the board of directors. A board of control was also created consisting of the acting manager of the company and a commissioner designated by the director of public utilities for the city, with a third temporary member to be appointed by a majority of the judges of the St. Louis court of appeals to act in case of disagreement. The mill tax ordinance was repealed, and the unpaid tax was to be paid in full immediately. The value of the company’s property was placed at $60,000,000. A special committee of the St. Louis civic league-composed of three former city counselors, a former member of the Missouri public service commission, the president of the St. Louis public service commission, and a well-known manufacturer and former member of the council-reported adversely on this ordinance, pointing out that “the right of the city to impose taxes in future years as the unforeseeable exigencies of the times may require, should not be contracted away for half a century to come,” and objecting to the partnership arrangement as based on a “fallacious theory.” The proposed valuation of $60,000,000 was also declared to be unquestionably excessive, being an arbitrary increase over the St. Louis public service commissioners’ valuation of $38,000,000 in 1911. If relief were needed the remedy lay in the reduction of the mill tax by separate ordinance and the grant of a new franchise free from the defects pointed out. RELIEF ORDINANCE NO. I1 As a result of this report and the opposition of organized labor and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the conferees hastily withdrew the first ordinance and proposed a second, which omitted the partnership feature and substituted a tax of 3 per cent on the gross revenue for the participation in the profits. The mill tax ordinance was repealed, as in the preceding proposal, and the accumulated indebtedness of the unpaid tax was to be paid within a period of ten years, the balance unpaid at the expiration of five years to bear interest at 10 per cent per annum. The board of control feature was retained. The committee of the civic league reported adversely likewise on this ordinance because it contracted away the city’s right of taxation, affirmed the arbitrary valuation of $60,000,000 and provided for no arrangement of the ninety-nine-year contracts of the company, Arguments on this ordinance were heard before the public utilities committee of the board of aldermen throughout the summer and fall of 4

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594 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November 1917, organized labor being particularly insistent in its oppositiou to the measure. Dr. Delos F. Wilcox of New York was also brought into the situation. He made an excellent series of detailed reports on the bills, showing the undesirability of both proposals from the public view point. It may be stated here, that certain desirable provisions in these two measurea, such as the right of purchase on the part of the city, at the expiration of the franchise or at the end of each tenyear period, the right of the comptroller to examine the books of the company and the right to amend, alter or repeal at any time and to forfeit the franchise for misuse or nonuse, were all requirements of the city charter. The valuation of $60,000,000 agreed upon by the representatives of the city and the company was the minimum figure which the two parties could arrive at and keep the company from appearing bankrupt on its face-the outstanding bonds, as has been stated, amounting to over $55,000,000. This valuation was arrived at by a rather arbitrary addition of values to the findings of the St. Louis public service commission in 1911. For instance, the old cable lines of the company, to the value of over $5,000,000, which had been destroyed to make way for the trolley lines, and which the public service commission had refused to allow any value for, were put in at $2,740,000. In a great number of items, the difference between the claims of the United Railways in 1911 and the allowances of the commission at that time were split in two. Dr. Wilcox estimated, on the basis of the 1911 figures, that the valuation to-day could not total much more than $45,000,000. In ordinance Number Two, as amended, a possible valuation within two years by the state public service commission was provided for, though the $60,000,000 figure was retained . THE STRIKE In February, 1918, just on the eve of the passage of the bill, the street railway employes struck for higher wages and shorter hours-the strike being preceded by a receivership suit on the part of certain stockholders of the company. The suit was speedily dismissed on legal grounds. The strike was one of the most complete and paralyzing of its kind during the last decade. Of the 3,000 motormen and conductors employed by the company, practically the entire number left their work at once and stayed out during the entire course of the difficulty. The strike was conducted in an orderly manner. This fact, together with the agitation on the franchise which had preceded it, gained for the strikers the favor of the public. After a brief six days, the company consented to recognize the organization of the street car men and to meet with them. An agreement was drawn up which provided for recognition of the union and arbitration on the question of wages and hours. As a result of this arrangement, the company and the men in June agreed to a wage schedule which ranges from 38 cents per hour for the first year to 42 cents per hour for the

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19181 ST. LOUIS STREET RAILWAY SITUATION 595 seventh year and thereafter. This was one of the high wage schedules of the country for street railway employes at that time, being exceeded by San Francisco’s wage of 43 cents per hour on the municipal railway, the Portland, Oregon, award of 1917, and several subsequent adjustments in other cities. THE REFERENDUM It was noticeable a short time after the strike that the surrender of the company to the men had weakened the forces in opposition to the franchise ordinance. The street car men in their anxiety to obtain their wage increase allied themselves with the company and split the labor forces, while other elements in the community seemed inclined to relieve the company after the extra burden of higher wages had been assumed by them. This attitude was reflected in the report of the chamber of commerce committee on the subject. The result was, that on April 10, compromise ordinance Number Two-amended to provide for a thirty-one year franchise and for the use of the profits over 7 per cent for improvements and extensions, with but an original tax of + per cent of the gross revenue-was passed by a vote of twenty-eight to one in the board of aldermen and subsequently signed by the mayor. Immediately after the passage of the ordinance a citizens’ referendum league was formed, composed mainly of representatives of the Socialist Party and a number of improvement organizations, to invoke a referendum on the measure. The company in the meantime had petitioned the state public service commissiw for an increase of fares to 6 cents per passenger, basing their plea on the increase cost of supplies and the proposed increase in the wages of the company employes. The constitutionality of such a grant was questioned both by the city and by the civic league, basing their opinion on Missouri law and on the recent decision in New York state, where a similar constitutional provision to that of Missouri prevails. By a vote of three to two, however, the commission decided in favor of the railway company, both on the legal questions involved and on the increase of the fare to 6 cents-granting this increase, however, but for a one-year period as a temporary relief measure, to take effect July 1, 1918. The city appealed the case to the courts, but made no effort to halt or hinder the 6 cent fare during the interim. It is significant to note that the city in presenting its case retained the services of James E. Allison, who had made the 1911 valuation, and who in bringing his previous figures up to date showed a present day value of $48,784,490 in contrast to the $60,000,000 proposed in the franchise ordinance.’ ‘Both the $48,000,000 and $60,000,000 figures were stated to be “original cost” estimates, though “reproduction new“ items entered into both. Mr. Allison declared that for reproduction new today, the valuation would approximate $72,000,000, but that this method would not give the correct figures because based on a fictitious situation.

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596 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November The citizens’ referendum league, during the sixty days legally allotted to it, obtained the necessary quota of signatures to require a submission of the franchise ordinance at an election. On the night before the day that these signatures were to have been presented to the election commissioners, the safe containing the petitions was opened by an electric drill and over 11,000 signatures stolen. In two days’ time, however, the league succeeded in obtaining 19,000 additional signatures-enough to insure a vote on the subject at the coming November election. Several of those implicated in the burglary have been apprehended, and as a result of their revelations the company’s superintendent of transportation has been indicted. A consequent impetus has been given the referendum movement; imperilled again for the moment, however, by an opinion of the attorney-general’s oTce that a mimicipal issue of this kind cannot be voted on at a general state election. Independent stockholders have also renewed the receivership suit. The whole St. Louis situation points strongly to the necessity of the public acquisition of public utilities. By such action an end will be put to the eternal conflict between the demands of the public for service and the efforts of the private corporation for profh-as Dr. Wilcox has repeatedly pointed out-and the chief obstacle to satisfactory municipal government will be done away with. The hope of St. Louis, as of all other .large cities similarly situated, is the institution of such constitutional changes-particularly in regard to indebtedness limitations-as will make possible the early acquisition of all utility properties. The federal loan made to the United Railways Company in June may be the means by which a governmental control leading to ownership will finally be affected. THE UNIT PLAN OF HEALTH ADMINISTRATION AS IT IS BEING TRIED OUT IN THE MOHAWK-BRIGHTON DISTRICT OF CINCINNATI BY DOROTHY THOMPSON URING the convention of the American surgical association, recently held in Cincinnati, a group of local physicians met D with Dr. William H. Mayo, its president, and with Dr. Franklin P. Martin, chairman of the Medical Division of the Council of National Defense, to discuss with them the progress of a unique venture. in health administration, now being tried out experimentally in a limited area in Cincinnati. At this meeting, Dr. Martin and Dr. Mayo did not

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19181 PLAN OF HEALTH ADMINISTRATION 597 hesitate to characterize the experiment as “one of the most significant movements of the day in modern medicine.” And still more recently, Dr. RenC Sand, professor of social medicine in the University of Brussels on a mission in this country is reported to have said: “I consider its value from the point of view of reconstruction to be inestimable, and I shall carry back to my people no more interesting suggestion.” WHAT IS THIS EXPERIMENT? It is one branch of the work of a unique community organization called “The Social Unit,” which has as its basic ideas the mobilization of all available social skill into groups the elected representatives of which form an occupational council for the community, which as one part of the local organization shall diagnose the community’s needs, and formulate a-program for meeting these needs, this program to be affirmed and rendered effective through the other part of the organizationrepresentatives elected from the citizenry, by bloclrs, and forming a citizens’ council. It is operating in an area of Cincinnati comprising a population of 15,000, under the direction of Mr. and Mrs. Wilbur C. Phillips, originators of the plan, and with the guidance and backing of a national committee, made up of experts in various social fields. The medical administration, which is so far the most highly developed branch of the work of this organization, and which illustrates the manner in which any group of the occupational council-ministers, teachers, business men, or social workers-might function, was formed in September, 1917, from the thirty-six physicians resident or practicing in the district. These physicians elected from their group a council of nine, with an executive responsible to them. At the same time a council of nurses was formed, consisting of the representatives of the various health agencies operating in the district. The formation of this council was made possible through the co-operation of these agencies. The two councils and their executives, working in close co-operation, have formulated a health program for the district consisting of specific services, the program being elastic and open to constant expansion. At present these services are six-a general nursing service, for home care of sick patients, a pre-natal service for expectant mothers, a maternity service, a tuberculosis service, and an infant welfare and pre-school service. The establishment of services has necessarily meant the establishment of sub-committees of the medical administration,-a committee on pediatrics, obstetrics, etc. These committees have been responsible for standardizing work in these departments, and to assist them at their request at arriving at the best modern standards, advisory councils have been formed from the City Academy of Medicine, these men in turn seekng the advice of national committees. Exactly the same policy of city

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598 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November and national organization has been followed in regard to the nurses’ work. POINTS OF ADVANTAGE The points in this administration which are particularly noteworthy are, perhaps, five: 1. The Democratic Form of the Organization.-Programs for socializing medicine have, in the past, been formulated by social workers and reformers rather than by physicians, often meeting with strenuous opposition from the medical profession, though in the long run the physicians must by nature of their skill be responsible for the effectiveness of such programs. In this community, the responsibility for planning and carrying out the health program is put up to the physicians and nurses, their program being subject to the approval of the rest of the occupational council of which they form a part and of the citizens’ council representing the entire lay citizenry. All of the practitioners being included in the medical group the standardization of clinic methods is carried down into the private practice of every physician in the district, and so socializes standards to the last degree. 2. The Intensiveness with Which Each Detail of the Program Can Be Carried Out.-Through the block workers of the citizens’ council, it is possible to reach every person for whom a service is designed, easily, the approach in each case being made by a neighbor. For instance, infant welfare and pre-school services are designed to give every child in the district up to six years of age a complete medical examination, this service to include a consultation with the mother, follow up work done in the home by the nurses, and the organization of classes for mothers in each nursing district, the information given in these classes to be based on the needs of the district as they manifest themselves. In an ordinary uncoordinated community such a task would be stupendous. But in this district the block workers took a census of all children, made appointments for them at the station, reported on epidemic cases, and persuaded obstructive mothers so effectively that in three months 80 per cent of all the children have been examined and Dr. Kreidler, executive of the medical council, reports expectations of reaching 95 per cent with these services. The Nursing Council already has 100% of the children under supervision. 3. The Educative Effect on the Medical Profession.-Responsibility for the health of the district and the daily clinics presided over by the physicians of the district have developed standards of medical practice far above what they were seven months ago when the medical work started. 4. The Greater Responsibility in the Nursing Service.-The nurses in this district are a self-governing body. They formulate their own programs for public health nursing. One of the first things which they did was to do away with specialized nursing in large areas-in favor of general

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19181 WORKINGMEN AND BETTER GOVERNMENT 599 nursing in small areas, putting the emphasis on preventive rather than curative measures, and making the nurse responsible, not only for the care of individual patients but for encouraging the maintenance of high health standards for an entire household, and at the same time doing away with duplication of effort in the same household, and saving time in going from place to place. 5. The Possibility of Extending the Unit Oqanization throughout the City until It Covers the Total Population Supplying an Efective Mechanism for the Administration of the City’s Health Work.-Such an administration would be centered in the general hospital and the medical college of the City University and should be able to give a 100 per cent health supervision to every man, woman, and child. This may seem far away but it is worth considering. If a given area in a city can develop a health center with a department for every branch of medicine tied up to the corresponding departments of the city medical college and general hospital, each department in the health center run democratically by a local staff, yet each staff related to a central committee of the best experts in the field, why would it not be possible to extend that plan dividing the entire city into such units, and eventually bringing in every physician as part of a community system for reducing sickness and death to the lowest possible point? Some of the leading physicians of the country believe that it is possible, and that now is the time when such an experiment might be tried. The press reported Dr. Martin to have said when he was in Cincinnati: “The tremendous advances in professional skill made during the war must be put at the services of a larger and larger per cent of the people, in order to conserve every atom of the nation’s vital resources from which the war takes so costly toll. It is unthinkable that after the war is won we should allow ourselves to drift back to old methods, which the international crisis has proved to be outworn. If the Social Unit can build up, as I believe it is doing, a model system of medical administration, we shall be ready, when the war is over, to take it, adjust it to various environments, and apply it generally.” ENLISTMENT OF WORKINGMEN IN THE CAUSE OF BETTER GOVERNMENT BY WILLIAM P. LOVETT’ Delroil HAT factory workers in numbers can be enlisted for active service in municipal reform, without the entangling alliances incident to city politics or the problems which arise when capital and labor try to co-operate, has been proved by the Detroit citizens’ league, a volunteer organization now six years old. 1 Executive secretary, Detroit Citizens’ league. T

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600 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November Efforts to align labor as a class in favor of practical civic enterprises frequently meet with essential difficulties. Union labor refuses to give aid or comfort to programs financially fostered by “the employing class.” Managers of industry fear to suggest or permit any sort of governmental discussion or action among their employes, lest friction be aroused, either among the workers who become involved in arguments over economic issues, or between workers and employers whose partisan opinions may not coincide. As to the function of voting, the workingman resents dictation from “the boss,” and the employer who values efficiency in his plant declines to imperil such efficiency as he may have achieved by injecting politics or the acute industrial problem among his employes as a bone of contention. DETROIT: AN OPEN SHOP TOWN Recognizing the difficulties in the way, officials of the Detroit citizens’ league proceeded constructively, on common sense lines. They were aided by the fact that Detroit is not dominated by union labor, but is an open shop town where the right of labor to organize is seldom questioned. Another advantage has been the rapid growth of Detroit in (he past decade, bringing to its factories thousands of workingmen, many of whom came from farms or small towns, and were not easily brought under the control of partisan bosses, either in politics or industry. The success of the league is the more significant when it is noted that its organizer and president, Henry M. Leland, a prominent manufacturer, has been bitterly fought at times by labor unionists for his “open shop” views. They have appeared in many local elections, where the big factory vote was highly important, and in the organized work of the league in many local campaigns. Scores of public meetings have been held, in many of which factory men have predominated. Workingmen have circulated petitions, served as election inspectors and league challengers, distributed literature, done campaign work in neighborhoods, and have successfully put forth candidates for public office. Whether the Detroit federation of labor, which represents a minority of the workingmen of the city, favored or opposed the league program, seemed not to make much difference in the result. The federation leaders usually make their appeal to class prejudice, and attack the league officials as “plutocrats,” but the line of distinction between union and non-union labor in the city is hard to find. The citizens’ league treats all workingmen as “ citizens and taxpayers.” Another factor in the situation is that during its six years of work the league has given less attention to promotion of candidates for office, than to radical reforms in the structure of the local government. These reforms have been attained frequently by charter amendment. The latest project was a complete revision of the city charter. The new Results of the factory work are not to be questioned.

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19181 WORKINGMEN AND BETTER GOVERNMENT 601 charter was adopted by a majority of more than seven to one. Such broad appeals, however, are less fraught with personal differences or political friction than campaigns for election of rival candidates. BASIS OF SUPPORT. Membership in the league is open to all voters, at one dollar per annum, which covers subscription to the monthly bulletin. General meetings are held about once a month. An executive board of seven men, representing broadly all classes, is the final court of authority. Most of the financial support is furnished by recognized leaders in commerce and industry. To take the message of civic betterment to the workingmen, a luncheon meeting was held, attended by sixty heads of big plants. After the aims and methods had been discussed, forty plants were opened to the league for purposes of civic education and appeal. In each plant noon meetings were held, lasting fifteen minutes each. Men were invited to join the league, or at least to study the proposals put forth by the league for improving city government, and to vote favorably. Most of the noon talks were made by the executive secretary of the league, whose experience as a newspaper man and student of governmental problems had made him familiar with the social point of view, and given him an appreciation of many sides of the political, economic and industrial issues of the day. “Taxation and rents” was one of a score of topics with which the main theme was introduced. Co-operation was the keynote and spirit of the addresses. Partisan issues were never raised or permitted. Instead of discussing “politics,” the appeal uniformly was on behalf of good citizenship, American principles, free popular government, the non-partisan system for cities, and abolition of the old-time politics based on selfishness and seamed with graft. Many thousands of small documents, specially prepared, have been distributed, sometimes for educational ends, more frequently to persuade men to vote for given proposals for changes in methods of local government. Successful campaigns have been waged for the abolition of controlled voting precincts and the establishment of an honest system of election, elimination of the old board of estimates, substituting a modern for an ancient and corrupt school board, and for abolition of the ward-alderman system of city government. In several campaigns a special staff of volunteer speakers has been utilized, most of the talks being given in the factories at the noon hour, and without a hint of friction. In the campaign for adoption of the new charter more than 70 such speakers were in service. The final element which made for success and prevented undesirable results lay in the policy of the league, developed by its attorney and

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602 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November director, Pliny W. Marsh: it declines to cultivate enmities, even among gang politicians; it consistently and constructively utilizes all legitimate agencies of co-operation and friendliness which can be enlisted in the cause of good government. To-day it has access to practically ail the industrial plants of Detroit. BUREAUS OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH IN WAR TIME BY LENT D. UPSON’ Detroit, Mich. hat can civic organizations,-and in particular, Bureaus of It goes without w saying that we must do anything for the National Government which will really help to win the war. It is equally sure that we must not desert our local community problems,-with their direct bearings on war, and after the war problems,-and take a government job which does not really help the government. Men ot bureau training and experience are needed by the government, and they are needed more than ever before by their own cities. Upon these men then devolves the important and patriotic task of determining where their services will produce the greatest results. And sometimes the most patriotic thing to do will be to give up the call of a uniform, and stay home to wrestle with problems which concern the welfare of many people and which have a direct war purpose. ‘ For example, I know a man who left a responsible position in public life where he might have affected in a large way the number of employes on a city’s pay-roll, thereby releasing many persons for direct or indirect war work. He made a distinct financial sacrifice to do so, but the country made a much greater sacrifice. I understand he is now directing the activities of a dozen stenographers in Washington,-almost in the position of chief office woman, and the work which he might have done at home has gone undone. This man’s patriotism is most commendable. But somewhere there was an absence of judgment as to relative values. We cannot subscribe entirely to a statement that we must count a battle lost if any organization concerned in saving democracy at home is allowed to suffer or become weakened because of efforts spent on work concerned more directly with war service. We can subscribe entire to a Director of the Detroit bureau of governmental research. This is the stenographer’s report of the address of Dr. Upson at the New Yorlc meeting of the National Municipal League. Municipal Research,-do to win the war? He chose, however, to accept a commission in the army.

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19181 MUNICIPAL RESEARCH IN WAR TIME 603 defence of local civic activity as against activities which only pretend to be concerned with directly winning the war. For it is true indeed, that “an inefficient health department, a neglected school system, or a corrupt police department, helps the forces of autocracy, of imperialism and of selfishness.” But Bureaus of Municipal Research can and should concern themselves with activities having even a more direct bearing on the war than effective health, schools or police. For example, if by working on a sewer program we can save one million dollars in costs, and at the same time get sewer facilities for ammunition plants which otherwise would have none, I think we are doing war work. If we can prevent the paving of residence streets by pointing out that the government needs men and materials more urgently than our community needs asphalt pavements, I think we are doing war work. If we can standardize wages and work so that when men leave city service they are not replaced, and the work of the city is carried on by fewer men and carried on just as well, I think this is war work. If we can reorganize community garden service so that war gardens in our town become realities instead of something to talk about, and thereby our communities become more nearly self supporting, this too is war work. I merely raise the point that all things are relative so far as Bureaus of Municipal Research are concerned and we should carefully consider whether the work we are doing is not of great importance, and is not materially helping to win the war. The time may be near at hand when we must stop even what we are doing and go to fight. . When we fight to save the world we cannot stop to save a city or a county or a state, as such, if we are needed to do bigger things. But we must be sure of that need. Remember that our immediate task is to save men and materials, and that our future task is to try and build up cities that will meet the needs of the one or three or five million men who will come back from the battle front with an entirely new conception of what a community should do for its citizens.

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604 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November THE CITY-MANAGER PLAN AS A WAR MEASURE HARRISON G. OTIS~ Auburn, Maine SHALL endeavor to make this ten-minute speech in five minutes. One of the tenets of my profession is to do a thing in half the usual I time (applause). First of all, let us see how it conforms with the Government’s plans at this time. The U. S. Government has built several wonderful cities within the past few months, the great training camps of our army and navy. These cantonments have been put into existence and given all the facilities of our most modern municipalities under the guiding hands of practical city managers known as “officers in charge of utilities.” Some of the captains assigned to these duties have applied for membership in the city-manager’s association. The Government is using the manager plan at a time when it wants efficiency and speed. In Alaska the governments of many communities are carried on by United States officers whose duties correspond very closely to those of a city manager. A former iecretary of the association had a membership application from the town-site manager of Anchorage, Alaska. The war has brought out the value of an administrator with centralized authority. In the achievement reports of the city-manager cities as they are published in our association year book you will note how city after city has undertaken various phases of war work in a very determined and successful manner. Among the different activities which the managers have engaged in are: the handling of the fuel question, the housing problem, the planning of cities for after-war growth, and the furnishing of water, electricity and other services to nearby cantonments. The simplicity of centralized executive control has a110 wed economy and efficiency when they are most needed. Among the noteworthy achievements one or two are of especial interest. Eldorado, Kansas, two or three years ago, was a small country community of 3,500 population; it is to-day a hustling city of 18,000. The development of oil fields has changed it almost over night from a rural village to a wide-awake city. The work of rapid readjustment has been handled admirably by the city manager with the co-operation of the business men on his commission. Kingsport, Tennessee, was organized and incorporated under 1 Address delivered at a luncheon held in connection with the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Greenwich House, New York, over which Lucius E. Wilson presided. Secretary of City Managers Association.

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19181 CITY-MANAGER PLAN AS A WAR MEASURE 605 a cornmission-manager charter last year. Industrial growth has converted it from a mountain hamlet into a city of 10,000. The results accomplished by its city manager are a tribute to the workableness of the new plan. But I would not emphasize the utility features exclusively. The city-manager plan stands for business efficiency which makes possible real community service. } I heard a question this afternoon as to whether the city-manager plan is progressing as rapidly now as it has in the past, I also heard a suggestion that campaigns for the manager plan should be postponed until after the war is won. The answers to the question and to the suggestion are to be found in the fact that more cities are putting the manager plan into operation during the first half of the year 1918 than in any one year previously. I believe there are at present about 120 cities claiming some form of the city-manager plan. In 18 of these the plan became effective in 1914,-24 in 1915, 19 in 1916, 19 in 1917, and so far in 1918, 25. In the year book, just published, there are achievement reports from sixty-five cities operating under the manager plan,-short, snappy stories of actual accomplishments. These reports will tell you, far better than I can the reasons why the city-manager plan may well be promoted as a war measure. The profession of city manager offers a real opportiinity to the men who have the qualifications and the courage to enter it. The new plan permits a community to express itself in terms of real service. You may be interested to know the figures. A REVIEW OF CITY PLANNING IN THE UNITED STATES 1917-18 BY THEODORA KIMBALL' Cambridge N MANY ways the year just past may be considered the most significant period in American city planning,-more significant even than the period in which the plan for the National Capital was developed; more significant than the year of the World's Columbian Exposition, which awakened the United States to esthetic values in urban environment; more significant than the year which was marked by the association of technical experts and civic improvers in the formation of the National Conference on City Planning. For in the year 1917-18 has come governmental recognition of the fact that in the development of large areas of land for efficient use it is necessary to employ the services 1 Librarian, School of Landscape Architecture at Harvard University, consulting librarian to the U. S. housing corporation, coiitributing editor of the quarterly, Landscape A rchitecture. I

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606 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November of the several professions which have been, on a lesser scale, heretofore co-operating in city planning work. The Government has realized that to house 50,000 men in a camp, or 15,000 workmen and their families in the neighborhood of an industrial center, is not merely a question of buildings and sanitary engineering, but that the city planner-who in most cases is the landscape architect trained in the handling of land development-is necessary to adapt the arrangement of roads and buildings and community facilities most effectively to the site and the purpose. Readers of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW are already familiar, through Mr. Ihlder’s article and a subsequent note,* with the value of planning in the national army cantonments. A huge problem was set before the construction division of the army,-the building in three months of sixteen wooden cities for populations varying from thirty to fifty thousand men. By the employment of brains,-whether commissioned in the army or called from civil life,-brains trained in problems of city planning in its various phases, co-operating and turning into the plan each its special knowledge of land development, of sanitation, or of building construction, these cities were produced with record speed, with an acknowledged efficiency of arrangement, and with a certain pleasant esthetic effect due in part to the repetition of constructed forms in orderly relation and in part to their harmonious relation to the ground. But it has been not only in the emergency construction of the cantonments that the army has employed city planning services: it employs them continuously ror the period of the war-and we hope, after, if necessary-in the laying out of camps for various special purposes, in the laying out of hospitals, and in any other construction work involving the placing of nu nbers of buildings on areas of land. HOUSING INDUSTRIAL WORKERS The other department of the Government in which city planning has been recognized as essential to “winning the war’’ has dealt with the housing of industrial workers. After various delays in the passage of the necessary legislation, the power to provide adequate living accommodations for workers in war industries has been delegated by the President to the departtnpt of labor, and by it to the bureau of industrial housing and transportation. To function more readily, the activities of the bureau have been largely taken over by the U. S. housing corporation, incorporated under the laws of New York, and having as officers several of the directing officers of the bureau, Otto M. Eidlitz, president. Frederick Law Olmsted, president of the American City Planaing Institute is a director of the corporation and chief of its tom planning division. In connection with speeding up the shipbuilding program, the shipping board has housing projects already under way, including most interesting a March, 1918, v. 7, p. 139-145, and May, p. 334-335.

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19181 CITY PLANNING IN THE UNITED STATES 607 examples of industrial housing developments in which city planning experts have co-operated, and these remain under the jurisdiction of the Emergency Fleet Corporation’s department of passenger transportation and housing, which will be in the closest touch with the housing corporation. It should be noted that in the official title of both agencies for housing, the term transportation has appeared. Proper living accommodations for industrial workers may often be secured by the improvement or extension of transportation facilities to places having a surplus of houses; and this fact which has been so keenly discussed in meetings of city planners and housing experts for the past few years, is now the more sharply recognized, since any such solution releases building materials and construction workers for use in housing shortage situations which are not to be met in any other way than by building. A city planning problem of the most vital and far-reaching nature has presented itself in connection with industrial housing developments. Shall they, like the cantonments, be built dh open land-made available by transportation to the shipyards or munition plants-where conditions may be entirely controlled by the designers and a maximum of efficiency in plan, wholesomeness of living conditions, and pleasantness of appearance, be secured by the unity of the development; or shall the available vacant land in the vicinity of the yards or factories be utilized, with the sub-surface utilities in many cases already constructed, and facilities for recreation ready-at-hand in the existing city, but at a sacrifice of that unity of design which enhances the attractiveness of the new-town development as a place of re~idence?~ The problem can be answered in only one way by the housing corporation:-that type of development which can be built the most effectively, so that the workers may be soonest housed in a proper manner and the ships and munitions soonest turned out to help in the final victory. In some cases the answer is one, in some cases, the other. But with all the speed that is essential, there will be merit in the developments produced that will influence housing and city planning in this country to an extend impossible to realize at the present time. The experience of Great Britain in housing her munition workers has been consulted; and the very high standard of perinanent housing set in such towns as Well Hall and the comfortableness of the hostels for unmarried workers such as those at Gretna have stimulated us to as adequate a meeting of similar situations. This British experience has been * Readers are referred to most interesting discussions of these points in the April number of the quarterly, Landscape Architecture in articles by Thomas Adams of Canada, and E. P. Goodrich of New York, and comment by the editors; and also in the July number of the same magazine to the article by H. V. Hubbard, “Some Preliminary Considerations in Governmental Industrial War Housing.” c

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608 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November made familiar to the American public especially by the report of Frederick L. Ackerman of New York, who visited England in the Fall of 1917, and whose application of the principles involved in British developments to the American problem makes his report an important city planning document. Another document of the very greatest interest is the Standards Recommended for Permanent Industrial Housing Developments put forth by the bureau of industrial housing and transportation (March, 1918). These standards were originally drafted by Lawrence Veiller, secretary of the national housing association and adopted after undergoing revision in a series of conferences in which housing experts, architects, landscape architects, engineers, and others participated. An introductory note explains: ‘‘ These standards are not intended as inflexible requirements, but any plans which fail to conform to them are not likely to be accepted unless supported by very strong reasons. Local building codes, housing laws, and similar ordinances are to be followed: Provided, however, that in case such local regulations permit or require anything not permitted by these standards the express approval of this bureau is to be obtained before departing from the standards as here outlined.” Needless to say, minimum requirements as these have had to be in many respects, they are far in advance of certain types of housing with which our industrial workers have been obliged to put up, and which have been the cause of the impairment of industrial efficiency. To these standards, however, would conform a considerable number of housing schemes which industrial plants have undertaken for their own workers, or which subsidiary companies have put forth. Several of these schemes have been well designed by competent planners and have been under construction during the past year, testifying to the increase of intelligent appreciation of the commercial value of city planning. IMPORTANCE OF PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT With all these evidences of city planning work in war emergency construction, we are interested to know the situation in regard to construction on city planning projects the immediate necessity of which is not so apparent. One thing has been brought home to the world as never before: that on proper physical environment depends the effectiveness of man, in fighting or in industry, and so ultimately the effectiveness of the nation. In all plank for reconstruction-in such a document as the notable reconstruction report, and subsequent resolutions, of the British Labour Party-it is recognized that the after-war improvement of the environment of the average citizen is absolutely essential to national happiness

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19181 CITY PLANNING IN THE UNITED STATES 609 and prosperity. On what a scale this improvement should take place is indicated in Thomas Adams’ Rural Planning and Development for Canada, a report of far more than local interest. It is a treatise on national planning which should have a very great influence on city and national planning in the United States, and point to the time when we survey and apportion all our vast natural resources to their most effective use. As giving a statement of the new spirit of planning and development, the appearance of this report should be recorded as an event in the history of American planning. Mr. Adams’ counsels, with their background of British experience, have also aided us in our regular national city planning and housing conferences, and in such special conferences as those held in Philadelphia last Febr~ary,~ which were significant as national recognition of the war-time situation, and the relation of this to after-war problems. The periodical press is beginning to evidence the fact that cities throughout the country are appreciating the importance of “Plan now for construction after the war,” as recommended in such a resolution as that passed by the American City Planning Institute at the St. Louis Conferen~e.~ While all improvements indispensable to the health of the population and necessary for transportation of war supplies must go forward now, it is of course apparent that men and materials are not at present available to carry out the municipal improvements already planned in many cities. Other cities have not as comprehensive plans as would be desirable for a vigorous program of construction to utilize labor released by the dose of the war. It was announced a short time ago that the mayor of Cleveland desired from the heads of all city departments comprehensive work programs which are to be submitted to the city plan commission for co-ordination. In this way Cleveland hopes to be ready for wise and fruitful progress when the labor is available. Similar plans are going forward in other cities. DISTRICTING In addition to the advances in recognition of city planning occasioned by the war, the most important progress of the year has unquestionably been in the field of districting or zoning. The fundamental relation between the street plan and the apportionment of the city area into districts according to use and the street plan has become more clear; and the very great economies to be effected, as well as the amenity to be secured, are convincing American cities that districting is worth while. With New York City in the East as the leader, and its building zone ordinance as a model to be followed or varied from, and with California possessing a state zoning act “broader in scope and affording greater protection than See REVIEW, May, 1918, v. 7, p. 289-291. 5 See p. 435 of the July REVIEW. 5

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610 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November any other existing act of these United States, the movement is seen to be country-wide. Baltimore is embarking on a campaign for districting regulations’; and St. Louis has just published a full set of maps to accompany the ordinance drawn up by the city plan commission and passed by the board of aldermen in June. A New York state law now makes it possible for cities other than New Yorlc city to secure the same power for districting.8 In spite of several minor legal set-backs, there is a strong general tendency to recognize the validity of the districting principle; and its ultimate place in our regular municipal program seems assured. Of city planning activity as marked by published reports during the past twelve months, much might be said. Two or three considerable volumes, a number of comprehensive plans, a group of districting reports, and many annual publications have appeared. It will be possible here, however, only to note and discuss a very few of the more important, with all due respect to the excellent work evidenced by many of the others. CALIFORNIA PROGRESS The June number (1918) of the Architect and Engineer of California, prepared under the direction of Charles Henry Cheney, secretary of the California conference on city planning, may be considered as a stocktaking of city planning in that state. In addition to the noteworthy progress in districting made by Berkeley and Fresno we find important the appointment of a permanent city planning commission for San Francisco; work on city plans for Pasadena and Alameda (the latter especially urgent on account of the shipbuilding plants) ; transportation plans involving Los Angeles on the one hand and Oakland, Alameda, and Berkeley on the other, now before the state railroad commission, the decision of which is final on such matters, thus making the commission an ultimate city planning authority.$ But most important of all is the establishment of a state bureau of city planning under the commission of immigration, with functions analogous to the Massachusetts homestead commission and to the bureau of municipalities, with its recently-appointed city planning engineer, of the state of Pennsylvania. ST. LOUIS The group of St. Louis city plan commission reports (Harland Bartholomew, Engineer) shows great activity in that city. Problems of St. Louis, as its title goes on to explain, is “a description from the city planning standpoint, of past and present tendencies of growth with general 8 From report of the president of the California conference on city planning. 7 See Municipal Journal of Baltimore, May 10, 1918. 8 N. Y. State Bureau of Municipal Information, Bulletin no. 21. 9 Noted in special manuscript summary of California situation made by Mr. Cheney for the editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW.

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19181 CITY PLANNING IN THE UNITED STATES 61 1 suggestions for impending issues and necessary future improvements,"in other words, it is a local manual of city planning comparable to that of Newark, with which city Mr. Bartholomew was previously connected. The Major Street Plan for St. Louis, taken together with the later zoning plans, points out the main lines of city development and growth; and the Recreation report (November, 1917) comprises a thorough study of the situation, with plans for a systematic rounding out of the public park and recreation system. Zoning for St. Louis prepared the wag for the official zoning maps and the ordinance already referred to. Thus St. Louis may well lay claim to first place in the activity of the year in the United States, as expressed in well-prepared city planning reports. In addition an industrial survey of St. Louis by the firm of Goodrich, Hoover and Bennett (New York) has been going forward, the results of which are not yet published. It is worth especial note, in these days when the eEciency of industry is so vital to our success, that the relation of the location of industries to the city plan is receiving wider attention. OTHER CITIES Omaha'O and Davenport" have both published studies for comprehensive plans. In the case of Omaha, the consulting experts were Messrs. George B. Ford, E. P. Goodrich, and the late Charles Mulford Robinson. A careful survey by them has been made the basis of recommendations which the commission, with their approval, sets forth. The Davenport studies have particular interest at this time because of the growth of Davenport and adjacent cities as a great center of war industries. One of the U. S. housing corporation projects is located there, and it should be a matter of satisfaction to the city that a tangible evidence of its foresight could be laid before the government experts. The Plan of Minneapolis,'2 expected to appear in 1914, has recently come out in sumptuous form, similar to the Chicago report of 1909, in which Mr. Bennett collaborated with the late Mr. Burnham. Mr. Burnham was indeed concerned with the beginnings of this Minneapolis plan, and a most inspiring quotation from him begins the volume. There are beautiful renderings by Jules Guc'rin, and a large number of illustrations. The parallel to the Chicago plan is, nevertheless, too close in many respects, and we are left with a feeling that the city of Minneapolis as planned, however splendid, would lack the individuality which is her right. 10 Preliminary studies for a city plan for Omaha, city planning commission, November, 1917. 11 Report to the mayor and city council of the city of Davenport, Iowa, on city planning for Davenport. Roscoe E. Sawistowsky, city engineer. 1918. 1*Plan of Minneapolis, prepared under the direction of the Civic Commission MCMXVII, by Edward H. Bennett, architect; edited and written by Andrew Wright Crawford. 1917.

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612 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November Only one of Colonel Bion J. Arnold's reports has appeared in the last twelve months,-that for Syracu~e.'~ As usual in the reports with which he has been connected, the intimate relation of the transportation problem to the city plan is fully recognized. In this case, the railroad-crossing situation has tied up city development, and its solution will make for essential improvement. Philadelphia, now the national center of the shipbuilding industry, is fortunate in having comprehensive plans for development already far advanced. In 1917, the permanent committee on comprehensive plans published a Report on the Rewision and Extension of the Street System in Southwest Philadelphia, based on an extensive study made by the general plans division of the bureau of surveys. This report is parallel to the South Philadelphia report of 1913, and proposes waterfront reclamation for industrial and housing purposes. At a session of the Philadelphia conferences on war-time housing and community planning in February there were shown these waterfront plans for the whole area of shipbuilding activity in the Philadelphia district. WASHINGTON, D. C. The effect of the war emergency construction of the past year in Washington on the plan of that city has been a subject of the gravest concern. It is most encouraging to see in the recent Report on Public Buildings l4 and in the last two reports of the commission of fine arts that the plan is none the less cherished and future permanent building development carefully worked out in accordance with it. The public building commission was appointed in 1916 with a view to providing ultimately permanent quarters for all the governmental activities in the District of Columbia in buildings owned by the government. The report is a large volume containing a wealth of illustrations, plans, etc. A perusal of it shows how necessary to the carrying out of the plan of Washington is an intelligent appreciation on the part of congress, since, through the control of appropriations, it thereby has control of ultimate development. The commission of fine arts reports for 1916 and 1918, both published within the year, review progress on the park commission plan of Washington, since the founding of the commission in 1910; and the 1918 report contains the recommendations made by the commission during the preparation of the public buildings commission report, and also the commission's report on the relocation of the Botanic garden, with a discussion of proposed sites. To read the reports of the commission is to realize again that in our capital city we have our most worthy city planning monument; and that, whatever ignorance and special interests may attempt to 13 Report on Grade Crossing Elimination in the City of Syracuse; findings of the commission and report of Bion J. Arnold, consulting engineer. Senate Document no. 155, 65th congress, 2d session. 1917. (Limited distribution.)

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19 181 EDITORIAL 613 its detriment, its development is continuously watched over with the greatest of understanding and skill. In enumerating the accomplishments of the year in city planning, we should not lose sight of the distance which we still have to go before Mr. Adams’ term (( planning and development” becomes an integral part of our national and civic life. The gains recently made cause us to hope that in the reconstruction period here, as abroad, a more wholesome and more pleasant environment may be secured to every person to whom it has previously been denied. EDITORIAL FTER war-Reconstruction! Preparation for the problems of The years of war seem long-but we believe the years of A peace will be longer and more fruitful. They certainly will be if we take to heart the profound lessons of the world struggle. In the words of a Belgian National “We want, in the days to come, to reveal and express, clearly to ourselves, those ideals which have maintained us in the war. ” In short’ the patriotism of peace must be as high and fine and selfsacrificing and patient and unremitting as the patriotism of the war. The National Municipal League is concerned in the forms of government and their efficient administration. It is interested in something more-in citizenship, in civic heroism and civic patriotism. Its members have helped, from the president to the youngest and newest member, in every phase of war activity abroad and at home and they have kept the home lines steady. They have borne a double burden. They have added war duties to peace duties. They have sought to make permanent the fine spirit of citizen volunteer service and co-operation for the upholding of a nation, which in its every part will be worthy of the sacrifices that have been so gladly made. The readjustment of society, the re-establishment of old lines of contact, the reorganization of life and industry, the rehabilitation of the maimed and wounded, in short the problems of reconstruction. Conscious of their pertinency, urgency and importance the National Municipal League has called a conference to meet in Rochester, New York, November 20-22,1918, to discuss American Reconstruction Problems. We will meet under the auspices of the Rochester Chamber of Commerce and the Rochester Bureau of Municipal Research which has undertaken so fine a piece of local reconstruction work.‘ In one aspect it may seem narrow in its scope. NO peace. The hardest problems probably lie ahead of us. The outline of the program follows. 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii, p. 574. Reflection will show that it is broadly inclusive.

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614 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November phase but what will be pertinent at one of the sessions. There will be few papers, but many speakers of insight, experience, devotion to public weal and welfare. It will be a real conference, a sincere desire to consider what should be done to prepare America for peace, to conserve the lessons of the war and to make a place to which those who have gone over seas to fight for ideals will be proud to return to and work for during the remainder of their days. THE EDITOR. OUTLINE OF PROGRAM The conference will open Wednesday evening, November 20, with addresses by representatives of Great Britain, France and Belgium, describing in turn what our Allies are doing in the way of solving reconstruction problems. On Thursday Morning, November 21, the subject for discussion will be the new relation of the Federal government to state and local communities. The paper will be prepared by Prof, Howard Lee McBain, of Columbia university, and will be thrown open to discussion under a ten-minute rule. The Thursday Afternoon session will be devoted to a consideration of the replanning the United States in regard to transportation, housing, and public works. Definitive papers will be presented by F. L. Ackerman, of the emergency fleet corporation, Philadelphia, and Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, of the Bureau of standards, Washington, D. C. On Thursday evening the subject of the discussion will be public employment, with a definitive paper by Dr. Charles A. Beard, of the New York bureau of municipal research and an address by Charles Zueblin, of the department of labor. The Fridzy sessions (morning and afternoon) will be devoted to a consideration of the government, present and future, of the communities called into being by war-time conditions. A paper will be presented by Richard S. Childs, now connected with the housing bureaus of the army and navy department. On Friday evening F. L. Ackerman will give an illustrated address on how England is housing her working population during war times. The presiding officers will be Lawson Purdy, president of the National Municipal League; and President Rush Rhees, of the university of Rochester.

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DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS I. BOOK REVIEWS BOOKS FOR WOMEN AS VOTERS. The arrival of equal suffrage in New York haa brought a large number of women up with a round turn to face the political duties of citizenship. Some of these, by far the smallest part, are eager and prepared. Others are eager but unprepared. Some are merely willing. Others are unwilling, but recognizing responsibility. And others are indifferent. Of these classes the first and last may not consider themselves in line for information, the one as not needing it, the other as not desiring it; but the rest, in a greater or less degree, acknowledge both wish and need. “Just what ought we to know?” they say. It is quite natural that efforts should be made to answer this question in direct and final fashion; and that panaceas in capsule form should be compounded and offered to all comers. Such will undoubtedly meet the demand (if not the need); will soothe (if not inform and impel) the inquiring mind; and ought to be good things from the publishers’ point of view. So manuals for the woman voter are here, and probably will continue to multiply. But such manuals Iabor, of necessity, under handicaps that force them to promise more than they can perform. In the iirst place, where they attempt to modify information and color importance on sex lines, they present a one-sided aspect dangerous rather than useful to the cause of good citizenship. The implied attitude that woman’s first job in politics is to make thine pleasant for woman, is not conducive to furthering the spirit of community interest that we are beginning to impress on our youth as a necessary virtue in the citizen. In the second place no single book can pretend to give all one ought to know unless it constitute itself a directory rather than an instructor. The most successful attempt at citizen education in a single volume-and this is neither a woman’s manual nor a treatise on government and politics-is William H. Allen’s Universal Training for Citizenship and Public Service, published by MacmilIan, New YorL, 1917 ($1.50), which can best be described as soil preparation and seed casting, the fruit whereof should be good. We are inclined to believe that certain of the books on civics prepared for upper grades and high schools would better fill the average need for first principles than any book yet written for women; while those who are seelcing citizenship in its fuller sense will learn their communities through personal contact and will sample at least a good armful of volumes chosen by the nearest librarian, or, better, by themselves, from a tier of shelves. Seekers for voter’s knowledge will ask the same question with quite varied conceptions of the extent to which they desire an answer. Some, very definitely, will want no more than a knowledge of actual voting processes, and definitions of such governmental terms and functions and officers as their own part in election duties will touch. For such nothing better has appeared than the Voters’ Guide, a small pamphlet published this year by the Brooklyn Daily Eagle (10 cents), or the Primer for Voters, New York edition, compiled by Martha G. Stapler, published by the National Woman Suffrage Publishing Company, 171 Madison Ave., New York, 1918 (25 cents), supplemented perhaps by the latest issue of the Municipal Year Book of the City of New York, furnished by the Municipal Reference Library, 512 Municipal Building (20) cents) a larger pamphlet showing the make-up of the city’s government. These will complete the library of the least desirous and may equally well begin that of the more adventurous. The same ground is covered more entertainingly and at greater length in The New 61 5

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61 6 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November Voter: Things he and she ought to know about politics and citizenship, by Charles Willis Thompson, a revision of the series of articles printed in the New York Times as “The Woman Voter,” published by G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, 1918, $1.50. This is a symposium in which the politician, the Washington correspondent, the lawyer and the ex-congressman converse on the mechanics of politics for the benefit of the new voter, the college woman, the ’ business woman, the man who acknowledges his ignorance and his wife. The “new voter” is a woman of intelligence apart from her lack of political information. Her state of mind on approaching the latter is described with enough truthfulness and humor to make many readers easily put themselves in her place, and the conversational setting is well handled in transferring facts with the least effort. Those who are willing to go a step further may be satisfied with one of the three woman’s books noted below. For those who would take the “whole course” nothing has yet appeared in single volume form. Your Vote and How to Use It, by Mrs. Raymond Brown, published by Harper, New York, 1918 (75 cents), is the most elementary in treatment, designed, as its preface indicates, for the busy housewife and the overworked factory woman. It is little more than a collection of simple definitions, threaded together, of governmental structure, national, state, city, town, county and village; of elections and election qualifications with a chart of elective officids; of taxation, public highways, courts, criminal punishment, public education, health and recreation, dependent and delinquent children, child labor, public charities and Americanization, presented in the order given. It stresses the woman side. Mrs. Carrie ChapmanrCat
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19181 BOOK REVIEWS 617 ment, to disseminate information, to utilize the public press, especially the foreignlanguage papers, to instruct the foreign women, to form classes, to rally the women to register and vote, to form non-partisan ward and precinct organizations, to hold mass meetings, to oppose partisanship in local affairs, to encourage women to act as judges and clerks of election and to furnish information on candidates and measures.” In New Yorlc this work has not been centralized in the same way. Various organizations are concerning themselves with the education of the voter, each according to its own preference, though it is corning to be understood that the establishment of a central bureau would be of decided advantage. The New Yorlc Woman’s city club and the Wozan’s municipal league held a series of conferences on methods of educating voters and of securing concerted action in public matters and a questionnaire issued by these two bodies in concert has shown the number of organizations now interested in the subject. The issues of the Ieague’s weekly leaflet Women and the City’s Work, for December 4 and December 18, 1917, are devoted to women and the new citiaenship. The latter issue lists the New York associations actively engaged in civic education. Beside the development of a central bureau for traveling exhibits and exchange information, the league advocates the organization of a permanent non-partisan conference of representatives from these organizations to meet regularly to compare notes and prevent overlapping; the maintenance of a central speakers’ bureau; and the possible development of an interorganization bulletin service on civic questions. JOHN COTTON DANA.~ Newark, N. J. 4 MEDIAWAL TOWN PLANNING. By T. F. Tout, M.A., F.B.A. Mr. Tout’s lecture on “Mediaeval Town Planning” is interesting, quite apart from its inherent value, because it was made 1 Librarian, Newark Public Library. during the war. It was delivered at ManChester, England, in December, 1916. This is another proof of the interest in the building of towns and cities that has been noticeably increased by the war. The natural supposition that war would more or less retard city planning, if not bring it to a halt, has been proved erroneous in Great Britain, in France, in Canada, and in Australia; and now the United States government is giving city planning a powerful impetus by the creation of some thirty towns or suburbs, in many of which results of a high order of merit are being attained. Mr. Tout rightly points ont that the problems which most vex the soul of the modern social reformer “made little appeal to the men of the middle ages. The medixval town planner had a limited sanitary outlook. If he provided access to sources of water supply and gutters to carry away the rain water, he gave his burgesses all that they wanted. If, too, he made modest provision for the cleansing of the streets and prohibited pigs from haunting the public ways, he thought that everything necessary had been done to secure public health.” The modern town planner “is not hampered by the need of crowding his population together within the smallest possible area so as to make its defence practicable by a limited armed force. If he has to deal with hundreds of thousands while his predecessor had to deal with a score of hundreds, he has infinitely greater control over the material with which he is working, and,by far greater authority at his back.” It was more difficult in ancient days “to plan out a great town than it is for the great nations of the modern world with their almost unbounded power of harnessing nature to their service.” It was well worth while to emphasize these differences between ancient and modern town planning: particularly, as Mr. Tout wisely uses the statement of the advantages of the town planners of today to prod some of them a bit, because of their tendency to limit themselves in practice to the same categories as their ancient predecessors, namely, to devising

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November straight streets of width adequate for their purpose, and to providing building sites, squares and open places, similar in type and regular in outline. He softens this by the statement that “the philanthropic or humanitarian motive underlying much of modern town planning was far in the background of the mediaeval mind. The problem of overcrowding, the need of housing under healthy conditions were seldom, if ever, present to him.” Mr. Tout notes that ‘I however you plan your original town, the town planners never can tell how or where it will grow. Even the mediaeval town planner was often baffled hy the capricioiis and unexpected forces that controlled the building activities of the next generation. The town planner under the modern conditions of vast agglomerations, capable of indefinite expansion, will still find this rock ahead of him.” The lecture discueses chiefly the towns of Northern Fiance and of England, planned under the direction of Edward I, of which Montpazier is best known. “With the ‘fever for founding towns’ that marked the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the golden age of mediaeval town planning set in.” It is to that period that Mr. Tout largely addresses himself in this interesting paper, While it is noted that “the modern social reformer cannot expect to find much practical guidance from the town planner of the middle ages,” yet “for those less severely practical it should ever be interesting to see how the same problems present themselves, though under different conditions, throughout all the ages.” The lecturer says elsewhere: “When all the world is talking of town planning, the historic aspects of that problem may well occupy the attention of the historian. It is eminently practical . . . to draw the moral that the methodical organization of town construction can only be attained when the impulses of the individual are adequately controlled by the corporate will of the community, and when the immediate advantage of the moment is subordinated to the ultimate welfare of the future.” Real estate operators, take notice. Mr. Tout is perfectly right. It is not the builders of today, but the occupiers of many to-morrows, who must be the supreme consideration. Mr. Tout adds, entertainly and accurately: “Some towns, iiicluding most of the great cities of history, grow; others, on the other hand, are made. And the process of town making is as legitimate as the process of constitution making. Professor Pollard in a paradoxical moment has lately told us that constitutions that develop are better than constitutions that spring from the brain of the legislator. The answer is that it all depends on the constitutions. This is the case with towns as well as constitutions.” ANDREW WRIGHT CRAWFORD. * PROCEDURE IN STATE LEGISLATURES. By H. W. Dodds. Philadelphia: The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1918. v, 112 pp. So far the effort to improve our state governments has confined itself almost entirely to the executive. This is in spite of the fact that the legislatures have displayed quite as many defects as can be charged against the executive and that the effect of these deficiencies in destroying public confidence in government has far outweighed that of all administrative shortcomings. The problem of improving legislative processes has not yet been seriously attacked in this country. In the meantime public confidence in legislatures, state and national, has steadily declined. The rapid spread of the movement for direct legislation is eloquent testimony to this fact. But although that movement is always met by the argument that reform should be sought by improving the machinery of representative government it is not of record that those who have so argued have come forward with any plan of improvement. Obviously any approach to the problem of improved legislative procedure must lie along a pathway of fact. The essential facts upon which to base a proposal for the reform of legislative processes are

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS more difficult to obtain than in the case of a similar proposal for improved administration. This ditficulty, together with the greater prejudice and political opposition, probably accounts for the lack of progress hitherto made in this direction. The work of Dr. Dodds, embodied in the monograph under consideration, is the most substantial contribution yet made to the study of state legislative procedure. From it one can get an excellent idea of present complications, the method of introducing bills, the diverse and confused committee systems, quorum, control over debate. and lack of responsible leadership, to mention only a few of the subjects treated. While the author has not coilsidered it a part of his purpose to make extensive suggestions for the improvement of legislative procedure, the facts themselves point the way to better methods in many instances. On the whole, this work represents the sort of investigation now so much needed with respect to state and national legislative bodies. It is to be hoped that Dr. Dodds will follow up this excellent beginning and in the course of time give us a well-rounded constructive proposal for legislative reorganization. A. R. HATTON. * THE CHRONICLE OF ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY YEARS. By Joseph Buclclin Bishop. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Pp. 310. The Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York is more than an important and honored local institution in New York city. During the whole period of its existence, including six wars, it has been an active factor in stimulating and developing public opinion, not only along the lines of commerce and industry but in the civic field as well. It has taken a direct and constructive part in the solution of municipal problems such as that of transit,, and it has been actively identified with numerous efforts for honest government. It inaugurated the steps which led to the formation of the original committee of seventy which took so vigorous a stand against Tweed and his colleagues, and it also brought into existence the later committee of seventy, which again was influential in overthrowing Tammany and correcting many abuses. It has secured state legislative investigation of local evils, especially in the matter of police administration. Mr. Bishop has performed his task well justly preserving a due proportion in his consideration of the factors which have made of the chamber a leader among commercial organizations in the country and a substantial factor in the life of New York city and state. -4bundantly illustrated it records a satisfactory history of the oldest commercial body in the United States. * MUNICIPAL HOUSE CLEANING. By William Parr Capes and Jeanne R. Carpenter. New York: E. P. Dutton. Pp. 232. $6.00. Mr. Capes as secretary of the New York state bureau of information, and secretary of the New York state conference of mayors and other officials gathered a great deal of data concerning various phases of municipal administration and especially with regard to the methods and experiences of American cities in collecting and disposing of their municipal wastes, ashes, rubbish, garbage, manure, sewage and street refuse. These facts were embodied in bulletins which the bureau distributed among its members for their guidance as municipal officials, but a wider demand for them sprang up, both within and without the state and so Mr. Cape determined to make them available for this wider audience. This he has done in the present, volume with the assistance of Mrs. Jeanne Daniels Carpenter, an “expert in economics and municipal research. ” There are six chapters dealing with street cleaning; sewage disposal methods, ash and rubbish collecting; garbage collecting and disposal, disposal of manure, and municipal clean-up campaigns. There is no index to the book, but an excellent analytical table of contents and seven tables of figures. In his introduction Mayor Burns of Troy, the president of the conference, makes this pertinent re

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mark: “The expansion and increasing complexity of municipal activities, the desire of women for more knowledge about their new responsibilities, the need for better living conditions, brought about by greater congestion, the necessity for conserving every ounce of man and woman power, the demand for greater efficiency and rock bottom economy in every lineall these conditions are making themselves felt with the public official. . . . The official’s worth now is not measured by his good fellowship and vote getting capacity, but rather by his ability to produce results, . . . in the city hall every day.” 47 THE STANDARD BEARERS. By Katherine Mayo. Publishers, Houghton, Mifflin Company. Price, $1.50 net. Miss Mayo in these “true stories of the heroes of law and order” contributes an admirable piece of propaganda which it is to be hoped will be used as a precedent in other fields of governmental endeavor. The policing of a state is a difficult problem. Pennsylvania has made a splendid contribution under the leadership of a man who proved himself to be a true public servant: Captain John C. Groome. He has known only one service-the publicand the state Constabulary under his organization and guidance has been a model of effectiveness and of singular devotion to public duty. These stories are good as storiF-but they are something more, far more; they show how a great work can be interpreted in terms that the great public can understand. In her previous work “Justice to All”,1 Miss Mayo did her work so well that it was used as a powerful argument in securing thepassage of the New York state constabulary 11. BOOKS “THE VALLEY OF DEMOCRACY.” By Meredit.h Nicholson, N. Y. Charles Scribner’s Sons. 284 pp. $2.00 net. AMERICAN CITIES. Their Methods of Business. By Arthur Benson Gilbert, M.A. New York: The Macmdlan Company, 1918. Pp. 240. $1.50. LSee NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, volume 6, 620 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November page 295. law. The state police idea is spreading rapidly over the Union. Miss Mayo does not hesitate to ascribe the growth of the movement to the work of the Pennsylvania force. accomplishment. published in the Saturday Evening Post. These stories deal with actual work and Most of them were first 47 BOOK NOTE Two new volumes in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL’ REVIEW series will be published this Autumn by D. Appleton Company. One, A New Municipal Program, edited by Clinton Rogers Woodruff, and the other on “Expert City Government,” edited by Major E. A. Fitzpatrick. The first mentioned contains the text of the constitutional municipal home rule amendments and the Model City Charter adopted at the Dayton, Ohio, meeting of the National Municipal League, November, 1916; and a series of chapters dealing with and explaining various features of the amendment and the charter. A series of untoward events have happened to delay the publication of this volume, but it will have lost none of its value by reason of this delay, for the interest in charter reconstruction continues unabated. There has been no apparent cessation of effort in this field because of the war, and interest in the Model City Charter is as great as ever. Major Fitzpatrick’s book is another timely contribution, interest in effective government having been stimulated by the war, With the coming of peace there will unquestionably be a more widespread demand, not only for improved instruments of local government, but for better administration, and these two books will furnish constructive help along both lines. RECEIVED AMERICANIZATION. By Royal Dixon. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 196. 50 cents. By Clifton F. Hodge. Boston: Ginn & Company. Pp. 381. Illustrated. $1.60. DEMOCRATISCH GEMEENTEBEHEER. Een Verhandeling over Commission GovernCIVIC BIOLOQY.

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS ment in Amerikaasche Steden. By A. Buriks. Published by Martinus Nijhoff , Lange Voorhout 9, The Hague. F’rice, 4.60 Gld. FIFTH AVENUE. By Arthur Bartlett Maurice. New York: Dodd, Mead and Go., 1918. Pp. 331. Illustrated. THE WOMAN CITIZEN. By Horace A. Hollister, Ph.D. New Yorlc: D. Appleton & Go., 1918. Pp. 303. $1.75. HOME AND COMMUNITY HYGIENE. By Jean Broadhurst, Ph.D. Lippincott’s 111. REVIEWS A Reorganized Board of Trade in Winnipeg.*-For several years Winnipeg has been considering the advisability of establishing a central civic-commercial organization, such as exists in the larger American cities. The most important of the old organizations were the board of trade, industrial bureau and citizens’ research league. “Representative business men and citizens in Winnipeg generally recognize the desirability of having one comprehensive Winnipeg organization commensurate with the growing importance of the city and province, and capable of working actively and unitedly for business and community progress.” The &st plan was for a mere federation of all existing organizations, each one to send several representatives to a board of directors or council. There has been throughout the development in the Winnipeg situation an evident tendency “to meet conditions and not merely ideals.” The leaders of the Winnipeg movement have not thus far had the courage to insist on the establishment of an organization whose ideals would be frankly in the interest of the community at large instead of special groups, and it is doubtful whether many of them have had any conception of the civic possibilities of the modern chamber of commerce. As a consequence, the reorganized board of trade in Winnipeg is to include a great many sections, bureaus, departments and divisions, all of which encoursze the members of the organization to think in 1 Suggested plan for reorganized board of trade and civics;-bulletin No. 10 of the citizens’ research league of Winnipeg. Home Manuals. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Go. $2. IMPERIAL ENGLAND. By Cecil Fairfield Lave11 and Charles Edward Payne. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 395. $2. THE RESPONSIBLE STATE. By Franklin Henry Giddings. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Go. Pp. 108. $1. Bv Ida Clvde THE LITTLE DEMOCRACY. Clarke. Pp. 253. $1.50 net. New York: D. Apileton & eo. OF REPORTS terms of their special interests rather than in terms of the city at large. The plan as outlined by the citizen’s research league is doubtless ttn improvement over the old state of affairs in Winnipeg, but what is proposed and what is being established providcs onlya slight improvement and that slight improvement is likely to postpone for a considerable number of years the sort of thing which every community ought to insist upon as a fundamental of community organization. Chambers of commerce organized on a departmental or sectional basis cannot possibly become a melting pot for the citizens of any city. Sectional organizations are almost certain to bring men together with the desire for some special advantage for some subsection and usually fail utterly to stimulate a desire to serve the city or to establish in the public mind the doctrine of community service. The report suggests the choosing of officers by popular election rather than by the board of directors. This suggests the old idea of having the people elect a mayor and a council to act as a check on the mayor. It is the American idea of checks and balances in government applied to the government of a citizen organization. The officers of a chamber of commerce certainly ought to be chosen by and from the board of directors annually. This is the general practice in business corporations and is the principle of centralization and definite responsibility which appears in the city-manager form of government. The Annual election is also desirable.

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622 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November only reason for a two-year term is that it gives continuity in the personnel of the board. This idea is based on the prevalent conception that it would be a good thing to have longer terms for aldermen, so that business men would not have to run the annual gauntlet. Of course this old argument in the field of civics is simply equivalent to saying that business men do not like to feel responsible to public opinion. As a matter of fact, in chamber of commerce activities those members of the board of directors who do effective work are nearly always retained as directors, and the annual election usually disposes of those members of a board who have failed to appreciate the public mind or who have failed to assume their responsibilities seriously. The annual election of the members of a board is a sort of annual recall. The report implies the use of standing committees. Standing committees are the bane of chamber of commerce work throughout the country. Elbert Hubbard once said that the function of standing committees is to stand. The word ‘‘bureau’’ practically stands for the same thing. ‘Though the use of the word is on the wane, it still persists and looks good on paper, but unfortunately it makes the members think in rigid and selfish terms. It draws a distinction between groups of the chamber, it individualizes activities, and generally builds up vested interests. Every committee should have a definite goal to reach and achievement to record. Bureaus and standing committees do not have a definite goel and &s a consequence their efforts are usually not as effective as they should be. There are two classes of community organization: in one selfish group interests are predominant: in the other group interests are fused into community interests. The Winnipeg report makes concessions altogether too great to the former point of view. It may be that the public mind in Winnipeg is not yet prepared for the sort of a community organization which seems to appeal to men in many American cities, but it seems a pity that the report of the citizens’ league did not give the citizens of Winnipeg the benefit of the doubt, for a report looking forward to the establishment of an organization in which the community viewpoint would have been all-important would have had a very great influence. As it is, the reorganization of the Winnipeg board of trade has made quite unnecessary concessions to selfish principles. W. J. DONALD. Niagara Falls, N. P. * Lessons in Community and National Life.-The U. S. bureau of education, in co-operation with the food administration, has been making a contribution to the general subjects of “Americanization” and “training for citizenship” by means of these lessons which have been printed as community leaflets during the school year 1917-1918. They are designed for use in the public schools and are divided into three sections according to the maturity of the reader: Section A is for the upper classes of the high school: section B, for the first class of the high school and the upper grades of the elementary school: and section C for the inteimediate grades of the elementary school. A community leaflet containing several separate lessons on the same larger topic was issued for each of the three sections during every month of the school year. For the most part the monthly lessons for the different grades of readers have had the same general subject but with weekly topics varying for the sections according to the difficulty of the material. For example, the large question of “business organization and national standards” form the study for all sections: but the detailed lessons differ according to the group for which they are intended. Some of the large subjects treated are production and wise consumption: machine industry and community life; national control and food conservation: customs, laws and forms of government; concentration of population and industries and institutions; and the worker and the wage system. The editors of the series are Professors Charles H. Judd of the school of education

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS and Leon C. Marshall, dean of the school of commerce and administration, both of the University of Chicago. Individual lessons have been prepared by a number of writers, the majority of whom are connected with the University of Chicago. The leaflets are sold by the bureau of education at five cents each, with considerable reductions in price for subscriptions to large quantities. It is to be hoped that these lessons have been widely used, for their conception and execution are adrr-irable. The lessons are short, of about 3,500 words each; they are written with clearness and simplicity-the readers for whom they are intended will have no difficulty in comprehending the short sentences and easy words. There is frequent use of concrete examples and of little stories of practical life, with a somewhat moral tone, such as that of “how the goldsmith became a banker,” and of the young employe who built up a business for himself. References to history and to literature are well timed to correlate the students’ study in those branches. Most of the explanations are excellently made and are briefly to the point. To each lesson is appended a short list of references, and at the bottom of each page of text are six or seven appropriate questions. Answers, however, must be sought beyond the leaflet itself since the questions are intended to stimulate practical inquiries, the use of the appended bibliographies, and reflection on the part of the student. One cannot doubt that the next generation of citizens will come to their duties with a vastly deeper fund of information and altogether clearer conceptions regarding the ends and aims of government. ALICE M. HOLDEN. * Social Work with Families.LThis volume presents a rather difficult problem to the reviewer who wishes to give the reader in a few words at least a general idea of the contents. Apart from the brief fore1 Social work with families: social case treatment, edited by Frank D Wataon, 184 pp. Annab of the .dmerUan Academy of Polilical and Social Science, May. 1918. word by Dr. Watson, the seventeen papers by as many authors would scarcely suggest the cover title, nor would they seem to constitute either a “reference book” or a “storehouse of knowledge,” to use Dr. Watson’s phrases, although the various papers do without doubt contribute something to the specific problems touched upon. Part one, “The approach to social case treatment,” consists of three papers, one pointing out the opportunities and elucidating the art of social case treatment, another contrasting case work with social reform, and the third presenting a view of the “normal family,” chiefly from the historical point of view. Part two presents the problem of the physically or mentally handicapped-handicapped being the modern euphemism for the good old word defectioe. Principles and methods of social treatment for the crippled, the sick, the feebleminded, and those afflicted with mental diseases are set forth by recognized authorities. Part three, containing nine papers on the “socially handicapped,” deals more distinctly with family problems. The “fatherless family,” desertion and nonsupport, the illegitimate family, the foster care of neglected and dependent children, the homeless, alcoholics, the immigrant family, and soldiers’ and sailors’ families are all authoritatively discussed with reference to social case treatment. To one not versed in the technique and terminology of social work the term “case work” may appear a bit mysterious. Though its meaning is abundantly illustrated in concrete ways in these various papers, no clear-cut definition is offered and perhaps none is possible. The nearest approach to the heart of the matter seems to be made by the writer who refers to modern social case work as “that elastic, imaginative, penetrating understanding of each individual in need, that process of interpretation that never looks upon the individual &s a solitary, isolated being, but as very closely related to many people and things and difficult to understand.” To the layman it would seem inevitable that all successful social work must be

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624 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November individualized. From these papers, however, one somehow gets the impression that social workers are like the man who, living in dread lest he become paralyzed, keeps sticking pins into his limbs to satisfy himself that he is still normal. Perhaps it is necessary for social workers to keep constantly before thcir minds the necessity of individualization of treatment in order to ward off the benumbing effect of modern charity and institutional organization which tends to go to extremes in classifying cases and standardizing treatments, as if there ever could be two cases alike in all particulars and calling for identical treatment . C. C. WILLIAMSON. * Bulletin of the Governmental Research Conference.-Many reports of great value have been produced by the various agencies engaged throughout this country and Canada in the investigation of governmental problems. A few of these have been printed. By far the larger number, however, have never been carried beyond the manuscript stage, and in consequence have been of little or no utility beyond the immediate locality in which they were prepared. The bare fact of a study having been made by a particular bureau generally has escaped the knowledge of outsiders. Another agency attacking the same problem has too often had to start again at the beginning. The result has been duplication in one bureau after another of work already done elsewhere. One of the objects in the organization of the governmental research conference was to secure the mutual assistance of its members in eliminating this multiplication of tasks. The method was to keep each agency informed of the work of all others. From the study of a special local problem, not only the results,-the conditions found, their discussion, the recommendations made,-but also any comparative data collected, if made available to other agencies, would greatly assist these in approaching the same problem. One means adopted by the conference to the end of supplying each member with this information as to the activities of others is a monthly bulletin showing the character of all work completed or in progress during the preceding month, on which a written report is, or is to be, made. The bulletin is intended to be of temporary use only, and lists only current activities, an item being dropped as soon as note has been made of its completion. As items are dropped from the bulletin, they are entered on index-cards which are distributed among the members of the conference. These cards form a permanent index in a far more convenient form for reference than the bulletins. The bulletin lceeps members informed of current work and of the completion of reports. The index makes it easy to refer to past work. It is possible, with this knowledge, for members to correspond direct with the particular agency which has reported. As a matter of further convenience, however, the conference collects as far as possible all reports, whether printed or in manuscript, from its members and holds them available for circulation within its membership. For the purposes outlined, the conference has established a central office in the bureau of government of the University of Michigan. ROBERT T. CRANE. Ann Arbor, Mich. * Fire Waste in Canada is the title of a special report' resultin2 from an exhaustive investigation undertaken by the Canadian commission of conservation at the request of . numerous individuals, municipal councils, boards of trade and other organizations. It appears that the average per capital fire loss in Canada and other countries during the years 1912 to 1915 was as follows: Canada, $2.96; Scotland, $1.95; Russia, $0.97; France, 80.74; England, $0.64; Austria, $0.32; Germany, 80.28; Switzerland, $0.13; and Netherlands, $0.11. Fire losses are attributable chiefly to gross and inexcusable carelessness, faulty building construction, arson, and the '"Fire Waste in Canada," by J. Grove Smith. Published by the Commission of Conservation, Ottawa, Canada. Obtainable from the commission at the nominal charge of 50 cents, as long 89 the supply lasts.

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 625 lack of fire-prevention laws; in other words, to clearly preventable causes. Smoking, for exam.ple, caused almost the same per cent of fires as the special hazards of all the numerous industries in Canada. The experience of European countries shows that these losses can be very materially reduced and Mr. Grove Smith presents a detailed constructive scheme for a fire-prevention prozram. In Canada, &s in tht: United States, there must be a co-ordination of engineering, underwriting, legislative, commercial, and individual interests. Compulsory measures must be adopted which will reduce to a minimum the fire risks in all communities and properties. Town planning should include provisions regulating and defining the use of property in given districts, having regard to the development of such districts in relation to the community as a whole. Fire departments should be adequately trained and equipped for fire prevention. Minimum requirements for building construction should be drastically enforced. Regulations for the suppression of dangerous nuisances such as the storage of rubbish, ashes, etc., should be imposed by every public body. The cause of every fire should be officially investigated and reported upon. Criminal responsibility for fires should be borne by the person who is proven guilty of carelessness or any other cause of fire. The public should be persistently educated through every possible channel m to dethods of fire prevention and their individual and personal responsibility. * Food Problems.*-This is a painstaking analysis of the food situation under the headings: Producers, manufacturers, carriers, distributers, consumers, educational agencies, regulative agencies. According to the views presented the farmers possess inadequate working capital, are short of labor, and have uncertain marketing facilities. To supply capital during the war a group of men offered to lend money 1Report of the fwd problem committee of the merchants‘ association of New York, March, 1918. 39 pagea. 6 up to $150 to each farmer recommended by a committee. Seed and fertilizer were furnished at cost. Local hanks and business men assisted. The shorta:e of labor while real was found to be much below the first estimate made as the result of a census taken by school teachers. Nevertheless manufacturers are overbidding farmers for labor, youn? men move to town, retired farmers move to town, and, by no means least, inen are going from the farms into the army and navy. Thus the shortade of farm help is real, and is becoming greater Connty axents are helpin:: on the marketin ; question. The committee believes the farmers to be better orzanized than are the manufacturers, distributers, etc. Mnnufacturers and carriers are very briefly discussed but much more attention is given to the distributers. Under the last named headinq it is noted that a very unfortunate public opinion has developed largely due to the attitude of the press. Of the consumers it is said that they are not informed tt9 to metho& and costs of doing twiness. There are many consumers’ organizations but little co-ordination. The elucational and rezulative axencies are numerous and capnblz but unfortunately handicapped by politics. The committee recommends a careful mapping of the city, the formin: of a central consumers’ organization, the establishment of a central food information bureau, and the appointment of intercommittees to bring into harmony the separate factors engaged in the food business. B. N. HIBBARD. 5 American Cities at Play.-The activities of the playground and recreation association of America during 1917 are summarized and charted in the April, 1918, issue of The Playground. It is pointed out that there were “over two million dollars more spent last year in America for playgrounds, recreation centers and athletic fields than during the year before the war.” A total of 504 cities are reported to have conducted recreational work during the year indicating an increase over 1916 of 17.8

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626 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November per cent in the number of cities and 15.8 per cent in the number of centers conducted. Some interesting statistics included show how the work is organized and administered in various cities. Centers in 48 cities were maintained by playground or recreation commissions; in 22 by playground and recreation departments and divisions or boards or bureaus of recreation; in 108 cities by school boards; in nine cities by city councils or boards of selectmen. In still other instances the work was managed by public works departments (five cities) ; department of public safety (one city); county authorities (seven), and (eight) municipal playground committees. A combination of municipal departments and private organizations was reported in a number of cities. Perhaps the most valuable sections of this report are the tables which include the following data: “Officers of recreation commissions and associations”; “what cities ‘played’ last year and how,” and “what small communities are doing.” Valuable names and titles of cfficials and their addresses can be obtained from the first list. The second table makes an admirable guide for less experienced cities and contains interesting facts for comparison in erecting standards. The information in the last table should be of great assistance to the smaller communities which already have or are contemplating the introduction of recreational systems. DORSEY W. HYDE, JR. * Food Preparedness.’-The main thesis of this pamphlet is “our food production has not kept pace with the growth of our population.” Figures are presented showing the per capita production over a period of years of the leading foodstuffs. In almost all instances the rate of increase in these products is less than the rate of increase in population. As a result “the country was becoming less able to feed other countries.” We were exporting a IColumbia War Papers, Series 1. No. 6; Food Preparedness. H. R. Seager and Robert E. Chaddock; Colu~bis University, 1917. 24 pages. continually smaller portion of total products for some years preccding the war. The situation was made grave by crops smaller than the average in 1916, just as the Allies were coming to depend greatly on us. The view that we we:e sacrificing farm animals to such an extent during the early years of the war as to deplete the breeding stock of the country, does not seem to be borne out by the published reports of the past few months. Neither should it be taken for granted that the lessenedproduct per capita means danger. It means in many instances that there is no longer a surplus to be dumped on the market at prices which rondemn the producer to poverty. Population has grown until there is a market for the products of the farms. Thirty years ago this was hardly true. B. H. HIBBARD. * Baltimore Municipal Journal Loses Clark S. Hobbs.4n the occasion of the resignation of its managing editor to enter the service of the National Government, the Baltimore Municipal Journal publishes an appreciation of the services of its former chief together with a review of some of the objects and purposes of the Municipal Journal saying “that he worked so intelligently, so quietly, so modestly, but with such acknowledged efficiency that it is hard to decide whether to admire most the excellence of his work or the utter effacer-ent of self ,” This publication has attained an enviable position in the field of official municipal publications. Perhaps no other organ of its kind has been so widely and persistently quoted in the different civic and municipal publications of the country. It has kept in close touch with local affairs and reported them in an impartial and interesting manner. DORSEY W. HYDE, JR. * Chilean Municipal Government.-An increasing interest in local government in Chile is indicated by the publication of this review, Revista de Gobierno Local, which is now in its third year. The mayor of Santiago, the late lamented Ismael Valdes Vergara, was keenly conscious of

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 627 the importance of an improval system of local government in Chile. He therefore called a local government conqress composed of mayors and other officials which met in Santiago, Chile, in September, 1911. Questions of municipal interest were discussed and a permanent council created. In this monthly organ are set forth all important steps in the improvement of local government in Chile. The creation of the council and the establishment of the review, mark a turning point in the history of local government in Chile. Since that time there has been a constantly developing interest in municipal affairs and a marked increase in the active participation of the citizen body in local government. L. T. ROWE. * Farm Enlistment.’-This is a plan for the training of school children for farm work. Professor Dewey believes that it is a matter of patriotism to utilize the enthusiasm of boys and girls in producing food for the soldiers. “There will be better results from training drills with the spade and the hoe than from parading America’s youngsters up and down the school yard. It is no value to give military drill to boys of fourteen.” To teach the school children to help in food production is constructive patriotism, not “a military idea transplanted from Europe.” It is highly recommended that the work be planned so that the children may get the incidental benefits of nature study, mechanics, and arithmetic while performing the immediate duties of producing food. “It is a chance to link the school with life.” B. H. H. * Food, the First Essential.’-This association has for its purpose the utilization of idle land by people who need gardens within the city. The land is plowed, harrowed and fertilized and divided into tracts of one-eighth to one-sixth acre, and assigned rental free to families who till them. It costs about six dollars to prepare a garden and part of this amount is returned by those who use it. During the year 1917 about 160 acres of land was assigned to 1,145 families and approximately $70,000 worth of crop produced. B. H. H. BIBLIOGRAPHY Absent Voting PENNSYLVANIA. ATTORNEY GENERAL’S DEPARTMENT. The constitutional and statutory law relating to the regulation of elections by citizens of the Commonwealth in actual military service, as construed by the Attorney General’s Department. 1918. 58 pp. Americanization and Citizenship ANON. Promoting Americanlsm among foreign-born workmen. (Printers’ Ink, May 30, 1918: 114-117.) BARNES (EARL). Lan age as a factor in Americanization. (PuKc, Jy. 27,1918: 954-957.) BENNXON (MILTON). Direct instruction in citizenship in the high school. (Nat. Educ. Assoc. Jour., Je., 1918: 809-815.) GOLDHERGER (HENRY H.). How to teach English to foreigners. [1918.] 63 P%ibliography in methods and text books pp. 82-63: a bibliography of books published OA the subject of immigration since 1905, p. 63. HAMMOND (H. D.). Americanization a problem in hqan engineering. Great 1Columbia War Papers. Series 1. No. I; Enlistment for the Farm, John Dewey; Columbia University, 1917, 10 pages. mm of foreign-born workmen must have fair treatment and equal opportunity if they are to take the cause of this country to heart and produce the engineering materials needed to win the war. (Engrg. News-Record, Je. 13,1918: 1116-1119.) HOME MISSIONS COUNCIL. Christian Americanization; our national ideals and mission. Nov., 1918. 48 pp.. (Bul. no. 1.) Bibliography on Americamzation. pp. 4748. The address of the Council is at 156 Fifth Ave., New York City. HUTCHISON (E. W.). A plan for a universal training for citizenship. (Public, Je. 22, 1918: 794-796.) MEEKER (JACOB E.). Status of alien soldiers in the different armies of the world and relationship of the American citizen of foreign extraction to his native country and its military regulations. Speech in the House of Representatives, WOMEN’S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATIONS. WAR WORK COUNCIL. For “United America.” J& i2, 1918. 1918. 24 pp. NATIONAL BOARD OF THE YOUNG 1 Twenty-first annual report of the Philadelphia * Prepared by Miss Alice M. Holden, Wellesley vacant lots cultivation association, 1917. College.

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628 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November [Program of] service among foreign-born women. 11918.1 4 pp. in war-time education-Americanizatlon. (School and SOC., Je. 1, 1918: 631-637.) SMITH . (!V, C.). New York’s drwe against illiteracy. Epoch-making laws passed by the last 1e.gislature for the Americanization of foreign-born adultsspecial teachers being trained. (State Service, Jy., 1918: 15-18.) STATE COMMISSION OF IMMIGRATION AND HOVSING OF CALIFORNIA. Our soldiers and the English language. A San Francisco enterprise. Mar., 1918. 12 pp. UNITED STATES. BUREAV OF EDVCATION. Americanization as a war measure; report of a conference called b the Secretary of the Interior and he& in Washington, April 3, 1918. 1918. 62 pp. (Bul., 1918, no. 18.) a bibliography of text books, dictionaries and glossaries and aids to librarians. Compiled by Winthrop Talbot. 1918. 76 pp. (Bd., 1917, no. 39.) Billboards HANNAN (W. E.). Licensing and regulation of till board or outdoor advertising. Feb., 1918. [49 pp.1, typewritten. (N. Y. State Library, Leg. Ref. Sec.) Child Welfare See also Juvenile Delinquency. COUNCIL OF NATIONAL DEFENSE. MINNEAPOLIS BRANCH OF THE WOMAN’S COMMITTEE. A brief suggestive questionnaire on child conservation. .For parents and teachers associations, CIVIC improvement organization and study clilbs. Prepared . , . by Arthur H. Taylor. [1918.] %&LFOY (W. H.) and WYNNE $9. W.). Statistics of infant weyare stations [In New York City]: submlttlng for decussion and criticism a plan for tabulatmg and correcting these statistlcs. (N. Y. City, Dept. of Health, Monthly Bul., Apr., KIPS BAY NEIQHBORHOOD ASSOCIATION (New York Cit ). VOCATIONAL COMMITTEE. Is the c%d a good investment? ROSENSTEIN (DAVID). A C~UCig *Sue -, . Teaching English to aliens; 1918: 77-84.) 1918. 14 pp. NATIONAL CHILD LABOR COMMITPEE. Child welfare in Oklahoma. An inquiry by the Committee for the University of Oklahoma under the direction of E. N. Clopper. 1915. 285 pp. The investigators were’ G. H. Folks E. H. Bliss. L. W. Kine, C. E.’Gibbons, M. b. Ellis, Eva Joffe and W. H. Swift. City Manager Plan See also Municipal Government. ANON. Adaptability of the city-manager plan to large cities. (Modern City, Je., 918: 27.) MABIE (E. C.), compiler. Selected articles on the city manager plan of government. 1918. 245 pp. (Debaters’ Handbook series.) City Planning CALIFORNIA. City planning number. Je., iaiIz See also Houaiag, Zoning. THE ARCHITECT AND ENGINEER OF *“IV. The followin articles are of especial interest: The work of 8. H. Chene archttect and city planner. by H. F. Withey; &ty planning progress In Fresno. by M. 0. HumDhreys; City planning progresa ih Berkeley, by F.‘ D.~ Stringham; City Dlanninn a Dart of San Francisco. bv F. I. Turner: klamed< kakes rogress with &ti lanning, by C. E. Hew-: Wort of the California 8onference pn city planning, by T. H. Reed; Must California industdes provide ood homes for their labor? by C. H. Cheney; Cafifornia urges practical city planme. bv M. C. Cohn. -. -_ ~ BENNETT (E. H.). The new Minneapolis plan. (Arch. Rev., Apr., 1918: 55-58. maps, illus.) tion of the Civic 6ommhion of MinneaDolis. Describes the cit plan prepared under the direcLOTT (LOVIS). Civic center for Dayton, Ohio. (Arch., Aug., 1918: 208-210. illus.) Civil Service see also Salaries. BIRD (W. A.). Civil service reform as employment management. (Public, Sept. 14, 1918: 1179-1180.) FOULKE (WILLIAM DUDLEY). Labor unions in the civil service. Their political activities and the duty of the Leaeue in the premises. (Good Govt., Aug.,-1918: 120-128.) __~ NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSIONS. Report of Committee on Standard Form of Report. May 27, 1918. 4 pp., typewritten. Correction See also Juvenile Delinquenoy. BRYANT (L. S.). A department of diagnosis and treatment for a municipal court. (Amer. Inst. of Criminal Law and Criminology, Jour., Au ., 1918: 198-206.) HUE (W. G.). (!rime: modern methods of prevention, redemption and protection. (Amer. Inst. of Criminal Law and Criminology, Jour., Aug., 1918: 240-247.) Education DAVIS (J. W.). The need of a continuin census of children of school age. (Nat. Ef uc. Assoc., Jour., Je., 1918: 842-845.) ICA. Outdoor Educalion. Monthly. v. ii, no. 5 Jan.-Mav, 1918. Each of theqe monthly usue3 is devoted to a particular locality. SNEDDEN (DAVID). The birth and childhood of vocational education, with a forecast of its development during adolescence. (Educ. Administration and Supervision, May, 1918: 261-270.) SCHOOL GARDEN ASSOCIATION OF AMERAn addreas before the Department of Rural and Agricultural Education of the National Education Association, Pittsburgh. Jy. 4, 1918.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 629 UNIVEFSITV OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. DIVISION OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY. A syllabus in government. Jan. 15, 1918. 25 pp. (Bul. no. 655.) VAN TYNE (CLAUDE H.). Democracy’s educational problem. [1918.] 8 pp. (Patriotism Through Education series, no. 38. ) 44th St.. New York City. Fire Prevention and Protection ANON. Strikes in fire departments. (Nat. Fire Protection Assoc. Quart., Jy., Issued by the National Security League, 19 W. 1918: 55-58.) . Comparative statistics of fire loss. (Nat. Fire Protection Assoc. Quart., Jy., 1918: 38-41.) . Fire departments in American cities. Bulletin by the Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Washington, D. C. (Safety Engrng., Aug., 1918: NATIONAL BOARD OF FIRE UNDERWRITERS. National electrical code. Regulations for electric wiring and apparatus as reco,mmended by the National Fire Protection Association. 1918. 205 pp. PRYOR (J. D.) and SACKETT (F. V.). Some econorr,ic asrects of fire-protection Droblems and hazards in war times. 118-120.) (Amer. SOC. of Mech. Engrs., Jour., Je., 1918. 441-449. illus.) WORTH (EDWARD J.). The handling of fires in vessels. (Fire and Water Engrng., Jy. 31, 1918: 82-83.) Housing See also City Planning. ACKERMAN (F. L.). The real meaning of the housing problem. (Amer. Inst. of Archs., Jour., May, 1918: 229-232.) A paper read at the annual convention of the Institute. Philadelphia, May 25. 1918. ANON. The first war emergency government towns. 2. Hilton, Va. By H. V. Hubbard and F. Y. Joannes. (Amer. Inst. of Archs., Jour., Jy., 1918: 333-345. illus., plans.) Hilton, Va., is a garden city development near Newporl News, fpr the housing of shipyard workers. ATLAS PORTLAND CEMENT COMPANY (New York). A survey of the principal types and groups of permanently constructed industrial houses. l1918.1 42 pp. ~ __ illus., plans. BAINES (FRANK). Housing: dannine and materials, permanent a
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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November uary 1, 1918. Compiled and annotated by A. F. Cosby. 1918. 614 pp. Published by the Banks Law Publishing Co., 23 Park Place. N. Y. NEW YORK (STATE). TENEMENT HOUSE DEPARTMENT. The Tenement House Law of the State of New Yorlc and Chapter XIXa of the Greater New York Charter in relation to the Tenement House Department of the City of New Yorlc. The zoning resolution adopted July 25, 191G, article 8 of the Labor Law and other laws relating to bakeries and confectioneries in tenement houses. 1917. 89 pp. .. Libraries WILLIAMSON (C. C.). The need of a olan for librarv develooment. (Lib. Jour.. Sept., 1918: 649-655. j Li hting gee also Fire Prevention. HOEVELER (J. A.). New industrial lighting code for Wisconsin. Old code is discarded on account of vagueness-new rules define terms used and provide for definite values of illumination and glareexperts aid in revision. (Elec. World, Aug. LUCKIESH (M.). The lighting art: its practice and possibilities. 1917. 229 pp. diags. PENNSYLVANIA. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR AND INDUSTRY. Safety standards of the Industrial Board: lighting. Operative on and after June 1, 1916. 36 pp., plates. (Safety Standards, i, no. 16.) 31, 1918: 391-393.) Markets CHILDS (W. T.), Municipal markets. (Modern Citv. Je.. 1918: 16-18. 41 illus.) ’ CRANE (CAROLINE BARTLETT). The housewife and the marketing problem. (Modern City, Sept., 1918: 31-33.) JEFFERSON (L. P.). The community market. Apr., 1918. 22 pp., plates. (Mass. Agric. Coll., Extension Bul. no. 21.) Motion Pictures CHICAGO. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LIBRARY. Report on censorship of motionpicture films in cities in the United States other than Chicago. [1918.] 18 pp., typewrit ten .. Motor Vehicles ANON. Motor-vehicle regist,rations, licenses, and revenue, 1917; motor-car registrations and gross motor-vehicle revenues, 1913 to 1917; motor-vehicle registration and license fees in force January 1, 1918; administrative provisions in force January 1, 1918, affecting motor-vehicle registrations, licenses, and revenues. (Pub. Roads, May, 1918: 6-12.) . Municipal motor bus service [in San Francisco]. (Modern City, Jy., 1918: 19.) . Cost keeping system of Seattle Street and Sewer Department for motor truck operation. (Engrng. and Contracting, Aug. 7, 1918: 154-155.) GRUPP (G. W.). Citv of Buffalo finds motor sweepers more efficient than horses. 2,500-gal. combination flusher and sprinkler reduces horse costs at rate of $2,000 monthly. (Commercial Vehicle, Je. 1, 1918: 5-9. illus.) SMITH (G. D.). Electric buses for city transportation. Description and tests of new equipment for Rio de Janeiro-example of the employment of the electric vehicle for urban use. (Elec. World, Je. 1, 1918: 1140-1141. illus.) Municipal Government and Administration ALLEY (JOHN). Principles of military organization applied to municipal affairs. (Pacific Municipalities, Aug., 1918: 340344. illus.) ANON. Court of Appeals [of Maryland] unanimous in upholding constitutionality of annexation act. The opinion of the Court as delivered by Chief Judge Boyd. (Baltimore Mun. Jour., Aug. 9,1918: 2-4.) -. How our big cities do things. A comparative study of the existing forms of municipal government from New York down to the 100,000 point of populationin this issue, Baltimore and Pittsburgh. (Equity, Apr., 1918: 118-124.) -. Organizing a co-operative delivery system. Plan outlined by Rochester concern used by nearly 300 towns and cities. (Commercial Vehicle, Je. 1, 1918: -. Toledo’s city government as it is. (Toledo City Jour., Jy. 27, 1918: 374375. chart.) BALTIMORE. CHARTER BOARD. A [proposed] charter for the City of Baltimore prepared by the Charter Board. [1918.j 156 pp. CAPES (WILLIAM P.). What the [New York] Legislature did for cities. Last session accomplished little important to municipalities, but three objectionable bills were defeated through the efforts of the Mayors’ Conference. (State Service, Je., 1918: 66-67.) CITIZENS RESEARCH LEAGUE OF WINNIPEG. Are you in favor of abolishing the Board of Control? Sept., 1918. 15 pp. diagrs. (Bul. no. 14.) HILL (C. B.). Commission government in a big city. Experience in Buffalo after two years of the new charter-said to be a decided improvement over the old system of electing many officials. (State Service, Jy., 1918: 42-50.) JAMES (H. G.). Home rule in Texas. (Texas Municipalities, May, 1918: 68-76.) MARTIEN (J. C.). Industrial development of our cities. (Nat. Real Estate Jour., See also City Manager, Education, Salaries. 23-25.) Aug., 1918: 55-57.)

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 63 1 Woo?, GUNDY AND COMPANY, Pub. Canadian municipal statistics. 1917. 361 PP maps. contains brief summary statements of the finances of "practically all borrowinu municipalities In Canada," and is intended chiefly for investors in municipal bonds. Municipal Ownership See also Markets. BALCH (J. B.). ICalamazoo's municbal coal yard. (Municipality, Mar.-Apr., 1918: 56-60.) Abstract of an address before the Public Ownership League of America at Chicago. JOHNSEN (JULIA E.), compiler. Selected articles on municipal ownership. 3d ed., revised and enlarged. 1918. 334 pp. (Debaters' Handbook series.) SIMPSON (JOHN). Municipal partnership in public improvement. In most states the constitution prohibits a city from entering into a partnership with a private concern in constructing any improvements. (Mun. Jour., Sept. 7, 1918: 182-185. illus.) Negroes CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. The economic value of negro education. Mar. 25, 1918. 11 pp. charts, maps. HOME MISSIONS COUNCIL. Negro newcomers in Detroit, Michigan. A challenge to Christian statesmanship. A preliminary survey. By George Edmund Haynes. 1918. 42 pp. table, chart. Ports and Terminals ANON. Projects for the development of the Port of Havre. (Engmg. and Contracting, May 29, 1918: 525-528. illus.) -. New Orleans builds inner harbor and navigation canal-rush construction with stat,e funds to provide ocean docks and industrial sites on fixed level wnterway between Mississippi River and Lake Pontchartrain. (Engrng. News-Record, -. Joint Commission rushes study of Port of New York, for present as well as post-war development. It investigates failways, steamships, lightering and trucking. (Engmg. News-Record, Aug. 29, MACELWEE (ROY S.). Ports and terminal facilities. 1918. 315 pp. illus., maps. SAN ERANCISCO CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON HARBOR SURVEY. Report to the Board of Directors. (San Francisco Chamber of Com. Activities, Je. 13, 1918: 179-191.) Public Health reation, Schools, Social Work, Vitai Statistics. BRODERICK (V. W.). A scheme for a state dental service. (Pub. Health [London], Apr., 1918: 75-78.) Translated from IA Genie Civil, Dec. 22, 1917. Aug. 15, 1918: 304-307.) 1918: 397-399.) Bibliography, pp. 304-309. See also Child Welfare Housing Negroes, RecCANCE (ALEXANDER E.) and FERGUSON (R.ICHARD H.). The cost of distributing milk in six cities and towns in Massachusetts. 1917. 54 pp. tables, pl. (Mass. Agric. Exper. Sta., Bul. no. 173.) GROENEWOLD (ELLA). Milk supply and public health. (N. Dak. Univer., Quart. Jour., Apr., 1018: 259-254. charts.) A summary of data obtained by numerous investieators in this line, as well as by health departments of several large cities. Written for the use of students of home economics. HARRIS (LOUIS I.) and SWARTZ (NELLE). The cost of clean clothes in terms of health. A study of laundries and laundry workers in New Yorlc City [1918.1 96 pp. A study under the joint auspices of the New York Department of Health and The Consumers' League of the City of New York. LASKER (FLoRtNA), and others. Care and treatment of the Jewish blind in the City of New York. Feb., 1918. 109 pp. LEWIS (0. M.). Prevention in public health. (Boston Med. and Surgical Jour., Apr. 25, 1918: 571-574.) WILE (I. S.). Public health publicity and education through public schools. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, May, 1918: VENEREAL DISEASES 336-340.) AMERICAN SOCIAL HYGIENE ASSOCIATION [and others]. A symposium on venereal disease control in the army, the navy, and the civilian community. (Social Hygiene, Jan., 1918: 38-80,) The papers were prepared for one of the sessions of the joint meeting of the American Social Hygiene Association and the Sooiolo-icsI Section sod the Public Health Administratio: section of the American Public Health Association, held Oct. 18, 1917, at Washncton. D. C. The following papers were contributed: The method of attack on venereal diseases, by Major General W. C. Goraas; The venereal diseases in civil and military life, by Colonel F. F. Russell: Have we devised an effective medical promganda of venereal prophylaxis? by R. C. Holcomb; The program of the Commission on Trainmg Camp Activities with relation to the problem of venereal disease, by R. B. Fosdick; Some sunpestions for the community control of venereal diseases, by J. W. Kerr; Venereal diseases in the civil community, by W. H. Frost. OHIO. DEPARTHENT OF HEALTH. Regulations for the prevention of venereal diseases, efiective July 1, 1918. Adopted by 2, 1918. (Cincinnati Sanitary Bui., May 30, 1918.) SPOKANE. Ordinances. An ordinance relating to public health, providing a penalty for the violation thereof, and declaring an emergency. No. C2331. (Official GasetLe, May 29, 1918: 4619-4620.) Requiring the reporting of venereal diseases. UNITED STATES. WAR DEPARTMENT. COMMISSION ON TRAINING CAMP ACTIVITIES. What some communities of the West and Southwest have done for the protection of the morals and health of soldiers the Public Health Council . May

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632 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November and saiIors, by Bascom Johnson. 11918.1 19 FP: Reprmted from Social Hygiene, Oct.. 1917. . Rext steps. A program of act& ties against prostitution and venereal diseaees for ccmmunities which have closed their “red light’’ districts, by Major Basccm Johnscn. 3818. 23 pp. . SOCIAL HYGIENE LIVISION. The soldier, “Uncle Sam,” and you. [1918.] Public Safety ADDISON (C. L.). The prevention of accidents at grade crossings. (Good Roads, Jy. 27, 191P: 29-32. illus.) NATIONAL SAFETY COUXCIL. The teaching of safety in technical schools and universities. A memorandum prepared for the aid of those desiring to undertake such work. Je. 1918. f6 pp. Bibliography. pp. 15-21. REW YORX ‘STATE. INDUSTRIAL COMMIFFION. PropoEed rules [Je., 191EI. 7 leaflet,s. Relating to the following subjects: Automatic sprinkler equipment, installation and maintenance of, 14 pp.: Elevators and hoistmays in factorien and mercantile estahlishments, construction, guarding, equi ment, maintenanre and operation of, 36 pp.; Euarding of dangerous machinery, vats, yns and elevated runways. 27 pp.; Lighting of artones and mercantile establishments. 11 pp.; Sanitation of factories and mercantile establishments, 4 pp.; Smoking in protected portion9 of fartories or in special classes of occupancies. 5 pp.; Window cleaning, 3 pp. WYNNE (~HIRLEY W.). Highway accidents in the city of New York. (N. Y. City, Cept. of Health, Monthly BLI~., Aup., 1918: 175-181. tables.) Public Utilities ANON. What ccmmissions are doin on rates; careful review of conditions in &lifornia, Khere the applications so far cover more than 50 per cent of the electric utility business-action in other states. (Elec. Korld, Jy. 27 1918: 158-159.) BAUER (JOHN). bost versus value of service in rate making. 1-2. (Elec. Tt’orld, Aug. 31, Lcept. 7, 1918: 388-389; 443-444.) 1. Discussion of fundamental purposes and factors that must be considered in general system of public utility control-charging what the traffic will bar”-popularity of cost rates. 2. DiRerences in classes of service involve varying methods of determining basis for rates to avoid actual loss in carrying certain customers-the public policy involved. CHAFMAN (L. H.). Success Of City light plant, Kansas City. How Kansas City, Kansas, makes good in operating its electric lipht and porn-er system. (Kan. Municipalities, May, 1918: 1-5.) CLARK (WALTON). Responsibility for adequate extensions of gas company Reprinted from Social Hyoiene, Jan., 1918. 14 PP. See also Lighting, Social Work. Reprinted from the New York Medical Journal for December 22, 1917. See also Street Railways. plants up to the regulatory commissions. ack of ability to secure capital is greatest danger to gas company’s ability to properly serve public under commission regulation. (Amer. Gas Engmg. Jour., Sept. 7, 1918: 225-227, 229-235.) ELSMAN (RALPH). The modern utilities organization. Parts 1-2. (Amer. Gas Engrng. Jour., Jy. 20, Aug. 10, 1918: 49-51 1 121-123.) 1. Banishing petty jealousies among department heads-relation of latter to company-keeping the employee friendly and happy. 2. Handling the collections a problem of no small dimensions and one that reqlures careful, painstaking and constant effort. LAWYERS’ CO-OPERATIVE PUBLISHING COMPANY. (Rochester.) Digest of public utilities reports annotated for the year 1917, including vols. 1917A-1917F. 191s. STEVENS (D. L.). A bibliography. of municii a1 utility regulation and municipal ownership. 1918. 410 pp. (Harvard Business Studies, IV.) VAN LEAR (THOMAS). Franchises and public utilities. (Minn. Municipalities. WASHINGTON (State). PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION. Lam . . relating to the powers, duties and jurisdiction of the Public Service Commission, annotated with decisions of the Supreme Court of the U. S., federal courts, supreme court of Washington, comp. and annotated by Hance H. Cleland, msistant attorney general, and Chas. E. Arney, Jr. 1917. 275 pp. Refuse and Garbage Disposal ANON. Kichita shares profits from feeding garbage to hogs. Contractor collects and disposes of garbage, paying city 10 per cent of net income, with no allowance for capital charges-all under sanitary control. (Engmg. News-Record, Je. 20, 1918: 1180-1182.) . Municipal pig-keeping. An object lesson from East Barnet. (Mun. Jour. [London], Jy. 12, 1918: 723.) The pig as a garbage reduction plant. ’Information prepared by the U. S. Food Administration for the aid of cities in their conservation policy. (Amer. City, Aug., 1918: 87-92. illus., diagrs.) BAMMAN (F. G.). New Jersey’s useless garbage pail. (N. J. Municipalities, ’ Je., 1918: 180-184. illus.) CANADA. COMMISSION OF CONSERVATION. Garbage as feed for hogs. 1918. 15 PP. LEE (W. E.). Baltimore receives bids for garbage disposal as part of general plan for improved collection and disposal of municipal waste. (Mun. and Cy. Engrng., Jy., 1918: 34-37.) OSBORN (I. S.). Effect of the war on the production of garbage and methods of Aug., 1918: 115-119.)

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 633 disposal. (Amer. Jour. of Pub. Health, May, 1918: 368-372.) Roads and Streets See alvo Motor Vehicles, Pavements, Public Safety. ANON. Standard forms for tests, reports, and methods of sampling for road materials. (Better Roads and Streets, Aug., 1918: 300-308. illus.) BARNETT (R. C.). The cost of a bad road. (Good Roads, Aug. 31, 1918: 7778. illus.) BLANCHARD (A. H.). The construction and maintenance of highways under war conditions. (Highway Transportation, Jy., 1918: 5-6, 10.) MACKENZIE (H. R.). The necessity of engineering supervision in the construction and maintenance of earth roads. (Western Mun. News, Je., 1918: 1G3-1GG, 169. plans.) MULLEN (C. A.). Road maintenance and wheel tax. Proposal to compel vehicles to pay the cost of construction and repairs. (Modern City, Je., 1918: 31.) SOHIER (W. D.). Are good roads remunerative to municipalities? Experience in Massachusetts throws some light upon the question, do good roads pay?-increased amounts of taxes are collected due to rise in land values directly caused by road construction. (Canadian Engr., Je. 13, 1918: 521-523. illus.) DEFENSE.] Construction and maintenance of roads during war. [State Council Seetion, Bul. 100.1 (Better Roads and Streets, Aug., 1918: 299, 324, 32G.) Salaries COLIJMBUS (OHIO). Ordinances. [Ordinances fixing salaries and wages of various city officials and employes, passed May 27, 1918.1 (City Bul., Je. 1, 1918: 183190.) MILLER (S. I.). Salary standardization for Seattle. Report (Civ. Service Age, Pept., 1918: 6, i2-i4.) The,author is dean of the College of Business Administrotion of the University of Washington. ST. LOUIS. Ordinance. An ordinance providing for the fixing of uniform salaries or compensation for all positions of like service in the classified service. Approved June 15, 1918. (City Jour., Je. 25, 1918: TOLEDO. Ordinances. An ordinance fixing the salaries and compensation of officers and employes of the. City of Toledo. No. 1326. (Toledo City Jour., Je. 1, 1918: 286-288.) Schools ANON. De artment of Psychology in the Los Angefes public schools. (Jour. of Educ., Aug. 29, 1918: 187.) [UNITED STATES. COUNCIL OF NATIONAL 21-31.) See also Americanization, Education. . Government policies involving the schools in war time. (School Life, Aug. .1, 1918: 34.) BERKOWITZ IJ. H.I. Better school houses as a factor in race betterment. 1918. 8 pp Reminted from the Amm’can School Board Journal, June. 1918. BLISS (D. C.). The school cottage in theory and practice. (Amer. School Bd. Jour., Aup., 1918: 25-26.) The educational authorities of Montclair, N. J.. having acquired, in the purchase of school property, certain adjacent dwelling houses, have utilized the latter for the instruction of classes in domeatio science and homemalung. BRUCE (W. C.). Some essentials in the planning of school buildings for community use. (Amer. City, Je., 1918: 520522. illus.) CLARK (EVANS). Outline of data on school dental clinics, with selected bibliography. May, 1918. 7, 3 pp., typewritten. (Socislist Aldermanic Delegation, Bur. of Investigation and Research.) TALBERT (W. E.). Should school expenditures be limited? (Amer. School Bd. Jour., Sept., 1918: 23-25, 74.) UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Government policies involving the schools in war time. April, 1918. 6 pp. (Teachers’ Leaflet no. 3.) Sewerage and Sewage Disposal ALLEN (KENNETH). The development of sewage treatment. (Ahn. Engrng., Je., 1918: 241-2+9. illus.) Partial contents: Review of past deveIopment; Standard methods of sewase treatment: Screens, Settling tanks; Tank design; Activated sludgd process; Miles process. ANON. The legal status of stream pollution. Digest of judicial decisions, interpreting both common law and enactments of state legislatures-drainage of surface water-discharge into streams of sewage and manufacturing wastes-joint action and responsibility. (Mun. Jour., Je. 29, DALLYN (FRED. A.). Are sewers remunerative to small municipalities? Analysis of the costs and the benefits-it pays to construct sewerage systems even in very small towns, claims paper read at the Hamilton Convention of Medical Officers of Health. (Canadian Engr., Je. 27, 1918: HUDSON (H. E.). Organization of forces and plant and methods employed in construction of sewers in Chicago. (Mum Engrng., Je. , 1918: 228-234. illus.) MOHLMAN (F. W.) and STURGES (W. S.), JR. The New Haven sewage experiment station. (Conn. SOC. of Civ. Engrs., Papers and Transactions, 1918: 35-51, illus.) 1918: 521-523.) 569-570,586.) This station was established by the City of New Haven to investigate various processes for treatment of the city’s sewage before its discharge into the harbor.

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634 NATIONAL MUN TAYLOR (H. W.). An inventory and prospectus for a comprehensive sewerage system. A recent development in the City of Glens Falls, N. Y. (Amer. City, Aug., 1918: 129-143. illus., diagr.) Social Work ANON. An act relating to public welfsre in counties. (Pub. Welfare, Aug., Sept., 1918: 75-77, 95.) CATLIW (LUCY C.). The hospital as a social agent in the community. 1918. 113 See also Child Welfare, Public Health. pp. pl.,-diagr. CENTRAL COUNCIL OF SOCIAL AGENCIES OF CHICAGO. Constitution, by-laws, committees and membership. 1918. 18 pp. (Bul. no. 3.) COMA~ITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY FOR THE COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA. DEPARTNEXT OF CIVIC RELIEF. Community organization in war time. An outline for study of communit needs and resources. Frepnrecl by Alice 8. Cheyney. Parts I11 and IV. 11918.1 28. 29 nn. ~ I .. 111. Healih. IV. Worlcinn conditions. FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST OF AMERICA. COMMISSION ON THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL SERVICE. A bibliography of social service. Prepared by F. Ernest Johnson. July, 1918. HALBERT fL.. A.). Boards of Dublic welfare. A system of government social work. 1918. 15 pp. Published by the National Public Welfare League, 319 Ridge Bldg., Kansas City. Mo. ~~GUE FOR PREVENTIVE WORIC. The cost of alcohol in Massachusetts. 191s. 20 pp. (Pub. no. 4.) Contains among others brief articles on: Public expense by Robert W. Iielso pp. 14; Medical evident;? by Abraham Myersod pp. 4-8; The relation of dcohol to court work. dy V. V. Anderson, p. 15-16, The League's addreea is at 44 Bromield St., Boston. TEE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. The social service eschange. Report of meetings held at the National Conference of Charities and Corrections, June 7-9, 1917, Pittsburgh, made by John Solenberger, superintendent, The Registration Bureau. 1917. S. 15th St., Philadelphia. PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE OF NEW YORK. A book about a school that studies life. The Training School for Community Workers. Announcement, fourth year, 1918-1919. 1918. 29pp. VERMONT CONFERENCE OF SOCIAL WORK. Proceedings of the third annual conference, Jan. 23 and 24, 1918. 47 pp. State Government and Administration 23 PP. Author's addresa is The Registration Bureau, 425 See dso Education Laws and Ordinances, Municipal Government, Schools. ANON. How many governors has each state? (Equity, Apr., 1918: 91-95.) IICIPAL REVIEW [November CITIZENS' UNION. COMMIWEE ON LEGISLATION. Report . for the regular session of 1918. [IQiS.] 63 pp., tables. COMMONWEALTH CLUB OF CALIFORNIA. Constitutional amendments of 1918. (Transactions, Sept., 1915: 215-264.) ILLINOIS. LEGISLATIVE REFERENCE BvREAU. Constitutional conventions in Illinois. 1918. 156 pp. MALCOLM (JAMES), ed. An illustrated state manual. The New York red look. . . . 1918. F75 pp. Street Railways ANOX. Sir-cent fare permitted in St. Louis. Missouri Commission holds that constitutional consent clause does not bar it from raising franchise rates to provide adequate revenue-suggests ultimate adoption of zone system. (lilec. Ry. Jour., May 25, 1918: 1014-1015.) . The six-cent fare problem. (Amer. City, Sept., 1918: 183-185.) . Service-at-cost oflered to all Massachusetts electric railways. Legislature enacts measures providing for public control of Bay State Street Railway and state directors of other roads accepting serviceat-cost plan; membership of Public Service Commission reduced from five to three. (Elec. Ry. Jour.. Je. 8, 1918: 1093-1096) . The rate case. (N. J. Municipalities, Sept., 1918: 199-200, 216-218.) The New Jersey fare decision. (Mun. Jour., Aug. 3, 1918: 99 ) __ . New Yorlc companies appeal to city. Board of Estimate asked to waive franchise provisions during the war.B. R. T. roads show how they may legally substitute higher rates for those now existing. (Aera, Jy., 1918: 12281230.) . War Labor Board grants 48-cent maximum. This award made for surface lines in Chicago, Cleveland and Detroit. -Maxima in smaller cities 42 and 45 cents.-Board asks President Wrilson to urge special legislation looking to appointment of Federal agency to raise fares where necessary. (Elec. Ry. Jour., Aug. 3, 1918: CLARK (HARLOW). Massachusetts cuts loose: 1. Abandons state regulation for greater part of her street railway systems; public control, with and without guarantee cost of service plan, subsidies and mdnicipal ownership as substitutes. 2. How the policy of subsidizing railways to keep down fares has been adopted in the Bay State. The causes that threatened disaster to roads in which over-cepitalization was not present. (Aera, Je., Jy., 1918: RIDGWAY (ROBERT). Some features of New York City's new rapid transit sysPublished by the J. B. Lyon Co.. Albany. See also Motor Vehicles, Public Utilities. 207-208. ) 1077-1094; 1199-1215.)

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 635 tem. (Boston Soc. of Civ. Engrs. Jour., May, 1918: 19’-225. illils.) Author is eneineer of subway construction with the New York Public Service Commission for the First District. bhAyIizo (ALEXANDER). History of the “skip stop.” 1-2. (Acra, May-Je., 1918: 947-961; 1103-1115.) 1. Where and how its introduction on American electric raila ay systems has been accomplished. Its various forms. the economies produced and Its benehts to both public and .company. 2. Campaigns of educatlon that have preceded its Introduction on some systems. Its adoption by the United States Fuel Administration as a coal saving method. Taxation and Finance See also Municipal Government, Roads, Schools. ANON. United States Government asked to protect city’s credit. Comptroller Craig protests against proposal to tax municipal bonds Mayor wants police exempt. (Record and Guide, Aug. 24, 1918: p. 209.) -. State executive budget system. (Modern City, Sept., 1918: 3-5.) BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, TORONTO. City budget facts, 1918. 1918. 25 pp. charts, tables. HUIE (A. G.), Taxation on land values in New South Wales. (Single Tax Rev., May-Je., 1918: 74-77.) IOWA. Iowa law relating to collateral inheritance tax; a complete compilation of the Iowa statutes relating to collateral inheritance tax, with annotations from the courts of Iowa and New Yorlc; including excerpts from treaties now existing between the United States and foreiwn states, edited by B. J. Powers. 1918. ?70 pp. NEW YORK. STATE TAS DEPARTMENT. Equalization. Appeals from equalizations made by boards of supervisors or by commissioners of equalization. March, 1918. 18 pp. (N. Y. State Tax Bul., iii, no. 1.) PIERSON (A. N.). The policies underlying New Jersey’s new [municipal] finance laws. (N. J. Municipalities, Sept., 1918: 21 1-212. 2%-222.) Address delivered before .the National Association of Comptrollers and Accounting Officers. June 20, 1918. SCHULTZ (HERMAN). The way out; a guide to financial independence of the commonwealth. (Municipality, Jy.-Aug., 1918: 118-123, tables.) Traffic ANON. A traffic census that recorded vehicle movements in business district of Refers to New York City. Chicago. (Engrng. and Contracting, Je. FIFTH AVENUE ASSOCIATION. , Report 5, 1918: 564-566.) made by the . . Association’s investigator on traffic conditions on the side streets between Fifth and Sixth Avenues and froin 26th to 46th Streets. 1918. [ll pp.] typewritten. LENTH (GEORGE C. D.). Analysis of the traffic count in down-town Chicago. (Jour. of the Western SOC. of Engrs., Feb., Vital Statistics EASTMAN (P. R.). Infant mortality statistics in New Yorlc State. (19. Y. State Dept. of Health, Health News, May, 1918: 119-124. charts.) FRAMINGHAM COMMUNITY HEALTH AND NATIONAL TUBERCULOSIS ASSOCIATION. Sanitary Series. 1. Vital statistics. Aug., 1918. 42 pp., map. (Framinghsm Monograph no. 3.) GUILFOY (W. H.). Comparative mortality of foreign cities and the city of New York durine the vear 1917. fN. Y. Citv. 1918: 79-169.) TUBERCULOSIS DEMONSTRATION OF THE “, Dept. of Health: Monthly ‘Bul., Aug., 1918: 169-171, table.) CLARK (H. W.). Control of water supplies. (Fire and Water Engrng., Aug. 21, NELSON (F. B.). Methods of determining and plotting meter capacities and same results. (Amer. Water Works ASSOC., Jour., Je., 1918: 120-131. charts.) STATE BUREAU OF MUNICI~AL INFORMATION OF THE NEW YORK STATE CONFERENCE OF MAYORS. Water consumption in New York State cities and its efceect on coal consumption. Jy. 1, 1915: [8 pp.] (Rep. no. 345.) Women, Employment of ANON. vv omen conductors in New York. Labor Bureau’s report on women conductors-State Medical Inspector makes thorough examination and finds conditions generally satisfactory-emphyees interviewed and say work is preferable to that in which they were formerly engaged -Federal report less favorable. (Elec. Ry. Jour., May 25, 1918: 1005-1013.) CLEVELAND CHAMBER or“ COXMERCE. COMMITTEE ON INDUSTRIAL WELFARE. A report on the problem of the substitution of woman for man power in industry. Workmen’s Compensation ILLINOIS. Illinois worumen’s compensation act and decisions of the Industrial Board, with references, to negligence and compensation cases annotated. 1918. pp. INDIANA. Indiana workmen’s compensation act and decisions of the Industrial Board, with references to negligence and comDensation cases annotated. 1918. DD. 1915: 130-131.) 1918. .49. pp. Contains interesting cornpa-ative tables. 1129-1200. -112$-1196. OHIO. Ohio workmen’s compensation act and decisions of the Ohio Industrial

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636 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November Commission, with references to negligence and compensation cases annotated. 1918. pp. 1129-1193. PENNSYLVANIA. Pennsylvania workmen’s compensation act and decisions of the Workmen’s Compensation Board, with references to negligence and compensation cases annotated. 1918. pp. 1129-1 196. All the above-mentioned excerpts are published by Messra. Callaghan and Company, Chicago. NEW YORK STATE. INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION. Workmen’s compensation law, with amendments, additions and annotations to July 1, 1918. 1918. 88 pp. Prepared by the Bureau of Statistiand Infor mation. . INSURANCE DEPARTMENT. Report on examination of the National Workmen’s Compensation Service Bureau, dated Aug. 15, 1917. 1918. 59 pp. ANON. New uses for the “zoning” system as adopted by New York City and applicable to American communities. (Arch. Rev., Apr., 1918: 66-67.) zoning

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NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION City Manager Notes.-The three candidates for positions on the first commission under the new commission-manager charter, &$in, Georgia, nominated in the primaries held September 26, are among the most public-spirited business men of the city. They were selected by a some what unusual procedure which augurs well for the success of the new plan. A general mas8 meeting was held at the City Hall September 18. A “straw vote” was taken. Those receiving the three highest totals were declared the candidates of those present at the meeting. When these three candidates entered the primaries, they received the overwhelming majority of the votes cast. In Georgia, the nominees of the Democratic prbary are certain of election at the succeeding general election, held in December. A city manager will be selected in December to take office January 1. Griffin is the first city in Georgia to adopt the new plan. Its population is estimated at 10,300. Edwin J. Fort has been chosen city manager of Ariagaro Falls, New York, to succeed 0. E. Carr, who was promoted to Springfield, Ohio, September 1. Mr. Fort has served eleven years as head of the department of sewers, Borough of Brooklyn, New York. He is an engineer of reputation and has had considerable experience in municipal affairs. George R. Belding hss been appointed city manager of Hot Springs, Arkansas, to succeed Charles H. Weaver, recently resigned. Mr. Belding WFG at one time mayor, and has been serving as secretary for the local business men’s league. Hot Springs is experimenting with the plan originally tried at Beaufort, Socth Carolina, of employing one man to fill the dual positions of city manager and secretary of its commercial organization, as Mr. Belding still retains his office as secretary of the business men’s league. His salary will be apportioned between the city and the league. Dr. W. C. Bailey, formerly president of the San Jod chamber of commerce, has been appointed city manager of Sun Jost?, Calijmnia, to succeed Thomas H. Reed. The vote stood five to two. The two voting in the negative stated that they had no personal objections to Dr. Bailey but did not believe that the city needed a city manager at present. A letter from Dr. Bailey states that he has entered the new profession, temporarily only.’ Hubert A. Stecker who has served as city manager of Chmlottesvilb, Virginia, since January 1, 1917, has resigned to enter the army. His administration has been most successful. His duties in the army follow very closely the work of a city manager, as he has been commissioned captain in the quartermaster corps and placed in charge of streets, buildings, and grounds at Camp Logan, Texas. Shelton S. Fife an engineer has been appointed to succeed Cap’t Stecker. The United States Government is applying the principles of the city-manager plan to many of its war-time enterprises. Announcement recently appeared in the daily press that Uncle Sam is seeking men to place in charge of his war-work communities. The management of these communities will involve not only the collection of rents, the supervision of repairs and maintenance of buildings, but will comprise duties analogous to those of a city manager, including responsibility for sanitation, cleanliness, fire and police protection and the general health and welfare of the inhabitants. These managers will not be permanently attached to one community, but will be transferred and promoted, thus creating a corps of trained experts in community management. Allan Robinson, manager of operating division, D. 438. ‘See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, Vol. vii, 637

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November U. S. housing corporation, 613 G Street N. W., Washington, D. C., is in charge of this branch of the service. A great many cities and towns throughout the country are considering the adoption of city-manager government. Among those which have recently been called to our attention are: Aberdeen, Washington; Ambridne, and Blairsville, Pennsylvania; Burlington, and Davenport, Iowa; Daytona, Florida; Enid and Pawnee, Oklahoma; Grand Mere, Province of Quebec: Lawrence, Mansfield, and Wellesley, Massachusetts; New Haven, Connecticut; St. Paul, Minnesota; Suffolkc, Virginia. S. A. Sivcrts, Jr., who has served as city manager in Morris, Minn., since the new plan became effective in 1914 has resigned to enter the fedcrd service having been ocmmiss oned 1st Lieutenant in the Engineers Office s Rescrve Corps. J. B. Wiles, serretary of the Chamber of Commerce, of Philapsburg, Pa., has been made borough manager of that community. He wi 1 be eqected to discharpe the dutics of both offices. This is the third city to make such a dual arrangeIoent. J. J. Carment has been appointed as the first rity manager of Kamloops, B. C., at a salary of $3,000. E. A. Beck who has served as city manager of Goldsboro, North Carolina, since the new plan was put in operation July, 1917, has been commissioned as captain in the army’s sanitary department and is stationed at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia. Mr. Beck’s work has received most favorable comment and the local paper suggests that in time he will be recognized as deserving a statue in the public park. It will be recalled that Mr. Beck waa selected from a field of 422 candidates for the position of manager at Goldsboro. Prior to his appointment he had served as manager and engineer for the boroughs of Sewickley and Edgeworth, Pennsylvania. No successor is announced.‘. Beaufort, South Carolina’s fourth city manager is Hal R. Pollitzer who has been serving as acting manager since the resignation of John R. Kneebone last spring. 1See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW. Vol. vi. p. 605. Mr. Pollitzer graduated from Clemson College, South Carolina, as a civil and electrical engineer. He has served for several years in the Beaufort organization, fist as superintendent of public works, then as city engineer and is well trained for the new position. His salary is $1,800. Albion, Michigan, has appointed W. E. Baumgardner as acting manager for the balance of the year 1918 upon the resignation of Manager A. L. Sloman, who has entered the army. Mr. Baumgardner commenced his duties June 4, with a salary of $150 per month. The borough of Sezuickley, Pennsylvania, has come under the manager plan and W. M. Cotton, borough manager of the adjacent borough of Edgeworth serves both boroughs. In addition to this Mr. Cotton acts as engineer for a third borough. His salary from the combined manager positions is $3,600 and the population of the district is about 10,000. Arthur M. Freed, city manager of Winchester, Virginia, has been given leave of absence for the period of the war and will be connected with the Government Bureau of Industrial Housing in the engineering department in Washington. Thomas J. Trier, assistant city manager, will assume the duties of city manager. The city manager charter, Sioux Falls, South Dakota, has been declared unconstitutional because the title of the act did not define the contents of it; and because it discriminated between the cities of the state without classification. Moreover the court held that the petition for the election should not have been received until there had been an investigation of the names thereon. It w&s discovered subsequently that unqualified citizens had signed it. f Durham, North Carolina, where a semimanager plan was tried out, with W. M. Wiikes as manager, has discontinued the experiment. The city clerk makes this comment: “The system was a complete failure here and I do not think it will be tried here again. No one has been appointed to succeed Mr. Wilkes.” This is one more illustration of the oft-repeated slogan “that you can’t force reform on

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 639 folks,” and a manager who holds office under ordinance provisions is liable to destroy the abortive attempt to install the plan without the preliminary educational essential to the adoption of a new charter is often a mistake and sometime constitutes a real damage to the movement. f Gary, Florida, incorporated October, 1908, &s a city, and granted a commission charter in June, 1917, has appointed J. A. O’Berry as city manager, vice J. H. Henry resigned to join the engineer corps. f Montreal’s New System.-Under its amended charter the city is governed by a mayor, a commission of five members, called “the administrative commission of the city of Montreal” and a council composed OF the mayor and one alderman for each ward. The present chief city attorney, the present city comptroller and the city treasurer are ex oficio members of the commission and may be dismissed only by a vote of two-thirds of all the members of the council and such dismissal shall take effect only if approved by the lieutenant-governor in council. The other members of the commission are appointed for four years by the lieutenant-governor who may, however, dismiss them at any time for cause and appoint their successors. The chairman of the commission is designated by the lieutenant-governor, his salary being $12,000 per year. The other members of the commission receive 810,000. Three commissioners form a quorum. The chairman or the member presiding in his absence shall vote as commissioner, but shall have no casting-vote. The following powers are exclusively vested in the commission: 1. The powers which the city charter, the other general or special acts and municipal by-laws of the city conferred, previous to April 2, 1918, either upon the city, or the council, or the board of commissioners, or upon the two latter bodies jointly or subordinately one to the other. 2. The powers which may after April 2, 1918 be conferred (a) upon the commission appointed by a general or special act; (b) upon the city by a general or special act; (c) upon the council by a general act. The resolutions, by-laws and other acts of the commission shall be submitted to the council in connection with the following matters: annual and supplementary budgets variation of funds; approprintions of the proceeds of loans; taxes and licenses; by-laws, %~

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640 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November bodies and between the members of the board who made the mistake of giving each member a district or department to control-in practice quite arbitrarily. Matters continued to go from bad to worse; the debt, an abnormally large one, continued to grow and the demand became insistent that a new form of government be inaugurated. While the charter prior and subsequent to the creation of the board of control was quite broad the government of the province, which granted the charter, always took the view that it could at any time step in and pass laws directly affecting the city even though the city had apparently been granted such powers. The “home rule for cities” idea has made little if any headway in this province or for that matter in any part of Canada. For some years delegations have been going, not to the city hall but to Quebec, pleading for amendments to the city charter until it became quite clear to most people that the city wm really, in the important matters ruled, at Quebec. Strangely enough the Quebec government was not expected (until recently) to take any of the blame for the lack of good city government. The FrenchCanadian electors seem at last to be very much aroused and recently have been holding public meetings protesting against taking away the power of the alderman and the granting of a new franchise to the tramways company. The thirteen members of the legislature from the District of Montreal are blamed. There are unconfirmed rumors that the Provincial Government now fear a mistake has been made and that there is a probability that within a few years the present commission will give way to a council. During the last session of the legislature far-reaching amendments to the charter were passed which in effect delegate the powers of the Iegislature to five commissioners appointed by the provincial cabinet. As in most large cities much has been made of the alleged bad management of the aldermen and little has been said publicly of the large sums-many millions lost to the city by the grant, in tnis case, by the legislature, of valuable public utility franchises for practically nothing; the exemption from taxation of much valuable property; the low taxation of property worth millions of dollars and held out of use for speculative purposes. Montreal has also had, and is having the experience of having the question of valuable franchises gravely affect city government. And as usual the city continues to carry on the unproductive utilities which nevertheless give added value to the privately owned utilities. It is significant that among those most active in pressing for amendments to the charter, which would take the power from the aldermen, were representatives of some of our public utility corporations who apparently feared the aldermen would not favor the proposed new tramways franchise. Some months ago the Provincial Government appointed a small commission with power to compel the city to enter into a new contract with the Montreal Tramways company for a period of thirtysix years. This commission had the power to appoint valuators who would fix a value for the company’s property. The value was placed at $36,000,000, which valuation was perforce adopted by the city. The agreement waa then enacted into law by the provincial legislature. The Provincial Government next appointed a tramways commission which is to act as the representative of the citizens and see that a proper service is given. The commission whose salaries are paid by the tramways company consist of an ex-judge, a civil engineer and an architect, all men of good standing who have been successful in their professions. Their decisions are appealable to the provincial public utilities commission whose powers are apparently not well defined and who so far have had little effect in the settling of questions usually determined by such commissions. An appeal as to the rate of fares is now being considered by this commission but the question of the value of the assets

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS of the tramways company, $36,000,000, cannot be gone into. Public meetingsare being held by FrenchCanadian electors protesting against increased fares and advising the citizens to adopt the same methods as resorted to recently at Detroit. Notwithstanding the fact that the members of the new administrative commission are nearly all political appointments it is the general opinion that they will give as good government as is possible under such a system, but the all-important fact remains that “good government is not a satisfactory substitute for self-government” and that the electors of Montreal will not be content until they have a charter which will give them control of the affairs at the city hall and a larger measure of home rule than they have ever had. H. S. Ross. * Grand Rapids Defeats Amendments to Charter.-Former mayor George E. Ellis, who is the chief opponent of the new charter, utilized the surplus energies of certain members of the socialist party, some of whom are strong pro-German, and certain disgruntled office seekers in an effort to have the voters adopt charter amendments. While these amendments were proposed ostensively by the Initiative-Referendum-Recall-League, so-called, a mere paper organization, and two amendments related to the limitation of salaries of city officials and a-municipal coal yard, the main amendment would have legislated Mr. Ellis as commissioner-at-large into the office of mayor May 1, 1919, and provided for the election of the city attorney and city clerk directIy by the people instead of their appointment by the city commission. The citizens’ league (C. Roy Hatten, secretary), conducted a strenuous campaign against the amendments to change the form of government and stood noncommittal on the coal yard, and did everything to secure a large vote. The main factor in securing the large vote was the work of the Americanization committee of the federation of social agencies which had MaL&WLE. 7 a complete organization, and every voter at the polls was given a small white tag with a red border and blue Ietters on the tag “I am an American. I voted. Did you? Wear this tag three days and make the shirker conspicuous. Americanization Committee, Federation of Social Agencies.” Large bills were tacked up around the city and a great deal of money spent for window cards and newspaper advertising, and there is no doubt that this work was chiefly responsible for the large vote, which unquestionably helped to defeat the amendments. It was, however, a discriminating vote, as the proposition of electing the mayor, city attorney and city clerk stood Yes, 7,470; No, 9,479; salary amendment, Yes, 6,239; No, 10,180; and the coal yard amendment, Yes, 9,100; No, 7,688; the coal yard being an addition to the charter failed to secure the necessary three-fifths vote and so all the amendments lost. Concerning the tagging of voters in Grand Rapids, Secretary Hatten writes: This movement was suggested by Frank Dyekma, secretary of the federation. A special fund WZLS raised under the leadership of the Americanism committee of the federation. Special emphasis was placed on registration, and on registration day and primary day together there was an unusually large registration. The city clerk says that at a conservative estimate there were at least 3,500 above the normal amount that would have been received without this publicity; the movement also resuIted in a large number of people applying for their first and second citizenship papers. It was found that some of our most prominent business people, who had made fortunes in Grand Rapids, had never taken the necessary steps to become full fledged citizens. One of our leading retail merchants, who has been conducting a large store on our main thoroughfare for twenty years with another large store in Detroit, as well as his brother who is engaged with him in the business, had only obtained first papers and were still citizens of Canada. The main benefit of this movement was that it made those individual cases conspicuous.

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642 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November “Large bill-board posters were used all over the city; extensive newspaper advertising was done and many forms of publicity indulged in. While we had reason to expect at the primary a vote of probably twelve or thirteen thousand, the total vote cast was upwards of twenty thousand, due to the stimulus of this movement.” * The Federal Government and Public Utilities.-The capital issues committee, of which Charles S. Hamlin is chairman, had addressed a communication to the public utility commissions and municipal officials of the country calling attention to the creation of the committee and to the fact that Limen, money and material which the government needs are to be made available for essential war purposes.” The statement declares there must necessarily be a considerable degree of sacrifice on the part of individuals, communities and corporations in adjusting themselves to the substitution and changed standards which the situation compels. “Existing facilities must be made to serve in place of new ones,” Mi-. Hamlin declares, “regardless of temporary inconvenience and discomfort unless the public health or paramount local economic necessity is involved.” The committee suggests that these considerations apply with marked force to the public utility situation and announces the opinion of the committee that extensions and betterments should be postponed until after the war unless an immediate war purpose is served. Moreover the committee goes to the extent of asking the consideration of the propriety of deferring even the performance of contractual obligations arising from franchises or other local requirements when no military or local economic necessity is served by such expenditures. Of course “local economic necessity” is an elastic phrase. * Municipal Ownership of Street Railways in Seattle.-Seattle has agreed to purchase the lines of the Puget SoundTraction, Light & Power Company, comprising almost all the street railway transportation facilities in the city, for $15,000,000, payable in public utility bonds secured by the earnings of the system, bearing interest at 5 per cent. The only line not included in that purchase is the Rainier Valley line, which is now offering to sell to the city on the same basis for $1,600,000. The prospect is that we shall see in Seattle the largest experiment in municipal operation of street railways in this country at the present time. The opinion of a National Municipal League correspondent is that the city is getting the property at a reasonable price. It looks now as if the city council would place the administration of the street railways under the superintendent of public utilities, who was formerly a lawyer, with no experience in business of any sort. The wage situation also is such as to cause anxiety. The city will begin by paying wages almost double those previously paid by the traction company. It will be necessary for the city to raise the street car fares during the remainder of the war and the city may become saddled with such a high wage scale that municipal operation will compare very unfavorably indeed with private operation. When the war is over and general wages begin to recede, as they undoubtedly will to a considerable extent, it will be very difficult to secure any corresponding reduction in the city wage scale. These matters have received no attention in Seattle, and, in fact, the taking over of the system, probably the most important event in the municipal history in years, is being dona with very little public discussion and without a vote of the people. In other words, it is being put through as a semi-war measure without any appreciation of its significance. * Federal Help for East St. Louis.-The production division of the chief of ordnance has established a branch to better or eliminate those community conditions adversely affecting labor engaged in the production of war material. The Illinois supervisor of the branch reported an almost unbelievably low standard of civic,

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 643 social and nioral conditions in East St. Louis. As a consequence F. C. Butler who is in charge of this branch visited the place and after conferring with representative citizens drew up a plan, program and budget for the improvement of local conditions. He presented this to the presidents of the packing companies at Chicago who immediately gave it their cordial approval and offered to furnish one-half of the necessary funds to carry it into effect. Later Mr. Butler presented it at a meeting of the other industries at East St. Louis and the needed 9200,000 fund is practically completed. A committee of fifty has been formed to represent the war department and to act as a policy and public sentiment-making body under the direction of a representative of the production division of the ordnance department. This program is probably the most comprehensive thus far undertaken for an American city, according to Mr. Butler, who has every confidence that “if it is carried into effect it will amount to a complete civic redemption of the city.” The program includes housing, health, municipal survey, clean up, city planning, industrial welfare, neighborhood work, law enforcement, home defense, gardening, cost of living, recreation, welfare of labor, racial problems, charities, safety, parks and playginunds, transportation, patriotism, thrift, administration. The special committee authorized by congress to investigate the East St. Louis riots presented its report on July 15. It has been issued in pamphlet form. It has very little value further than setting forth in an official and definite way the facts leading up to the riot and the incidents of the riot,, although it contains some very interesting side lights and observations. * The Massachusetts Constitutional Convention adjourned after providing for the submission of nineteen separate prop ositions for the action of the voters at the November election. Among these are: amendments relative to the revocation of granting franchise privileges and immunities; the retirement of judicial officers; the regulation of advertising in public places to prevent the marring of city streets, boulevards, parks and beautiful landscape (unsightly advertising) ; to grant to the legislature power to divide cities and towns into building zones; providing for a state budget and a veto by the governor of items or parts of items in appropriation bills; authorizing the creation of not more than twenty executive departments under which should be co-ordinated all the present executive and legislative offices, boards and commissions; providing for compulsory voting at elections and for biennial elections of state officers, counsellors and members of the general court; for establishing the popular initiative and referendum and the legislative initiative of specific amendments of the constitution; and one making possible the taking by right of eminent domain, and the conservation, development and utilization of the agricultural, mineral, forest, water and other natural resources of the state under such legislation as the general court may enact.’ * Ohio’s Constitutional Amendments.Two amendments will be submitted to the voters in November, one providing that the general assembly have power to provide for the “raising of revenues for all state and local purposes in such manner as it shall deem proper”; and that “the subjects of taxation for all state and local purposes shall be classified and the rate of taxation shall be uniform on all subjects of the same class and shall be just to the subject taxed.” The other amendment prohibits the sale and manufacture of intoxicating liquors as a beverage. At the same time the federal prohibition amendment will be submitted on a referendum provision for the action of the voters. * North Dakota’s Constitutional Amendments.-The North Dakota supreme court has ruled that the ten amendments to the state constitution initiated by the p. 95. 1 SEC. NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW. vol. vii,

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644 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November Non-Partisan league must be submitted to a vote of the people at the November election. These amendments include the vital features of house bill 44, by which the league sought, in the general assembly of 1918, to legislate a new constitution for North Dakota. The amendments provide for removing the limit on the state’s bonded indebtedness, which now cannot exceed $200,000; provide that the state may embark in any business which is open to a private individual or corporation and that it may guarantee bonds in such enterprises up to the amount of $10,000,000 for 100 per cent of the value of the investment; by legislative act to exempt personal property of all descriptions from taxation and greatly decrease the number of signatures required on initiative, referendum and recall petitions. The supreme court two years ago in a unanimous decision held that the initiative amendment to the constitution, adopted in 1913, was not self-executing and that the issue of capital removal, raised by the city of New Rockford, could not go on the ballot. This decision was made an issue by the Non-partisan League in the judiciary campaign two years ago, and was largely responsible for the election of three Non-partisan League justices who now constitute a majority in the present supreme court, and they unite in the majority opinion, reversing the supreme court’s decision of 1916, and holding that the league’s ten amendments shall have a place on the ballot. * Arkansas Constitutional Revision.-A special election has been called for De cember 14, to vote on the proposed new constitution which the convention has passed. On November 5, an amendment to the old constitution will be voted upon. This amendment was devised by the friends of better financing methods and was submitted through the initiative before the legislature convened at which the constitutional convention was called. If the old constitution is amended by the adoption of this, and if the new constitution should fail of adoption, Arkansas cities would be provided for better than if the amendment were defeated and the new constitution were adopted, according to local correspondents who are also authority for the statement that “the new constitution is far ahead of the old one in its provision for cities.” * Washington Constitutional Amendments.-Two referendum propositions will be submitted to the voters on November fi-one, a bone-dry law, strengthening the provisions of the prohibition law. Its operation was stayed by the filing of the referendum petition on the part of the liquor interests. The second proposition is the question submitted by the legislature whether a convention should be called to revise or amend the state constitution. Up to the present time F. W. Catlett advises us there has been no investigation or public discussion of this question. He fears the matter may be allowed to go by default because of the fact that public attention is centered in the war. * California Constitutional Amendments. -As usual the voters of California will be called upon to vote on a series of constitutional amendments at the election on November 5. Twenty-five will be submitted. They deal with the following subjects: Liquor regulation; deposit of public moneys; usury law; absent voters; organization within county of consolidated city and county government; courts; hs Angeles county funds; University of California; appellate court divisions; borough government permanency; exempting cemeteries from taxation; reimbursing cities for revenue losses from taxation; exemption from military service; condemnation of right of way for public use; taxation exemptions; state budget board; city of Venice indebtedness; tax levy limitations: county and school tax limitations; land values taxations; health insurance; dentistry; prohibition; workmen’s compensation; stockholder’s liability; eminent domain. * A Short Ballot Proposition.-The county commissioners of Dauphin County, Pennsylvania, formally recommend in

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 645 their latest annual report that the real estate assessors in the county should be abolished. “There is no uniformity,” they declare, “in the methods adopted for appraising properties at their real value. The revenue which finds its way into the public treasury of our county is derived for the most part from taxation and it is very important that some system of fixing the valuation more equitably than the present mode should be adopted, and to this end we believe that the whole matter should be submitted to a board of tax assessors consisting of two persons, one to be appointed by the county commissioners and one to be appointed by she court, and only men of experience thould be considered. These appointments should be for a period of four years unless removed sooner on account of incompetency.” If the recommendation were to be followed out it would represent a lapping off of sixty-three elective offices in the county. This is going some for a Pennsylvania county in which the capital of the state is located. In the same report the commissioners suggest the abolition of the board of jury commissioners suggesting that their duties be assigned to the president judge, the prothonotary and the sheriff. This represents a further reduction of three elective officers. Moreover the commissioners are of the opinion that the office of coroner has “outlived its usefulness, is obsolete and should be done away with altogether.” It recognizes that this requires a constitutional amendment but proposes that steps to that end be taken. * County Government in Connecticut.A suggestion was made at the recent session of the Connecticut senate that county government throughout the state should be abolished, recommending the transfer of its functions to state officials. Concerning this move a well-known editor in sympathy with the forward movement writes as follows: So far as I know or am able to learn there is no life at all in the movement to This is good short ballot doctrine. abolish counties in Connecticut. Our little state has but few spoils, and these county commissioners are really our chief beneficiaries of the spoils system. They stand in with the legislators and while every thoughtful citizen acknowledges that the county system is an absurdity in this state, no one is so aroused on the matter as to start a very vigorous campaign for ridding the state of its counties and incidentally of these commissioners. The principal service of the commissioners is to run the saloon system. If prohibition goes through and saloons are abolished, there would be a good chance, I think,. to get rid of both candidates and commissioners. * Proportional Representation Notes.The Hare system of proportional representation has been prescribed by an act of parliament for the city of Sligo. The first election is to take place in January, 1919. This will be the first trial of the system in connection with a public election in the United Kingdom unless general elections for parliament take place previously, in which case the first public Hare elections in the kingdom will be those to choose members of parliament to represent the Scottish universities and certain of the universities of England. The municipalities of British Columbia which have already adopted the Hare system and held their first elections under it are New Westminster, Nelson, West Vancouver, Mission, and South Vancouum. In the first four the change was made by vote of the council itself. In South Vancouver the question was referred by the council to the voters, who adopted proportional representation by a vote of 1995 to 390. As was explained in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW for July, 1017 (p. 508), proportional representation is made optional for any municipality of British Columbia by an act passed by the legislative assembly of the province on May 19, 1917. The commissioners who are drawing up a charter for Flint, Michigan, have voted to incorporate the Hare system for the election of the council. The charter commission of Coshocton, Ohio, has given advocates of the Hare system a sympathetic hearing and seems likely to follow the course taken by the Flint commissinn

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646 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November 11. POLITICS 1 Detroit’s First Primary under Its New Charter.-There were about 60,000 votes cast for mayor. James Couzens ran high with 18,000, followed by Connelly with 15,000. These two will be on the non-partisan ticket at the November election. Duffield followed with 11,000 and Gillespie received the remainder. The surprise of the contest was the high vote of Couzens, who at the beginning was estimated to have no show at all; and the low vote of Gillespie who was the acknowledged leader of the politicians and opentown crowd. It was expected that their positions would be reversed. The final election is in doubt with Couzens having slightly the better of the argument at present, as he will probably receive the larger proportion of the Duffield vote. In many quarters Couzens is considered as being somewhat arbitrary, but it is assured that if elected he will be independent of any factions and will administer with unquestionable motives. Connelly has been for many years the leader of the democratic wing and is said to have catered to the liberal element. Recently he cut loose from this crowd and has been active in government and civic work. However, it is still feared by some that his election to office would mean a partisan administration in spite of his intentions to the contrary as expressed in a pre-election pledge. The nomination for the council showed some curious results. There were sixtysix candidates in the field for nine positions paying $5,000 each. Eighteen were chosen to go on the ha1 ballot. Of these eighteen nine were approved by the Detroit citizens’ league and are distinctly high-class men. On the other hand, four or five of the candidates are old-time politicians who were formerly in the city council. They are distinctly bad timber, bbt probably some of them will be elected. The remaining nominees are ordinary. It is interesting to note that a number of candidates now or formerly in the city council, 89 well as other politicians were hopelessly defeated, many of them running very near the bottom of the list. This was very gratifying and probably the council members who were listed in the eighteen were chosen because they have been constantly grand-standing and getting in the public eye. The political crowd in the county was also badly trounced, their candidates for sheriff, county clerk and county treasurer being defeated.? * Strikes of Municipal Employes.The Salt Lake City commission during the summer received a communication signed by a committee representing all of tlie members of the fire department in which the men requested an increase of $20 per month and an extra twelve hours off each week, the members of the department being organized into a labor union. In their communication they set forth that they were acting in an organized capacity: This is the only branch of the city government where the employes are so organized. When the application for the raise was presented it wm believed that the firemen were perhaps underpaid because of the abnormal cost of living at present, but the commission did not feel that they should receive any more consideration because of their union affiliation than the men of other departments who are also compelled to pay higher prices for living expenses. The commission decided that it would revise its budget and raise the wages of all of its employes as much as it possibly could without increasing the tax levy. It divided the amount of money available for this purpose by the number of employes and it was found that the salaries could be raised about $15 per month. This was decided upon and met with the approval of all city employes except the firemen who saw fit to resign in a body. They gave four days’ notice of a walk out. The resignations were given in blanket form and they were immediately accepted Bnd the commission was in the act of mak1 Unless otherwise indicated the item in this department are prepared by Clinton Rodgem Woodruff. 2 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii. p. 530.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 647 ing arrangements with others to take their places when the men themselves, upon second thought, realized that the commission had done the best it could under the circumstances and they in a graceful way receded from their position concerning the wage matter and the commission allowed them to combine their two hours off each day for dinner and take the twelve hours at one time. Before the date of the expiration of the ultimatum the resignations were withdrawn. During the spring and summer a socalled “ welfare association” was formed by the patrolmen of DazJlon, Ohm. Its objects were stated to be “(1) To promote stricter discipline in the department, (2) To better protect the public’s interest.” Shortly after the formation of the organization and when about one hundred out of the one hundred and seventy patrolmen, comprising the city’s police force, had joined the association, the city manager had occasion to suspend an inspector of police on charges. A committee fronl the association waited upon him stating among other things that they would resign in a body if this inspector did not get a “square deal.” At that time City Manager Barlow had already approved the dismissal of this officer and his appeal was in the hands of the civil service commission. Their statement, in effect at least, tended to coerce a decision, favorable to the deposed inspector. At the same time this committee made a series of charges against the head of the department requesting his removal. These were shown to be without foundation. They also took a stand on several other matters which did not come properly within the jurisdiction of a welfare association. This culminated in the following order attached: As you know, when the so-called welfare association of the police department was being formed, there was some question raised as to whether such an association would really tend to protect the public interests and romote discipline in the department, as craimed by its organizers. Our experience, to date, unfortunately has not demonstrated the advisability of having such an association in a semimilitary organization, such as the police department. Accordingly you will modify immediately the rules of the safety department so as to prohibit membership in any organization such as this has proved itself to be. There is already an association known as the Dayton police benevolent association which has been in existence for the past thirty or forty years and the above is not intended to prohibit membership in this benevolent association. If there are any members of the welfare association who do not see fit to abide by the rules which you may adopt in COEnection with the above, and prefer to *tain their membership in the association, you will then accept the resignation of each one so disposed. This immediately was followed by the adoption of rules of the safety department embodying these instructions. The findings of the civil service board in the case of the deposed inspector sustained the action of the director. .4fter a number of conferences on the part of the committee of the association and its attorney with the city manager his order was carried out, the association was disbanded and their charter from the state revoked. The city manager of Altoona, Pennsylvania, issued an order that the division of time in the fire department between 10 a.m. and 10 p.m. into periods during which some member of the company should serve on watch and be responsible for receiving telephone calls and alarms. He also provided for the Cistallation of a company journal to be kept by the men on watch. This resulted in dissatisfaction among some of the men, a captain who had been politically active in the bureau stirring up the men to resist the enforcement of the order. The city manager called him into his office and after a hearing suspended him for insubordination. There was an appeal to the council which sustained the city manager. A committee representing the men then served notice that unless the captain was granted pay for the period of his suspension they would leave the service. They also made several other demands in a paper signed by fifty-one members of the bureau. About twelve men left the city’s employ, six having obtained more lucrative posi

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648 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November t,ions. The majority of those who signed the petition reconsidered the action and several of the men who left have applied for reinstatement. The orders in question were issued upon the recommendations made by the national underwriters for improving the service and after consultationwith thechief of the bureauof fire. 111. JUDICIAL DECISIONS Franchise Rate Provisions.’-In Quinby v. Public Service Commission,l the New York court of appeals in sustaining the fare clause of the Rochester franchise said “Our constitution by requesting the consent of the local authorities recognizes that our municipalities are pro tanto independent of legislative control, exercising some fragment of power, otherwise legislative in character, which has been thus irrevocably transferred by the fundamental law from the legislature to the locality. The grant by the municipality to use the streets is not a mere privilege or gratuity. Once accepted, it becomes a contract which neither the state nor its agencies can impair.” In State ex rel. Tacoma Railway and Power Co. v. Public Service Commission: the supreme court of Washington held that the public service commission has no power to authorize the street railway company to charge more than five cents for one continuous ride within the corporate limits of any city or town, notwithstanding the income of the company is not sufficient to pay a reasonable return upon its property and provide adequate and sufficient service, since the express provision in 25 of the act, that no street railway company shall charge more than five cents for such a ride, cannot be considered abrogated by the provision in 5 53 of the law, giving the commission power to determine -.just, reasonable, and Sufficient rates, or $9 of the act, which provides among other thrngs that all charges for any service rendered shall be just, fair, reasonable and sufficient and that every common carrier must provide safe, adequate and sufficient service. The court also decided that the commission had no power to modify or abrogate page . 1 See Article of Doraey W. Hyde, jr., vol. VII, 119 N. E. 433. J 172 Pacific 890. franchise provisions requiring the street railway company to pave between its tracks, to contribute to the cost of bridges, to pay a certain percentage of its gross earnings to the city, and to permit certain officers or employes of the city to be transported free. The New York court of appeals decided, in International Ry. Co. v. Ram: that the provision for a five-cent fare in the so-called Milburn agreement between the city of Buffalo and its street railway systems is a “right of the city”; that which is directed by law for one’s advantage within its charter, so that resolutions of the city council consenting to increase the fare to six cents are subject to the referendum provision of the charter. In the case of Portland v. Public Service Commission,6 the Oregon supreme court has decided that the public service commission’s order changing the rate of fare provided for in the street railway franchise is not void, for impairment of contract rights, as the state having granted the franchise through the city as its agent has the right to change the provisions thereof through its representative, the public service commission. . In Salt Lake City v. Utah Light & Traction Co.: the Utah supreme court held that a franchise ordinance fixing passenger rates, although it constitutes a binding contract between the parties, is subject to the rate-malung power of the state. In State v. Billings Gas Company: the Montana supreme court decided that since the creation of the public utilities commission in 1913 the provisions of the franchise contract between the city and the gas company were superseded by the rates approved by the commission and that the remedy of the city is by complaint 4 120 N. E. 153. 5 173 Pacific 1178. 8 173 Pacific 556. 7 173 Pacific 799.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 649 to the commission if the rates now in effect are excessive. By a consent given by a municipality to a sewerage company under the act of 1898, maximum and minimum rates were fixed. Subsequently the sewage company petitioned the board of public utility commissioners for permission to increase rates. The dupreme court of New Jer sey in Collingszvood Sewerage Company v. Borough oj Collingswood,l held that the board had power to increase rates. An ordinance granting consent of a municipality is a grant upon condition rather than a contract. The board in this case found that the existing rates were not enough to enable the company to make necessary oxtensioiis and suggested municipal action which would make it possible for the company to obtain new capital. The court held that the board should have ordered the necessary modification of rates and not have shifted the responsibility to the municipality. * Affect of Home Rule on Rates.-In Traverse City v. Michigan Railroad Contntisston,2 the supreme court of Michigan held that the home rule section of the state constitution does not affect the contract relations of a telephone company and the city under a franchise granted before such constitution waa adopted, nor does such home rule section prevent the state from regulationg telephone rates within its borders through the railroad commission. The contract between the city and company was subject to the reserved right of the state to change the rates. * Unreasonable Order.-In Puget Sound Power & Light CompanzJ v. Public Service Commission,’ an order of the Washington commission requiring a street railway company earning less than a 4 per cent return to change the route of a crosstown line to relieve residents of the district served from the inconvenience of 1 102 Atlantic 901. 9 168 N. W. 481. 3 170 Pacific 1014. transferring was held unreasonable, where the necessary track changes would cost $7,100, with at least a $5,000 increase in annual operating expenses, and, on account of the extreme grades on the streets traversed by the proposed route, the added service would have a tendency to decrease the ordinary margin of safety and add to. the congestion of the down-town lines. Four out of the nine judges dissented in this case. * Valuation.-In the case of Denver v. Denver Union Water Company,4 the supreme court decided that it is proper, notwithstanding, the water company’s franchise has expired, to value the plant as capable of use and actually in use in the public service, rather than at what the property would bring for some other use in case the city should build its own plant, where there are no other means of adequately supplying the city and the construction of a municipal system would take at least five years, and where the ordinance fixing rates, while assuming to treat the water company as a mere tenant by sufferance in the streets, recognizes that its plant must continue to serve the public needs. Their reason was that such ordinance amounts to the grant of a new franchise of indefinite duration terminable either by the city or the company at such time and under such circumstances as may be consistent with the duty that both owe to the inhabitants of the city. Mr. Justice Holmes dissented, saying “It may be asked how a company in that situation can assert a constitutional right to a return upon the value that those pipes would have if there under a permanent right of occupation aa against a city that is legally entitled to reduce them to their value as old iron by ordering them to be removed at once. In view of that right of the city which, if exercised, would make the company’s whole plant valueless as such, the question recurs whether the fixing of any rate by the city could be said to confiscate property on the ground that the return was too low. . . . The question before us is not what would be a fair compensa4 38 Sup. Ct. Rep. 278.

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tion as between a necessary customer and necessary seller, but simply as to whether the property of the company is taken without due process of law by the city fixing rates for a service, while it continues, that the company may discontinue at will and the city may order tomorrow to stop. I am of the opinion that it is not.” Mr. Justice Brandeis and Mr. Justice Clarke concurred in this opinion. s Pledging Credit of City.-In State ex rel. Campbell v. Cincinnati St. Ry. Co.,‘ the supreme court of Ohio decided that a city ordinance, providing for the joint operation of a city railway and a privately owned system, which by its terms made the gross operating revenues of the system liable for the payment of existing and later issues of the company’s securities, is unconstitutional on the ground that it is pledging the city’s credit for the private debt of the street railway company. * Filling Vacancy in the Office of Mayor. -The supreme court of Ohio has decided, in Slate ezret. Jones v.O’Dwyer,? that upon the death of one who had been nominated at a primary election as a candidate for mayor and in the absence of any charter or statutory provision, there was no authority to fill the vacancy. ROBERT E. TRACY. 650 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November IV. MISCELLANEOUS Editorial Changes.-Professor Herman G. James having taken up war work, as already stated in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, has resigned as Associate Editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, and W. J. Donald, secretary of the Niagara Falls chamber of commerce, takes his place. Claude H. Anderson, the director of the bureau of municipal information of the New Jersey state league of municipalities, Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr., municipal reference librarian of New York city, and Dr. Robert T. Crane, of the university of Michigan, and Harrison Gray Otis, secretary of the City Managers’ Association, have been added to the advisory editorial board. * Robert D. Leigh, recently elected assistant professor of government at Reed College, has been granted a year’s leave of absence to enable him to attend Harvard where he has the Ozias Goodman memorial fellowship. During his absence Mr. Charles McKinley will be instructor in‘ government at Reed. Mr. McKinley, it will be remembered, worked under Dr. Charles McCarthy at the University of Wisconsin and has recently been teaching ’ 119 N. E. 736. history and government in the Ogden, Utah, high school. * Miss Ethel Hutson, a member of the advisory editorial board of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, has resigned from the New Orleans Item to become research clerk for the New Orleans chamber of * commerce. Charles C. Williamson, for a number of years municipal librarian of New York city and lately statistician to the committee studying the methods of Americanization, has been appointed director of the department of document and economics, in the New York public library, in succession to Miss Adelaide R. Hasse. * Charles A. Dysktra, professor of political science at the university of Kansas, has been elected secretary of the Cleveland civic lertgue to succeed Mayo Fesler who resigned to accept the secretaryship of the Brooklyn chamber of commerce. Layton E. Carter of the Western Reserve University will continue as assistant secretary of the league. * George Everson, who has been the executive secretary of the committee on criminal courts of the charity organiza2 119 N. E. 732.

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-19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 651 tion society of New York, and who has been giving special attention to the form of criminal law, is now in the field artillery training school at Louisville, Kentucky. * Frederick P. Gruenberg, director of the bureau of municipal research of Philadelphia, has recently taken a leave of absence to accept an executive position with 'the industrial service division of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. His new 'duties consist largely of organization and ,direct,ion of office and field forces engaged in research i~orli in the field of indust,rial .relations. * Homer Talbot, secretary of the municipal reference bureau at the university of Iiansas, gave courses in government in the summer session of the university of 'Texas. * .Henry D. Lindsley, who achieved so fne a reputation for his administration of the afTairs of Dallas, Texas, while serving as mayor,' is now a major in the American Army in charge of the war risk bureau in France. Major Lindsley had his military training at Plattsburgh and has been abroad since December 15, 1917. * J. Horace McFarland, a vice-president .of the National Municipal League and president of the American Civic Association, has been appointed by Felix Frankfurter (another member of the National Municipal League) a member of a commission of five on living conditions of war workers, functioning with considerable 'See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi, pp. 112 and 517. power and scope under the department of labor and associating representatives of the war and navy and labor departments having to do with the governmental and housing projects. This gives Mr. McFarland an opportunity of putting out in practice many of the principles for which he has spoken and stood during the past dozen years. * Edward H. Chandler, secretary of the twentieth century club of Boston, has been appointed by Mayor Peters a member of a new housing committee of that city and has been made its secretary. There have been numerous discussions of this question during the past fifteen years at the hands of sundry committees and commissions and it is hoped that the present one may be able to get some constructive results. It is believed that with the mayor's backing there will be a good chance of getting an effective law through the 1919 session of the legislature. * Miss Amelia Sears, the civic director of the women's civic club, of Chicago, has been appointed by the governor of Illinois to be a member of the state board of public welfare commissioners. This body is authorized to investigate the conditions and management of penal, reformatory and charitable institutions, both as to their general conditions and management, equipment and policy. * The Indiana Municipal League, at its June meeting, elected Samuel Spohn of Goshen, president, and W. Sherman Cutshall as secretary.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE COMMITTEES 1918-1919 ADMINISTRATIVE COMMITTEES CIVIC SECRETARIES W. J. Donald, Niagara Falls, N. Y. Addison L. Winship, Chairman, Boston Frederick P. Gruenberg, Philadelphia Dr. Charles A. Beard, Chairman, New York George Burnham, Jr., Philadelphia Richard S. Childs, New York Hon. Morton D. Hull, Chicago, Ill. Prof. W. B. Munro, Cambridge, Mass. Lawson Purdy, New York . Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Philadelphia Prof. L. E. Carter, Cleveland, Ohio Allen T. Burns, New York Albert &Silver, Brooklyn, N. Y. Raymond Moley, Cleveland Dr. E. M. Sait, New York Hon. William Dudley Foulke, Chairman, Richmond, Ind. Prof. Albert Bushnell Hart, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. George McAneny, 19 E. 47th Street, New York Robert Treat Paine, 10 State Street, Boston, Mass. Lawson Purdy, 105 East 22nd Street, New York Hon. L. S. Rowe, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, N. E. Cor. Centre St. and Park Ave., Baltimore, Md, Prof. E. A. Cottrell, Chairman, Columbus C. G. Kidder, Orange, N. J. J. Horace McFarland, Harrisburg, Pa. Dr. Raymond Moley, Western Reserve University Dr. Victor F. West, Leland Stanford University, Cal. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Chairman, Philadelphia Prof. Howard L. McBain, New York Dr. C. C. Williamson, New York Prof. Herman G. James, Austin, Texas Miss Alice M. Holden, Wellesley, Mass. AMENDMENTS TO CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS Dr. L. D. Upson, Detroit, Mich. Charles W. Andrews, Syracuse, N. Y. Mayo Fesler, Cleveland, Ohio Robert Treat Paine, Boston, Mass. Lieut. C. P. Shaw, Norfolk, Va. W. J. Donald, Chairman, Chamber of Commerce, Niagara Falls, N. Y. Prof. A. R. Hatton, 383 Fourth Avenue, New York Thomas H. Reed, San Jose, Cal. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE INTERCOLLEQIATE WORK MEMBERSHIP PRIZES PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE ON SECTIONAL MEETINGS 652

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19181 COMMITTEES 653 INVESTIGATING COMMITTEES CITY MANAGER QUALIFICATIONS (City Manager as a Profession) Nelson P. Lewis, New York Mayo Fesler, Brooklyn, New York Dr. L. D. Upson, Detroit, Mich. Cd. William G. Rice, Chairman, Albany, N. Y. W. 0. Gfienhagen, Chicago Darwin R. James, New York City Dr. Don C. Sowers, Akron, Ohio. Lawson Purdy, New York City Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, Chairman, Elmhurst, N. Y. Alfred Bettman, Cincinnati, Ohio Jacob A. Herzfeld, Kansas City, Mo. Stiles P. Jones, Minneapolis, Minn. Prof, W. M. Leiserson, Toledo, Ohio George C. Sikes, Chicago, Ill. John P, Fox, New York Hon. Harry Olson, Chairman, Chicago, Ill. Wilfred Bolster, Boston, Mass. Herbert Harley, Chicago, Ill. Prof. Roscoe Pound, Cambridge, Mass. Hon. W. A. Ransom, New York City Thomas Fbeburn White, Philadelphia Justice Edgar J. Lauer, New York City Frederick Rex, Chairman, 1005 City Hall, Chicago, Ill. Dorsey W. Hyde, Jr., 512 Municipal Building, New York Wendell F. Johnson, Toledo, Ohio. C. B. Lester, Madison, Wis. Miss Winifred B. Merrill, Milwaukee, Wis. H. H. B. Meyer, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. Cyrus C. Pashby, City Clerk, Memphis, Tern. Samuel H. Ranck, Public Library, Grand Rapids, Mich. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, North American Bldg., Philadelphia Joseph Wright, Widener Library, Cambridge, Mass. Dr. Robert Murray Haig, Chairman, New York Dr. Ralph E. George, Bethlehem, Pa. Stewart L. Tatum, Springfield, Ohio Miss Mabel Newcomer, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. A. C. Playdell, New York City FEDERAL RELATIONS TO AMERICAN MUNICIPALITIES Harold S. Buttenheim, Chairman, Tribune Building, New York David C. Adie, Civic & Commerce Association, Minneapolis Herman G. James, University of Texas, Austin, Texas L. S. Rowe, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Leroy E. Snyder, 25 Main Street East, Rochester, N. Y. Frank B. Williams, 55 W 44th St., New York CIVIL SERVXCE AND EFFICIENCY FRANCHISES MUNICIPAL COURTS MUNICIPAL INFORMATION SOURCES OF REVENUE

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654 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [November COUNTY GOVERNMENT Prof. Charles A. Beard, 261 Broadway, New York Prof. Edward C. Branson, Chapel Hill, N. C. John E. Brindley, Ames, Iowa Franklin N. Brewer, Philadelphia, Pa. Harold S. Buttenheim , Tribune Building, New York Otho G. Cartwright, 15 Court Street, White Plains, N. Y. Fred . Catlett, Seattle, Wash. Mrs. Caroline Bartlett Crane, Kalamasoo, Mich. Richard S. Childs, 383 Fourth Avenue, New Yorlr George H. Dunlop, Hollywood, Los Angeles, Cal. Hon. William Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Ind. H. S. Gilbertson, 383 Fourth Avenue, New Yo& Prof. William G. Guthrie, College of the City of New York LeRoy Hodges, Governor’s Office, Richmond, Va. Hon. Morton D. Hull, 105 S. LaSalle St., Chicago Prof. Chester Lloyd Jones, Madison, Wis. Percy V. Long, San Francisco, Cal. Albert McC. Mathewson, New Haven, Conn. Prof. Charles E. Merriam, University of Chicago, Chicago Prof. Howard L. McBain, Columbia University, New York Samuel P. Orth, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. Hon. Arthur N. Pierson, Westfield, N. J. Lawson Purdy, 105 East 22nd St., New York Mark L. Requa, Oakland, Cal. Herbert R. Sands, 261 Broadway, New York Isaac Sharpless, Haverford, Pa. George C. Sikes, 315 Plymouth Court, Chicago Seward C. Sirnons, Equitable Building, Los Angeles, Cal. Elvin Swarthout, Michigan Trust Bldg., Grand Rapids, Mich. Prof. Frank A. Updyke, Hanover, N. H. Joseph Walker, Brookline, Mass. Hon. Lewis R. Works, Court House, Los Angeles, Cal. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Philadelphia. STATE GOVERNMENT Prof. Augustus Raymond Hatton, Chairman, Cleveland, 0. Walter T. Arndt, 55 West 44th Street, New York M. N. Baker, Montclair, N. J. Prof. James E. Boyle, University of North Dakota, University, N. D. George Burnham, Jr., 1101 Morris Bldg., Philadelphia Richard S. Childs, 383 Fourth Avenue, New York Dr. Frederick A. Cleveland, 226 Devonshire St., Boston Major W. F. Dodd, Springfield, Ill. Prof. John A. Fairlie, University of Illinois, Urbana, Ill. Hon. Logan Hay, Springfield, 111. Prof. Arthur N. Holcombe, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Prof. John M. Mathews, Urbana, Ill. Lawson Purdy, 105 East 22nd St., New York Prof, William A. Rawles, Bloornington, Ind. Francis W. Shepherdson, Department of Education, Springfield, Ill. Prof. J. S. Young, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis Prof. James T. Young, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

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19181 COMMITTEES 655 COMMITTEE ON RECONSTRUCTION LeRoy E. Snyder, Chairman, 25 Main Street, East, Rochester, N. Y. Frederick L. Ackerman, Emergency Fleet Corporation, Philadelphia Dr. Charles A. Beard, 261 Broadway, New York Richard S. Childs, 383 Fourth Avenue, New York W. J. Donald, Chamber of Commerce, Niagara Falls, N. Y. Lawson Purdy, 105 East 22nd Street, New York Clinton Rogers Woodruff, North American Bldg., Philadelphia Dr. L. D. Upson, Chairman, 100 Griswold Street, Detroit, Mich. Miss H. Marie Dermitt, 608 Keenan Bldg., Pittsburgh, Pa. R P. Farley, McCoy Hall, Baltimore, Md. C. M. Fassett, Spokane, Wash. Dr. A. R. Hatton, 383 Fourth Avenue, New Yorlc E. I. Lewis, Indiana Public Utilities Commission J. Horace McFarland, Harrisburg, Pa. Dr. Raymond Moley, Western Reserve University, Cleveland Prof. W. B. Munro, Widener Library, Cambridge, Mass. J. G. Schmidlapp, Cincinnati, Ohio Mrs. V. G. Simkhovitch, 27 Barrow Street, New York Dr. Don C. Sowers, Second National Bldg., Akron, Ohio Harrison Gray Otis, Auburn, Maine. Laurence A. Tanzer, Chairman, 120 Broadway, New York. Mayo Fesler, Chairman, Chamber of Commerce, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dr. Ralph S. Boots, Columbia University, New York Richard H. Dana, 10 Post Office Square, Boston C. G. Hoag, Franklin Bank Building, Philadelphia Pliny W. Marsh, Dime Bank Bldg., Detroit, Mich. Harry Mixell, Jr., Clinton Building, Newark, N. J. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, North American Bldg., Philadelphia COMMITTEE ON MUNICIPAL PROGRAM M. N. Baker, Montclair, N. J. Richard S. Childs, 383 Fourth Avenue, New York Prof. John A. Fairlie, University of Illinois, Urbana, Ill. Mayo Fesler, Chamber of Commerce, Brooklyn, N. Y. Prof. A. R. Hatton, Cleveland Prof. Herman G. James, University of Texas, Austin, Texas. Prof. William Bennett Munro, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass, Robert Treat Paine, 10 State Street, Boston, Mw. Thomas H, Reed, University of California, Berkeley, cal. Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, Elmhut, N. Y. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, North American Bldg., Philadelphia COMMITTEE ON UNIFORM CITY REPORTS COMMITTEE ON ELECTION LAWS