Citation
Housing for the city : a Five Points residential project

Material Information

Title:
Housing for the city : a Five Points residential project
Creator:
Hamilton, Kathryn
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( Master of architecture)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
College of Architecture and Planning, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Architecture
Committee Chair:
Heath, Paul
Committee Members:
Frieder, David
Crowell, Gary

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
Copyright Kathryn Hamilton. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

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Full Text
ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN
AURARIA LIBRARY
HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
An Architectural Thesis presented to the College of Design and Planning, University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Master of Architecture
KATHRYN HAMILTON SPRING 1984


Davj^d Frieder, Principal Advisor
University of Colorado at Denver Spring 1984


INTRODUCTION 1
THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT 5
1. History 6
2. Demographics 9
3. Development Trends 12
THE SITE 15
1. Site Survey 16
2. Soils 17
3. Climate 18
4. Utilities 20
5. Views and Access 21
6. Surrounding Land Uses 23
7. Site Analysis 25
REGULATIONS 26
1. Zoning 27
2. Building Codes 30
THE PROGRAM 32
1. Development Feasibility 33
2. The Uses 35
3. Design Intentions 37
TABLE OF CONTENTS
THE DESIGN SOLUTION 38
1. The Building 39
2. Site Plan 40
3. Floor Plans 41
4. Elevations 44
5. Section 45
6. Wall Sections 46
7. Model 47
CONCLUSION 49
SOURCES 53
1. Bibliography 54
2. Interviews 56


INTRODUCTION


M£?12TH

THE PURPOSE
The need to develop affordable housing in close proximity to Denver's central business district has been repeatedly cited as a critical planning and design issue by both the public and private sector. The Five Points neighborhood immediately northeast of downtown Denver has been targeted as one area of top priority for housing by the Denver Planning Office, the Denver Partnership's Civic Design Team, the Piton Foundation, as well as numerous other commercial developers and non-profit agencies. It is in response to this expressed need that I am proposing the design of a median-income residential project adjacent to the Curtis Park Historic District in Five Points.
THE PROJECT
I have selected a fourteen lot site on Twenty-third Street between Stout and California Streets, which is currently being developed by LAGarde Ecklund Urban Development Group. The site plus the adjacent quarter block had previously been utilized by the Greyhound company for a bus facility,. The surrounding neighborhood's voiced objection to this use resulted in the Denver Urban Renewal Authority purchasing the property. The site was
2


ultimately sold to LaGarde Ecklund with the stipulation that it be utilized for primarily residential development. Townhouses are currently under construction on the adjoining quarter block site on Stout Street.
The project I am proposing for the site would include 35 residential units of 800 to 1200 square feet, both one and two bedroom units to be owner-occupied. Along Twenty-third Street about 12,000 square feet of speculative office space would be tappropriate to the character of Twenty-third Street. Parking would be provided within the site, probably in a single-level underground parking structure.
THE THESIS
The Five Points area is representative both of the problems inherent in urban housing today and the opportunity to contribute to the solution of these problems while addressing a timely need. The social and physical fabric immediately surrounding the central urban core has been torn by a variety of forces with negative impact on the integrity of residential communities. Pressure exerted by the expansion of commercial functions, the constant noise of heavy urban traffic, and a disproportionately high crime rate all have threatened the viability of one of Denver's oldest residential neighborhoods. However, there have recently evolved positive forces which reestablish the value of residential use in the Five Points area0 Proximity to the central business district and the unique historic context offer a counterbalance to the negative forces, drawing people back into a previously decaying area.
3


Yet this balance is a precarious one, for the negative forces from which people have fled do still exist. It is my thesis that a building can serve as a mender of the torn urban fabric by stabilizing the forces in a design solution which mitigates the negative forces while nurturing the evolution of the positive forces.
Twenty-third Street represents a functional and conceptual dividing line between the central business district and much of the Five Points neighborhood. The existence of vacant lots and marginal businesses create a break in the fabric through which the high density urban core can exert pressure destroying residential viability. A new development along Twenty-third Street must reaffirm the definition of edge through a geometry that asserts the connection between the two distinct pieces.
Residential uses have recoiled from exposure to the noise and visual unattractiveness of heavy urban traffic because it infringes on the function of shelter expected of a home. Five Points' proximity to downtown virtually guarantees the continued function of local streets as important commuter arterials. A building can through a design solution minimize exposure to negative street level activity, thus creating a sense of home as a refuge from the external world.
Economic and social forces in areas adjacent to the central urban core have created a social milieu in which personal safety can be substantially threatened. Both the actuality and the perception of Five Points as being crime-ridden undermine the stability and viability of new residential development in the area. A housing design must
establish the physical and psychological distinctions between public and private space requisite for a sense of security and privacy in a home.
4


THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT
1. HISTORY
2. DEMOGRAPHICS
3. DEVELOPMENT TRENDS


1. HISTORY
Five Points maintains a special place in the history of Denver as one of the city’s oldest residential neighborhoods. The physical evidence of that history gives Five Points the basis for its unique character so valued today.
Denver was founded at the confluence of the South Platte River and Cherry Creek in anticipation of the gold rush. The original Congressional Land Grant which established Denver in 1858 included the southwestern portion of Five Points. The city's potential for growth and eventual geographic prominence was firmly established when the Union Pacific mainline tracks were laid through Denver in 1870.
As Denver's population grew toward 100,000 by 1890, the city expanded to the east of its origins at the confluence. The streets were laid out generally parallel to the Platte River, creating the skewed grid of downtown Denver.
Curtis Park, located between Arapahoe and Champa Streets, 30th and 32nd, was donated to the city of Denver in 1868, making it Denver's first park. Around the park the neighborhood of Curtis Park evolved primarily during the 1880's, with most of the houses comprising the current Historic District in place by 1887.
The Five Points area including Curtis Park
6


was considered very fashionable in its early days. While the area has a history of being racially and economically mixed, that mix initially did not extend very far down the social scale» Five Points housed many of Denver’s more prominent citizens in a blend of stately and modest structures. Within the stylistic genre of Victorian architecture, individuality characterized the neighborhood of rowhouses and single-family residences. The identifying vocabulary used in the architecture of Five Points includes fine examples of early Victorian forms such as Italianate and Victorian Gothic, as well as the later Second Empire style with its distinctive mansard roofs, and the heavy stonework of Richardsonian Romanesque.
As Denver's growing population produced new neighborhoods, the center of social prominence shifted from Five Points to Capitol Hill, bringing a change in the social milieu of Five Points.
During the late 19th century, the majority of the
city's black population had been segregated along Blake and Larimer Streets. By the early 1900's the more prosperous blacks were moving into Five Points, making the area known at the end of World War I as a very stylish middle class community for 30% of Denver's black population.
As the social climate of post-Russian revolution years became according to some analysts more characterized by bigotry, Five Points with its noticeable black population evolved into an area out of which to move. Colorado at this time began acquiring a growing Mexican population, brought into the state as laborers for the beet fields. The Mexicans were obliged to live in what the mainstream population felt was the least desirable housing, which by now included Five Points.
In the 1940's, the population of Five Points were primarily blacks and Mexican-Americans who fell well below the majority in terms of per capita
7


income. Much of the housing in the area had become sub-standard, shifting from owner to renter < occupancy with many conversions of single-family houses into overcrowded multi-family dwellings.
The decades from 1950 to 1970 were characterized by a trend of out-migration to more desirable residential neighborhoods by the upwardly mobile, leaving Five Points with a pattern of physical, economic, and social deterioration.
The Colorado Fair Housing Act, effective July 1, 1959 was a particularly important catalyst in the out-migration of middle class blacks from Five Points. The landmark legislation prohibited racial discrimination in the sale of housing, thus easing one of the barriers previously confining blacks largely to northeast of downtown Denver.
During these decades several low income housing projects were constructed in Five Points, stigmatizing the area in gneral. Residential land use was eroded by commercial developments within the neighborhood, many other properties were simply abandoned. The population dropped by 50%.
The downward trend of physical and economic deterioration was essentially institutionalized by red-lining, the policy by banking institutions of not lending funds for purchasing property in areas designated as high risk. It was not until the Curtis Park area was included on the National Register as a Historic District in 1975 that the deterioration began to be reversed. Property could be purchased for extremely low prices if the buyer could overcome financing obstacles and was willing to do extensive renovation on the buildings.
General support for renovation eventually gained enough momentum for the creation of a state and federal tax deduction for 25% of the work done on historic structures. As the newness and riskiness of these ventures lessened, banks once again became willing to make loans in the area, opening the way for the in-migration of younger, upwardly mobile residents attracted by the historic context and proximity to downtown Denver. Gentrification thus became a new trend in the area.
8


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For the past 20 years, Five Points has been one of Denver's least stable neighborhoods of the 73 statistical neighborhoods identified by the Denver Planning Office. The effects of an undesirable mixture of land uses, heavy through-traffic, and the social forces of population shifts had left the area largely in a state of decay. Those left behind were people least able to afford other options. As the perception of positive amenities in the area has begun to
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2. DEMOGRAPHICS
counterbalance negative forces, some vitality has returned to the neighborhood. Demographics illustrate some of the population shifts and indicate problems which exist for both new and long-term residents in Five Points today.
The area's population dropped from its peak of
32,000 in the 1950's to an estimated low of 8,700 in 1974, eventually growing again to the 10,100 residents in Five Points today. Though the absolute
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numbers have decreased, the relative percentage of blacks and people of Spanish origin comprising the population have remained fairly constant. The percentage of white residents however has dropped radically, from 86% in 1940 to 32% in 1980.
A frequently expressed perception of Five Points as an area with many elderly is not supported by current statistics. Residents over 65 years old compose 12.3% of the local population, compared to 12.6% throughout the Denver area as a whole.
Schools within Five Points are currently operating at only half their capacity, yet the population under 18 years old represents 33.7% of the area total, higher than the citywide figure of 22.5%.
Five Points continues to be home for a disproportionately large percentage of the city's low income families. Fifty-two% of the households here have an income below $7,500, while only 10% of
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the city's total households fall in this category. Poverty level for a family of four is considered $7,356.
The proportions of housing units which are renter-occupied, and those which are vacant are almost double the proportions in the eight-county region. Only 19% of the housing units in Five Points are owner-occupied, while 59% in DRCOG's eight-county region are in this category.
An important obstacle for Five Points, both in terms of driving people away in the past and keeping them out at the moment is the perception of the area as being crime-ridden. Compared to 66 other neighborhoods defined by the Anti-Crime Council, Five Points has ranked third in overall reported crime from 1978 to 1982. Projections show however that the rate of crime will drop this year from a previous average of 417.7
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offenses per 1,000 people to 401.3 per 1,000. While this situation may indeed be improving, the psychological impact of both actual and perceived danger is an important factor to be dealt with by any residents in the area.
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Current trends in development in Five Points respond to a range of needs arising from the heterogeneity of the area. Three main categories of players have been actively involved in shaping the evolving form of Five Points through development. The area's need for low income housing has been targeted by numerous non-profit agencies. Commercial developers are capitalizing on the gentrification trend, providing new and renovated housing for upper and middle income residents. The public sector has encouraged residential development as well as commercial revitalization.
At least five non-profit organizations have responded to the need in Five Points for low income housing. Ecumenical Housing Corporation, Brothers Redevelopment, Hope Community, Denver Family Housing Corporation and the Piton Foundation all have been active in either the financing or the production of housing not generally provided by commercial developers. Projects are directed both at the elderly, many of whom were displaced by the loss of 2000 dwelling units in downtown Denver since 1975, and at families, whose average annual income is $5,300 per household. The involved projects providing around 600 units including the public Curtis Park housing project have served not only long-term Five Points residents, but also have pulled in needy people from other parts of
3. DEVELOPMENT TRENDS
northeast Denver. Within the past three years some sectors of the Five Points community have adamantly opposed any additional low income housing for families, largely because of the associated high crime rate. There has been no resistance to continued growth of housing for the elderly, which the Ecumenical Housing Corporation has specialized in providing.
Commercial developers, generally looking for a three to one return on their initial investment, have moved into the areas of renovation of historic structures and development of new condominiums, both aimed at middle or upper income buyers. "Affordable" housing for middle income buyers is considered to loosely range from $55,000 to $100,000 per dwelling unit. Most of the commercially developed housing in Five Points is designed to sell between $60,000 and $175,000 per unit, with Dora Moore Associates and LaGarde-Ecklund Development Group among the more active developers in the area northeast of downtown.
Sales prices for land in Five Points have increased dramatically from a 1980 average of $20.77 per square foot, to $45.11 in 1981 and $75.74 in 1982. Twenty-third Street continues to be an important demarcation line. If the sales prices are broken at 23rd, the average price southwest of 23rd was $109 per square foot in 1982, while only
12


$47 per square foot northeast of 23rd. Most of the sales activity in the past four years occurred in 1980 and 1981. There were 20 sales north of 23rd in 1982, but only 2 or 3 in the first half of 1983. Developers suggest that most remaining developable land in Five Points would have gone by now if the Central Business District had not experienced the recent over-supply of office space.
The public sector in the recent past attempted to set up a framework within which affordable housing could be developed. The Denver Urban Renewal Authority was instrumental in initiating the current development of the Greyhound site as part of a much larger residential project called Arapahoe Place. The initial 1978 project, which never received sufficiently enthusiastic support to get off the ground, proposed about 2600 residential units over a 17 block area northeast of downtown where land at the time averaged $12 per square foot. The Greyhound site was condemned by DURA and purchased for $5.39 per square foot as the first piece in the larger scheme. A base price for the original 1.78 acre site (3/4 of the block) was set at $3.00 per square foot, and development proposals were accepted in late 1981.
The project was to be designed according to R-2A zone regulations but with 10% of nonconforming office or retail use allowed. LaGarde Ecklund was selected by DURA as the developer. The company began construction of townhouses on one quarter of the block in late summer 1983.
As the residential stock has gained stability in Five Points, both the need for and the feasibility of commercial services has grown as well. The Community Development Agency has targeted Welton Street between 23rd and 30th Streets for inclusion in the Neighborhood Revitalization Program. By
13


making loans to business and property owners, a neighborhood commercial strip such as Welton can be upgraded and new retailers attracted. A 1981 feasibility study for this project established that there existed an adequate economic base in the neighborhood to support revitalization. The availability of local retail services then in turn reinforces the attractiveness of residential land use, and a cycle of renewal and revitalization can begin to take hold in the previously decaying area.
14


THE SITE
1. SITE SURVEY
2. SOILS
3. CLIMATE
4. UTILITIES
5. VIEWS AND ACCESS
6. SURROUNDING LAND USES
7. SITE ANALYSIS
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1. SITE SURVEY
The half-block site proposed here for development consists of 48,699 square feet or 1.12 acres fronting on the northeast side of 23rd Street between Stout and California Streets. Three-story townhouses with a 10 foot front setback are currently under construction on the northern quarter of the block at Stout and 24th Streets.
The eastern quarter of the block at 24th and California is occupied by a Public Service Company transformer substation surrounded by an 18 foot high concrete wall. A visual buffer will be needed between my proposed residential development and the existing unattractive wall.
The easement for the original alley extending lengthwise through the center of the block has been abandoned. Emergency access to the site is instead provided by an alley reaching halfway into the block along the short axis fron California Street. Rather than create a space-consuming turn-around at the dead end of the alley, more efficient emergency access could be provided by continuing this alley completely through the block along the short axis.
The site has a slight downward slope towards the southwest, dropping from a high elevation of 5224 feet at the center to 5222 feet along the 23rd Street sidewalk. A partially underground parking structure, and the resultant stoop-type entrances to residences, could take advantage of this slight slope to reduce the need for mechanical ventilation in an underground parking structure.
16


According to the soil report prepared by Fox and Associates consulting engineers for the proposed development at 23rd and California, most of the site is covered by man-made fill left from previous development on the site. The fill extends to a depth of about 7 feet across the site, below which are natural sandy soils. Ground water was not encountered until a depth of 44 to 46 feet below the surface.


3
2. SOILS
Because the existing fill is loose and subject to substantial settlement under moderate loads, it was recommended that conventional spread footings rest 6 to 9 feet below the existing surface, with a width of 3 feet and maximum allowable bearing pressure of 2000 pounds per square foot. The excavation required for a parking structure which is 5 to 7 feet underground would remove most of the loose fill fron the site. No underground drainage system is required.
17


Denver has the mild, sunny and semi-arid climate characteristic of the central Rocky Mountain area. There is low relative humidity, low average precipitation, and considerable clear-sky sunshine. During the summer, cumulus clouds shade the city frequently enough that a temperature of 90° or more is reached only 35 days of the year. Winter storms arrive primarily from the northwest, bringing 11% of the total annual precipitation. Spring is the wettest, cloudiest, and windiest season, when 37% of the annual precipitation falls.
Within the core city, the climate is slightly altered by a combination of air pollution and substantial building and paving mass. Summers tend to be hotter because of heat absorbed in building and paving materials. Winters may be colder because of air pollution interfering with solar radiation penetration. Smoggy days can lower the surface air temperature by as much as 10°.
Within residential buildings, winter heating requirements are more significant than summer cooling needs, making the concentration of large window areas on the south side rather than the north side appropriate. Because winter storms and winds generally arrive from the northwest, building entrances in that direction should be avoided if possible, or protected from penetrating
3. CLIMATE
winds when not avoidable. Drainage is not a critical design consideration because of the general dryness of Denver's climate.
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All necessary public utilities are available surrounding the site, though none were upgraded by DURA at the time of the Greyhound site transaction. There is an 8" sanitary sewer line in the center of the vacated alley easement, terminating close to 24th Street. The sewer may be relocated if alternative serivce is provided for the Public Service Company substation. Twenty-one inch storm sewers run to the northwest at about the center lines of both 23rd and 24th Streets.
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4. UTILITIES
Water service may be pulled off any of the water mains which surround the block. There are 8" water mains in both 23rd and 24th Streets, 6" mains under Stout and California Streets, and a 24" conduit in Stout Street.
Gas lines surrounding the site consist of 4" mains in 23rd, 24th and Stout Streets, and a 12" main in California Street. Electric service will probably be brought in from underground service located in 24th Street.


20


The Greyhound site is surrounded on three sides by important through-streets. Twenty-third Street is a heavily traveled two-way arterial, offering important access to the Central Business District along the northeastern edge, and connecting the regional route of Interstate 25 with Colfax Avenue. Stout and California Streets both are part of the system of one-way streets serving the downtown area, with important intersections at 23rd Street and Broadway. Access into parking facilities on the site should be provided off both Stout and California to conveniently accommodate travelers heading in either direction served by the oneway streets. RTD buses travel routes on both Stout and California, offering an important transportation alternative for any new residents here.
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While such easy access to the downtown area is one of the prime attractants of new residents to the Five Points area generally, the negative impact of the noise and visual unattractiveness of urban street traffic must he mitigated to create the sense of privacy and refuge that is generally synonymous with home. Although the streetscape surrounding the site has virtually no visual appeal, a fine view exists above street level of the Central Business District high rises to the south and southwest, and of the Continental Divide to the west whenever relatively clean air conditions exist. The distant view is a special feature of the site upon which a design solution should capitalize.
22


6. SURROUNDING LAND USES
Land uses adjacent to the Greyhound site offer a few attributes which can be positively responded to, as well as a number of generally unappealing features which dictate some sort of buffering to mitigate their negative impact on residential development.
The Curtis Park Historic District includes the block immediately across Stout from the site, where a number of Victorian structures exemplify the enjoyable historic context of the Five Points area. Across California from the site is the one-block Sonny Lawson Park. Though bleachers for a ball field are clearly visible along the side of the park, an opportunity exists to provide attractive landscaping along the street frontage behind the seating.
Land uses along 23rd across from the site offer essentially nothing which can be responded to positively with a design solution. The 23rd Street frontage on my site therefore perhaps needs to make its own statement defining the meaning of 23rd as the edge of the Curtis Park neighborhood.
A bar and a liquor store, two vacant lots, and an auto repair shop are the site's nearest neighbors along 23rd.
23


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7. SITE ANALYSIS
25


REGULATIONS
1. ZONING
2. BUILDING CODES
26


1. ZONING
The Greyhound site is included in the B-8 zone extending northeast from 20th Street into much of Five Points. However one of the important recommendations made by the Denver Planning Office in the 1975 Five Points Neighborhood Plan was to downzone the area in order to mitigate numerous problems caused by existing zoning for intensive business uses where actual land uses were largely residential. The proposed downzoning was intended to strengthen existing and future residential use, to more directly correlate land use with zoning, and to redirect the commercial and industrial uses towards several business corridors. The downzoning could not be accomplished legally however because of the lack of existing adjacent R-2-A property.
After the LaGarde Ecklund Development Group purchased the property, they presented to the neighborhood a scheme to develop the site at the density allowed under B-8 zoning, with a total of about 75 dwelling units plus office space along 23rd Street. The design concept incorporating both three story townhouses and 4 to 7 story towers was accepted by the community.
The intention of the R-2-A zone is medium density multi-unit dwellings. If 2,000 square feet of land exists for each unit, the allowable density is 21.8 housing units per acre. Under
27


a Planned Building Group proposal, the density may be increased to 29 units per acre with 1500 square feet of land per unit. Home occupations are allowed by permit only.
The B-8 zone is intended to be an intensive general business or very high-density residential district. Retailing, offices and cultural uses contained in the B-8 zone are meant to serve the entire metropolitan area in a concentrated activity center. Standards limiting development are designed to provide adequate light and air, and prevent over-congestion by limiting the building floor area to 4 times the area of the site.
The site legally can be developed as a B-8 site, but my choice would be a design combining the intentions of the R-2-A zone with business functions allowed in the B-8 zone. The higher Idensity allowed under B-8 regulations is appropriate immediately surrounding the concentrated central business core, but presents an aesthetically incongruous encroachment on the finer fabric of rowhouses and single-family residences predominant northwest of 23rd Street. Both the density and the required setbacks seem more compatible with existing conditions of Five Points residential land uses.
However the noise and traffic of 23rd Street present a major detraction from residential development exposed to that street. One story of commercial space along the 23rd Street frontage could both provide local services to the residents and function as a buffer between dwelling units and the street. The 10% non-conforming commercial use originally suggested by DURA when the property was sold is probably inadequate to provide the needed buffer.
• R-2-A DISTRICT
(Article III District Regulations, Division 7,
59-161 to 59-175)
59-162 Permitted Uses
Primary Use is multi-unit residential Home occupations allowed by special permit
1. no separate entrance from outside
2. no more than 20% total floor area or 300 square feet total
59-164 Permitted Structures
Density: 21.8 units/acre, 2000 sq. ft. lot/unit 29 units/acre, 1500 sq. ft. lot/unit for a PBG
Open space: 1000 sq. ft./unit
750 sq. ft./unit for a PBG Setbacks: 10 feet front 20 feet side 5 feet off alley
Allowable encroachments on setback: outside stairs, unwalled porches and balconies may be five feet into front setback, chimneys may be 18" into front setback Fences & walls: may be 48" high in front,
72" in rear
Bulk plane: 45° angle at 10 feet above the centerline of the street
59-166 Off-Street Parking
lh parking spaces per unit
59-167 Off-Street Loading Gross floor area: Req'd loading spaces:
0-25,000 sq. ft. 0
25,001-50,000 1
50,001-200,000 2
28


•SPECIAL ZONE LOT PLANS FOR PLANNED BUILDING GROUPS (Article VII, 59-616 to 59-622)
Primarily allows flexibility in placement of buildings within the zone lot:
1. Buildings no closer than 25 feet or a distance equal to the height of the taller building
2. 25% of open court perimeter accessible by emergency vehicles
• B-8 DISTRICT
(Article III, Division 23, 59-391 to 59-406)
59-392 Permitted Uses General business High density residential
59-394 Permitted Structures
Open space: 50 sq. ft. per dwelling unit Floor area: Maximum gross floor ares is 4 times the area of the zone lot, with premiums increasing the FAR to 6:1 No setbacks
No bulk plane or height limitations
59-396 Off-Street Parking
1% spaces per dwelling unit 1 space per 500 sq. ft. of office floor area 1 space per 200 sq. ft. of retail floor area
59-397 Off-Street Loading
Gross floor area: Req'd loading spaces
Residential & office 0-25,000 sq. ft. 0
25.001- 50,000 1
50.001- 200,000 2
0
1
Retail
0-15,000 sq. ft.
15,001-50,000
29


The Denver Building Code is intended to protect the personal safety of building occupants by establishing limitations based on the type of construction and occupancy classification. Both the parking and the commercial functions to be included on my site are of small enough scope that the floor areas fall below the allowable areas designated by the codes. The residential uses will however require additional fire walls to be included in the scheme according to the allowable floor areas. The following are some of the more fundamental restrictions which will govern the eventual design solution for my project in Five Points:
FIRE ZONE (Sec. 1601)
3
OCCUPANCY CLASSIFICATION (Table 5A) Apartments, H-2 Townhouses, H-3 Office/retail, F-2 Open Parking Structure, G-3
2.
BUILDING CODES
CONSTRUCTION TYPE (Sec. 1801, 1901, 2001, 2101)
V-l hour : apartments, townhouses, office/retail of frame construction IV-1 hour: parking garage of concrete
OCCUPANCY SEPARATION REQUIREMENTS (Table 5B
CN 1 G-3 H-2 H-3
F-2 N 1 1 1
G-3 N 2 2
H-2 N 1
H-3 N
ALLOWABLE FLOOR AREA (Table 5C)
F-2, H-2 Mixed Occupancy:
Area Increases
Fire zone 3: 0.33 Over one story: 2 Separation on 2 sides: 0.25 Total increased: 2.58 F-2, Type V, 1-hour
Allowable = 7800 X 2.58 = 27,090 sq. ft./building
30


H-2, Type V, 1-hour
Allowable = 7800 X 2.58 = 20,124 sq. ft./ building Mixed Occupancy Ratio
Actual F-2_____Actual H-2 _ ..
Allowable F-2 Allowable II—2 Limit per Story
F-2: 10,500 X 1.58 = 16,590 sq. ft. H-2: 7,800 X 1.58 = 12,324 sq. ft. H-2 Occupancy:
Area Increases = 2.58 Allowable = 7800 X 2.58
= 20,124 sq. ft./building
Limit per story:
7800 X 1.58 = 12,324 sq. ft.
H-3 Occupancy:
Unlimited G-3 Occupancy:
50,000 sq. ft. per tier
MAXIMUM HEIGHT (Table 5D)
F-2, H-2, H-3: 3 stories
G-3: 4 stories
OCCUPANT LOAD ( Table 33A)
H-2£ 200 sq. ft./occupant
assume 1000 sq. ft./unit = 5 occupants/ unit H-3: 300 sq. ft./occupant
assume 1000 sq. ft./unit = 4 occupants /unit Retail: 100 sq. ft./occupant assume 900 sq. ft./store = 30 occupants/ store Office: 100 sq. ft./ occupant
assume 1000 sq. ft./office = 10 occupants/office
Parking: 300 sq. ft./ occupant
assume 16,000 sq. ft. parking = 54 occupants
EXIT REQUIREMENTS (Table 33A)
H-2: 2 if serving more than 2 units
H-3: 1 per unit
Retail: 1 per store
Office: 1 per office
Parking: 2
STAIR REQUIREMENTS (Table 33A)
H-2: 2 if serving more than 2 units
H-3: 1 per unit
Office: 2 if over 1000 on second floor Parking: 2
OPEN PARKING GARAGE REQUIREMENTS (Sec. 1209) 50% open on 2 or more sides
H-3 REQUIREMENTS
Minimum of 3 attached units Each unit has independent access to exterior at ground level Have separate utility systems Units separated by 2-hour fire wall Separation wall shall not contain utilities No stacking of units
31


THE PROGRAM
1. DEVELOPMENT FEASIBILITY
2. THE USES
3. DESIGN INTENTIONS
32


According to an economic feasibility study done for a proposed downtown Denver residential development, there continues to exist a market for moderately priced, small condominiums. The buyers tend to be between 30 and 45 years old, primarily singles or childless couples. There is currently a greater demand for the smaller one bedroom units, both because one or two person households do not require large space, and because the younger buyers are professionals without sufficient income to support the larger and more expensive units. To capitalize on this market then, it was recommended that the ratio of 2-bedroom to 1-bedroom units which is most commonly used (about 2:1 or 3:1) be reversed for residential development in central Denver.
It is on this basis that I am proposing 25 one bedroom units of around 850 square feet intended to sell for around $83,000 and 10 two bedroom units of about 1050 square foot for $100,000. While substantial development expertise obviously is required to make an accurate projection of the economic feasibility of this proposal, gross calculations can provide at least a basis for evaluating the general realism of this scheme.
The following calculations are based on the assumptions that wood frame construction costs $50 per square foot, underground parking structures
1. DEVELOPMENT FEASIBILITY
cost $26 per square foot, soft costs will be 12%%, and a developer will desire a 15-20% return on the project.
COSTS
Residential
25 units @ 850 sq. ft. X $50 = $1,062,500 10 units @ 1050 sq. ft. X $50 = $525,000 Office
12,000 sq. ft. X $50 = $600,000 Parking
1% spaces/1 dwelling unit = 53 spaces 1 space/500 sq. ft. office = 24 77 spaces X 350 sq. ft./space X $26 = $700,700 Soft Costs
12%% X ($1,062,500 + 525,000 + 600,000) = $371,025
Land
48,699 sq. ft. X $5/sq. ft. =
$243,495 Total Costs $3,492,720
RETURN EXPECTED BY DEVELOPER
15% = $4,109,082 total 20% = $4,365,900
33


PROJECTED RETURN
Office
12,000 sq. ft. X $10/sq. ft. rent + 12% = $1,000,000 Residential
would have to sell for about $97.9/sq. ft.
to give developer 15% return one bedroom units = $83,200 two bedroom units = $102,800 Total
25 units @ $83,200 = $2,080,000 10 units @ $102,800 = $1,028,000 Office value = $1,000,000 Total = $4,108,000
The project is thus generally feasible. The selling prices dictated here are at the upper limits of "affordable" as usually defined. A number of variations on the plan could be made to bring the prices into a lower range: increase the amount of office space included, reduce the size of the units, or reduce the requirement for structured parking.
The latter would provide the most significant change to the economic picture.
34


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2. THE USES
RESIDENTIAL
Aimed at singles and childless couples, professionals, 30-45 years old
25 one bedroom units @ 850 sq. ft., 1 bath with 2nd sink
10 two bedroom units @ 1050 sq. ft., 1% or 2 baths
Residential use will front Stout and California Streets
On 23rd Street, residential use located only above the first floor
Include private outdoor space for each unit
Access from each unit to semi-private outdoor open space
Large closets in bedrooms
Kitchen with pass-through
Combined living/dining areas
OFFICE
Aimed at small businesses wanting proximity to Central Business District, but needing lower rents
Speculative space which is divisible by 500 sq. ft.
Fronting on 23rd Street Located on first floor only Accessed off a lobby entrance Public restrooms included Circulation = 10%
35


PARKING
Concrete parking structure approximately 7 feet below grade
1% spaces/dwelling unit = 53 1 space/500 sq. ft. office = 24 Total about 26,950 sq. ft.
Spaces 10 X 20 feet Two-way drive 24 feet wide
Vehicle access from both Stout and California Ramp slope = 1:6, 42 feet needed to go down 7 feet Separation of residential and office parking for maximum security for residents No loading provided in parking garage because of additional height requirement Include storage facilites for residents Access from parking into lobby of office portion Access from parking into either residential building or common open space for residents

r
36


THE SITE PLAN
Use setbacks which are continuous with the neighboring residential community Height limit should connect with 3 story
townhouses next door, 2 story historic buildings across Stout
Building mass should be broken sufficiently to fit comfortably with finer residential fabric surrounding the site
Continue the pattern of Stout and California
by addressing those frontages with residential use
Assertively address 23rd Street as a frontage rather than as the short end of a block Create clear distinction between public and private spaces to enhance security Landscape both streetscape and open space within site for aesthetic appeal and usability Provide access to parking garage which eases inconvenience of one-way streets Building footprint should be determined by the parking garage (about 60% of the site)
Provide loading at grade at point least offensive to residential uses
Provide emergency access by extending alley
completely through the block on the short axis
3. DESIGN INTENTIONS
THE UNIT PLAN
Use entry as a way of establishing a sense of place
Combine functionally different spaces where
reasonable to create spaciousness in a small unit
Create procession of spaces in approach to and into the units
Provide safe and convenient access to units from parking garage
Mitigate exposure to surrounding street activities
Focus on skyline view where it is available
Provide different qualities of space by incorporating private outdoor space in each unit design
Minimize problems of shared bathroom
Provide visual surveillance of open space areas within the site
Allow for easy functional relationships by adjacencies
Provide ample storage space
37


THE DESIGN SOLUTION
1. THE BUILDING
2. SITE PLAN
3. FLOOR PLANS
4. ELEVATIONS
5. SECTION
6. WALL SECTIONS
7. MODEL


HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984
39


SITE PLAN ^ NORTH SCALE 1:30
THE AREA
NORTH
FIVE POINTS NEIGHBORHOOD
CURTIS PARK HISTORIC DISTRICT
THE SITE DENVER CBD
SITE DATA
SITE: 48,699$; 1.12 ACRES BLDG. FOOTPRINT: 25,70041/ 53% COMMERCIAL: 12,500 *
RESIDENTIAL: 43 UNITS, 48,9504> PARKING: 92 SPACES; 36,8500 COMMUNAL COURTYARD: 8,5004>, 17%
HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984
40


PARKING PLAN ^ NORTH SCALE 1:16
FIRST FLOOR PLAN ^ NORTH SCALE 1:16
HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984
41



THIRD FLOOR PLAN
^ NORTH
SCALE 1:16
|ra( I
*
FOURTH FLOOR PLAN
^ NORTH
SCALE 116
HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984
42


RESIDENTIAL FLOOR PLANS
23RD STREET SCALE 1:8
THIRD
FLOOR
*â–  DEM
SECOND
FLOOR
RESIDENTIAL
PROGRAM
EFFICIENCIES (F):
1 STOREY 6 UNITS
580-680 tp
ONE BEDROOM (A,E):
1 STOREY 12 UNITS 700 - 780 $
ONE BEDROOM • DEN (H)
2 STOREY 2 UNITS 870 4>
TWO BEDROOM (B,C,D) 1 & 2 STOREY 23 UNITS 1150- 1320 $
RESIDENTIAL FLOOR PLANS
STOUT, CALIFORNIA,
23RD PLACE SCALE 1:8
THIRD
FLOOR
SECOND
FLOOR
HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984
43


23RD PLACE SCALE 1:16
STOUT STREET
ALIFORN1A STREET
HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984


SITE SECTION scaie i b
CALIFORNIA STOUT
COURTYARD ELEVATION OF 23RD STREET BUILDING
SCALE 1:16
HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRINC 1984


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HOUSING FOR THE CITY:
A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT
KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984
46




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CONCLUSION
49


This primarily residential project represents a type of urban problem seeking a solution. Like many of the older neighborhoods immediately surrounding the central business district, Five Points has been subjected to negative forces undermining residential viability, leaving the area a torn element in the urban fabric. The recent renewal of interest in the neighborhood's residential function provides an opportunity to begin counteracting the physical and social decay. This new demand poses the problem, however, of how to create a positive sense of home as generally conceived by the middle class in the midst of a largely negative social and physical context.
The planning of the site began by extending the alley through the block along the short axis, and pulling it back from the concrete wall surrounding the transformer to provide room for a landscape screen. Two cross-axes then subdivide the site internally into three sectors with different types of problems demanding variations in the response. The section adjacent to the 18-foot high concrete wall is designed with two story townhouses, low enough to avoid an overlook problem into the substation property. The section along 23rd Street needs to define the street as the edge, thus demanding a more urban treatment and greater mass. Here commercial space is provided on
the first floor, with apartment-type residential units in three additional floors above. The section bordering Stout Street has the site's most direct relationship to the existing residential context of both the Curtis Park Historic District and the new infill development of "The Court". In this section the design responds to the neighboring precedent with three story townhouses facing the Court across the newly established street.
By using a perimeter block system and double aspect units, the design solution clearly establishes an inside and outside to the project, providing an opportunity to define the inside as something different from the largely negative elements which surround the project on the outside. The outside and inside of the block then become the difference between public and private, hard and soft surfaces, vertical and terraced facades, auto and pedestrian scales, exposure and refuge.
Front door access is provided from the street for all the townhouse and four-plex units on California and Stout Streets, while 23rd Street has the more urban treatment of a security entrance through a lobby. Three locked gates connecting the building pieces provide physical access between the courtyard and surrounding neighborhood, but more
50


importantly offer a visual connection between the inside and outside to minimize the impression of the complex as a barrier.
A fairly broad range of floor plans is intended to appeal to a broad range of people, giving more long term stability to the residential character of the project. The California Street townhouses are not stacked, therefore most appropriate for families with small children. The 23rd Street building with its security entrance and flats as well as two-story units is intended to appeal not simply to the young professionals most developers are aiming at, but also to the elderly. Both indoor and outdoor communal space is provided within the 23rd Street building to make available to all residents the view of the central business district, particularly enchanting at night.
A layering of the experience of entry into individual units is another way of clearly defining the transition from surrounding public urban space into the home with its sense of privacy. The outside of the building shell is penetrated before one actually enters the residential unit, then once inside is another transitional layer of the entryway. Within the units there is a clear layering from the more public spaces around the perimeter to private, more vulnerable spaces around the courtyard.
Architectural treatment of the facade grows out of a response to the context and the differences between inside and outside of the complex. An abstraction of the bay window prevalent in the neighborhood is used to break down the facades in a way that correlates with the units behind. This system is used to emphasize verticality on the Stout and California Street facades, where the units each have a direct connection to the ground via their front doors. Vertical and interpentrating horizontal planes are used to layer the 23rd Street facade, where the plan is one of horizontal slices piled one on top of the other. The play of voids and solids further breaks down the massiveness of the facades to a smaller residential scale. The beam across the top of the balconies along the exterior perimeter both reinforces the facade's importance as a wall, and creates a sense of protection for the balcony space by making the outside space still inside something structurally. Brick is the primary material on the facade of thfe perimeter, with stucco used in the recessed balconies. On the facades lining the courtyard, the reverse use of materials, with stucco as the primary surface and brick used as trim, creates a softer texture for the terraced elevations which respond to the pedestrian scale of the courtyard.
The final design for this project, then, evolved as a response to the social and physical context of
51


Five Points and the operative urban forces there. The critical contextual problems addressed by the solution are the need to define 23rd Street as an edge, establishing both psychological and physical security, and creating a sense of privacy separate from the busy urban scene. Through a plan which diffuses the impact of negative contextual elements while reinforcing the positive, the building seeks to begin the urban mending process, reweaving the pieces into a workable whole.
52


SOURCES
1. BIBLIOGRAPHY
2. INTERVIEWS
53


Adams, James L. Conceptual Blockbusting. New York:
W. W. Norton & Co., 1974.
Alexander, Christopher, Sara Ishikawa and Murray Silverstein. A Pattern Language. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977.
Broadbent, Geoffrey. Design in Architecture. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973.
Broadbent, Geoffrey, Richard Bunt and Tomas Llorens. Meaning and Behavior in the Built Environment. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1980.
Davis, Sam, ed. The Form of Housing. New York:
Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1977.
Denver City Council. Building Code of the City and County of Denver. 1982.
Denver City Council. Zoning Ordinance of the Revised Municipal Code of the City and County of Denver.
1982.
Denver Planning Office. Denver Data, 2nd ed. July
1983.
Denver Planning Office.
1975.
Five Points Neighborhood Plan.
1. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Denver Planning Office. Historic Building Inventory, City and County of Denver. July 1981.
Denver Regional Council of Governments. 1979 Family Income, Regional Data Series. May 1983.
Denver Regional Council of Governments. 1980
General Population and Housing Characteristics, Regional Data Series, March 1982.
Dorsett, Lyle W. The Queen City: A History of Denver. Boulder: Pruett Publishing Co., 1977.
Fox Consulting Engineers. Subsoil Investigation for the Proposed Condominiums 23rd and California, Denver. April 19, 1983.
Gale Research Company. Weather of U. S. Cities.
Vol. I, pp 222-225. Detroit: 1981.
Institute of Architecture and Urban Studies. Another Chance for Housing: Low-Rise Alternatives.
New York: Muxeum of Modern Art, 1973.
Macsai, John and Eugene P. Holland. Housing. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1976.
Martin, Bruce. Joints in Buildings. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1977.
54


Neuman, Oscar. Defensible Space. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1972.
Newman, Morton. Standard Structural Details for
Building Construction. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1968.
Rifkind, Carol. A Field Guide to American
Architecture. New York: New American Library, Inc., 1980.
Schmertz, Mildred F., ed. Apartments, Townhouses and Condominiums. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1981.
Sherwood, Roger. Modern Housing Prototypes.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978.
Thompson, Elisabeth Kendall, ed. Apartments, Townhouses and Condominiums. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1975.
Tucker, Ernest. "Money Rocks the Cradle." Rocky Mountain News (Denver), Nov. 6, 1983, pp 42-43, 47.
West, William Allen and Don D. Etter. Curtis Park: A Denver Neighborhood. Colorado Associated University Press, 1980.
55


Chadwick, Barbara. Director, Ecumenical Housing Corporation.
Goldman, Diane. Development Specialist, Piton Foundation.
Gordon, Steve. Housing Specialist, Denver Planning Office.
Harris, John. Planner, Denver Planning Office.
LaGarde, Howard. Developer, LaGarde Ecklund Urban Development Group.
McFadyen, Galen. Project Manager, Denver Urban Renewal Authority.
O'Ray, Kathy. Project Manager, Community Development Agency.
Stranske, Ray. Director, Hope Community.
Watkins, Richard. Developer, Wickliff Inc.
2. INTERVIEWS
56


Full Text

PAGE 1

ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN AURARIA LIB ARY HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A lYE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJECT An Architectural Thesis presented to the College of Design and Planning, University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of th, e requirements for the Degree Master of Architecture KATHRY N H A MILTON SPRING 198 4

PAGE 2

The Thesis of Kathryn Hamilton is approved. University of Colorado at Denver Spring 1984

PAGE 3

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 THE DESIGN SOLUTION 38 J'HE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT 1 . History 2. Demographics 3. Development Trends 1. The Building 39 5 2. Site Plan 40 6 3 . Floor Plans 41 9 4 . Elevations 44 12 5 . Section 45 THE SITE 1. Site Survey 6 . Wall Sections 46 15 7. Model 47 16 2 . Soils 3 . Climate 17 CONCLUSION 49 18 4 . Utilities 5 . Views and Access 6 . Surrounding Land Uses 7 . Site Analysis 2 0 SOURCES 53 21 1. Bibliography 54 23 2 . Interviews 56 25 REGULATIONS 26 1 . Zoning 27 2. Building Codes 30 T HE PROGRAM 32 1 . Development Feasibility 33 2. The Uses 35 3. Design Intentions 37

PAGE 4

INTRODUCTION 1

PAGE 5

:r:.-70 w . s . THE PURPOSE The need to develop affordable housing in close proximity to Denver's central business district has been repeatedly cited as a critical planning and design issue by both the public and private sector. The Five Points neighborhood immediately northeast of downtown Denver has been targeted as one area of top priority for housing by the Denver Planning Office, the Denver Partnership's Civic Design Team, the Piton Foundation, as well as numerous other commercial developers and non-profit agencies. It is in response to this expressed need that I am proposing the design of a median-income residential project adjacent to the Curtis Park Historic District in Five Points. THE PROJECT I have selected a fourteen lot site on Twentythird Street between Stout and California Streets, which is currently being developed by L /iGarde c; Ecklund Urban Development Group. The site plus the adjacent quarter block had previously been utilized by the Greyhound company for a bus facilityo The surrounding neighborhood's voiced objection to this use resulted in the Denver Urban Renewal Authority purchasing the property. The site was 2

PAGE 6

ultimately sold to LaGarde Ecklund with the stipulation that it be utilized for primarily residential development. Townhouses are currently under construction on the adjoining quarter block site on Stout Street. The project I am proposing for the site would include 35 residential units of 800 to 1200 square feet, both one and two bedroom units to be owneroccupied. Along Twenty-third Street about 12,000 square feet of speculative office space would be to the character of Twenty-third Street. Parking would be provided within the site, probably in a single-level underground parking structure. THE THESIS The Five Points area is representative both of the problems inherent in urban housing today and the opportunity to contribute to the solution of these problems while addressing a timely need. The social and physical fabric immediately surrounding the central urban core has been torn by a variety of forces with negative impact on the integrity of residential communities. Pressure exerted by the expansion of commercial functions, the constant noise of heavy urban traffic, and a disproportionately high crime rate all have threatened the viability of one of Denver's oldest residential neighborhoods. However, there have recently evolved positive forces which reestablish the value of residential use in the Five Points areao Proximity to the central business district and the unique historic context offer a counterbalance to the negative forces, drawing people back into a previously decaying area. 3

PAGE 7

Yet this balance is a precarious one, for the negative forces from which people have fled do still exist. It is my thesis that a 'building can serve as a mender of the torn urban fabric by stabilizing the forces in a design solution which mitigates the negative forces while nurturing the evolution of the positive forces. Twenty-third Street represents a functional and conceptual dividing line between the central business district and much of the Five Points neighborhood. The existence of vacant lots and marginal businesses create a break in the fabric through which the high density urban core can exert pressure destroying residential viability. A new development along Twenty-third Street must reaffirm the definition of edge through a geometry that asserts the connection between the two distinct pieces. Residential uses have recoiled from exposure to the noise and visual unattractiveness of heavy urban traffic because it infringes on the function of shelter expected of a home. Five Points' proximity to downtown virtually guarantees the continued function of local streets as important commuter arterials. A building can through a design solution minimize exposure to negative street level activity, thus creating a senseof home as a refugefrom theexternal world. Economic and social forces in areas adjacent to the central urban core have created a social reilieu in which personal safety can be substantially threatened. Both the actuality and the perception of Five Points as being crime-ridden undermine the stability and viability of new residential development in the area. A housing design must establish the hysical and psychological distinctions between public and private space requisite for a sense of securityand privacy in a home. ""--' ' ' 4

PAGE 8

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT 1. HISTORY 2. DEMOGRAPHICS 3. DEVELOPMENT TRENDS 5

PAGE 9

I
PAGE 10

was considered very fashionable in its early days. While the area has a history of being racially and economically mixed, that mix initially did not extend very far down the social scaleo Five Points housed many of Denver's more prominent citizens in a blend of stately and modest structures. Within the stylistic genre of Victorian architecture, individuality characterized the neighborhood of rowhouses and single-family residences. The identifying vocabulary used in the architecture of Five Points includes fine examples of early Victorian forms such as Italianate and Victorian Gothic, as well as the later Second Empire style with its distinctive mansard roofs, and the heavy stonework of Richardsonian Romanesque. As Denver's growing population produced new neighborhoods, the center of social prominence shifted from Five Points to Capitol Hill, bringing a change in the social milieu of Five Points. During the late 19th century, the majority of the city's black population had been segregated along Blake and Larimer Streets. By the early 1900's the more prosperous blacks were moving into Five Points, making the area known at the end of World War I as a very stylish middle class community for 30% of Denver's black population. As the social climate of post-Russian revolution years became according to some analysts more characterized by bigotry, Five Points with its noticeable black population evolved into an area out of which to move. Colorado at this time began acquiring a growing Mexican population, brought into the state as laborers for the beet fields. The Mexicans were obliged to live in what the mainstream population felt was the least desirable housing, which by now included Five Points. In the 1940's, the population of Five Points were primarily blacks and Mexican-Americans who fell well below the majority in terms of per capita 7

PAGE 11

income. Much of the housing in the area had become sub-standard, shifting from owner to renter . occupancy with many conversions of single-family houses into overcrowded multi-family dwellings. The decades from 1950 to 1970 were characterized by a trend of out-migration to more desirable residential neighborhoods by the upwardly mobile, leaving Five Points with a pattern of physical, economic, and social deterioration. The Colorado Fair Housing Act, effective July 1, 1959 was a particularly important catalyst in the out-migration of middle class blacks from Five Points. The landmark legislation prohibited racial discrimination in the sale of housing, thus easing one of the barriers previously confining blacks largely to northeast of downtown Denver. During these decades several low income housing projects were constructed in Five Points, stigmatizing the area in gneral. Residential land use was eroded by commercial developments within the neighborhood, many other properties were simply abandoned. The population dropped by 50%. The downward trend of physical and economic deterioration was essentially institutionalized by red-lining, the policy by banking institutions of not lending funds for purchasing property in areas designated as high risk. It was not until the Curtis Park area was included on the National Register as a Historic District in 1975 that the deterioration began to be reversed. Property could be purchased for extremely low prices if the buyer could overcome financing obstacles and was willing to do extensive renovation on the buildings. General support for renovation eventually gained enough for the creation of a state and federal tax deduction for 25% of the work done on historic structures. As the newness and riskiness of these ventures lessened, banks once again became willing to make loans in the area, opening the way for the in-migration of younger, upwardly mobile residents attracted by the historic context and proximity to downtown Denver. Gentrification thus became a new trend in the area. 8

PAGE 12

For the past 20 years, Five Points has been one of Denver's least stable neighborhoods of the 73 statistical neighborhoods identified by the Denver Planning Office. The effects of an undesirable mixture of land uses, heavy throughtraffic, and the social forces of population shifts had left the area largely in a state of decay. Those left behind were people least able to afford other options. As the perception of positive amenities in the area has begun to POPLU-A"IION 6'( 100 ibB% so 1!5% {,0 4D Jq% 2. DEMOGRAPHICS counterbalance negative forces, some vitality has returned to the neighborhood. Demographics illustrate some of the population shifts and indicate problems,which exist for both new and long-term residents in Five Points today. The area's population dropped from its peak of 32,000 in the 1950's to an estimated low of 8,700 in 1974, eventually growing again to the 10,100 residents in Five Points today. Though the absolute K.e:::Y: 0 W'rtiTE I?ZI D . ?PAt-..llvH IN Fl VE:. POl t--JTS 9

PAGE 13

numbers have decreased, the relative percentage of blacks and people of Spanish origin comprising the population have remained fairly constant. The percentage of white residents however has dropped radically, from 86% in 1940 to 32% in 1980. A frequently expressed perception of Five Points as an area with many elderly is not supported by current statistics. Residents over 65 years old compose 12.3% of the local population, compared to 12.6% throughout the Denver area as a whole. Schools within Five Points are currently operating at only half their capacity, yet. the population under 18 years old represents 33.7% of the area total, higher than the citywide figure of 22.5%. Five Points continues to be home for a disproportionately large percentage o f the city's low income families. Fif ty-two% of the households here have an income below $7,500, while only 10% of 160 the city's total households fall in this category. Poverty level for a family of four is considered $7,356. The proportions of housing units which are renter-occupied, and those which are vacant are almost double the proportions in the eight-county region. Only 19% of the housing units in Five Points are owner-occupied, while 59% in DRCOG's eight-county region are in this category. An important obstacle for Five Points, both in terms o f driving people away in the past and keeping them out at the moment is the perception of the area as being crime-ridden. Compared to 66 other neighborhoods defined by the Anti-Crime Council, Five Points has ranked third in overall reported crime f rom 1978 to 1982. Projections show however that the rate of crime will drop this year from a previous average of 417.7 2.7% D THAt-.J *-?sao E22l 11 qqq I D -$JS ODD-.21 qqq ' ' 3"f,qc::;q [ill TI1AN .$3?,000 10

PAGE 14

offenses per 1,000 people to 401.3 per 1,000. While this situation may indeed be improving, the psychological impact of both actual and perceived danger is an important factor to be dealt with by any residents in the area. fiVt:::-K.t=Y: (;S3 OWNE:R.-OGC.UPIBD HOU'7J)....l4 D Hou.::.IN4 illiiJ] VACANT t-J4 11

PAGE 15

Current trends in development in Five Points respond to a range of needs arising from the heterogeneity of the area. Three main categories of players have been actively involved in shaping the evolving form of Five Points through development. The area's need for low income housing has been targeted by numerous non-profit agencies. Commercial developers are capitalizing on the gentrification trend, providing new and renovated housing for upper and middle income residents. The public sector has encouraged residential development as well as commercial revitalization. At least five non-profit organizations have responded to the need in Five Points for low income housing. Ecumenical Housing Corporation, Brothers Redevelopment, Hope Community, Denver Family Housing Corporation and the Piton Foundation all have been active in either the financing or the production of housing not generally provided by commercial developers. Projects are directed both at the elderly, many of whom were displaced by the loss of 2000 dwelling units in downtown Denver since 1975, and at families, whose average annual income is $5,300 per household. The involved projects providing around 600 units including the public Curtis Park housing project have served not only long-term Five Points residents, but also have pulled in needy people from other parts of 3. DEVELOPMENT TRENDS northeast Denver. Within the past three years some sectors of the Five Points community have adamantly opposed any additional low income housing for. families, largely because of the associated high crime rate. There has been no resistance to continued growth of housing for the elderly, which the Ecumenical Housing Corporation has specialized in providing. Commercial developers, generally looking for a three to one return on their initial investment, have moved into the areas of renovation of historic structures and development of new condominiums, both aimed at middle or upper income buyers. "Affordable" housing for middle income buyers is considered to loosely range from $55,000 to $100,000 per dwelling unit. Most of the commercially developed housing in Five Points is designed to sell between $60,000 and $175,000 per unit, with Dora Moore Associates and LaGarde-Ecklund Development Group among the more active developers in the area northeast of downtown. Sales prices for land in Five Points have increased dramatically from a 1980 average of $20.77 per square foot, to $45.11 in 1981 and $75.74 in 1982. Twenty-third Street continues to be an important demarcation line. If the sales prices are broken at 23rd, the average price southwest of 23rd was $109 per square foot in 1982, while only 12

PAGE 16

$47 per square foot northeast of 23rd. Most of the sales activity in the past four years occurred in 1980 and 1981. There were 20 sales north of 23rd in 1982, but only 2 or 3 in the first half of 1983. Developers suggest that most remaining developable land in Five Points would have gone by now if the Central Business District had not experienced the recent over-supply of office space. The public sector in the recent past attempted to set up a framework within which affordable housing could be developed. The Denver Urban Renewal Authority was instrumental in initiating the current development of the Greyhound site as part of a much larger residential project called Arapahoe Place. The initial 1978 project, which never received sufficiently enthusiastic support to get off the ground, proposed about 2600 residential units over a 17 block area northeast of downtown where land at the time averaged $12 per square foot. The Greyhound site was condemned by DURA and purchased for $5.39 per square foot as the first piece in the larger scheme. A base price for the original 1.78 acre site (3/4 of the block) was set at $3.00 per square foot, and development proposals were accepted in late 1981. The project was to be designed according to R-2A zone regulations but with 10% of nonconforming office or retail use allowed. LaGarde Ecklund was selected by DURA as the developer. The company began construction of townhouses on one quarter of the block in late summer 1983. As the residential stock has gained stability in Five Points, both the need for and the feasibility of commercial services has grown as well. The Community Development Agency has targeted Welton Street between 23rd and 30th Streets for inclusion in the Neighborhood Revitalization Program. By 13

PAGE 17

making loans to business and property owners, a neighborhood commercial strip such as Welton can be upgraded and new retailers attracted. A 1981 feasibility study for this project established that there existed an adequate economic base in the neighborhood to support revitalization. The availability of local retail services then in turn reinforces the attractiveness of residential land use, and a of renewal and revitalization can begin to take hold in the previously decaying area. 14

PAGE 18

THE SITE 1. SITE SURVEY 2. SOILS 3. CLIMATE 4. UTILITIES 5. VIEWS AND ACCESS 6. SURROUNDING LAND USES 7. SITE ANALYSIS 15

PAGE 19

J.<:)lb' I 2-"?.0' I -. ---+-------'------, • I • l f I t I ill -\ ::?. I PllE3. CO. _ 00 7UI3?1Ai10kl 1. SITE SURVEY The half-block site proposed here for development consists of 48,699 square feet or 1.12 acres fronting on the northeast side of 23rd Street between Stout and California Streets. Three-story townhouses with a 10 foot front setback are currently under construction on the northern quarter of the block at Stout and 24th Streets. The eastern quarter of the block at 24th and California is occupied by a Public Service Company transformer substation surrounded by an 18 foot high concrete wall. A visual buffer will be needed between my proposed residential development and the existing unattractive wall. The easement for the original alley extending lengthwise through the center of the block has been abandoned. Emergency access to the site is instead provided by an alley reaching halfway into the block along the short axis fron California Street. Rather than create a space-consuming turn-around at the dead end of the alley, more efficient emergency access could be provided by continuing this alley completely through the block along the short axis. The site has a slight downward slope towards the southwest, dropping from a high elevation of 5224 feet at the center to 5222 feet along the 23rd Street sidewalk. A partially underground parking structure, and the resultant stoop-type entrances to residences, could take advantage of this slight slope to reduce the need for mechanical ventilation in an underground parking structure. 16

PAGE 20

According to the soil report prepared by Fox and Associates consulting engineers for the proposed development at 23rd and California, most of the site is covered by man-made fill left from previous development on the site. The fill extends to a depth of about 7 feet across the site, below which are natural sandy soils. Ground water was not encountered until a depth of 44 to 46 feet below the surface. • L_-2. SOILS Because the existing fill is loose and subject to substantial settlement under moderate loads it ' was recommended that conventional spread footings rest 6 to 9 feet below the existing surface with . ' a w1dth of 3 feet and maximum allowable bearing pressure of 2000 pounds per square foot. The excavation required for a parking structure which is 5 to 7 feet underground would remove most of the loose fill fran the site. No underground drainage system is required. 17

PAGE 21

Denver has the mild, sunny and semi-arid climate characteristic of the central Rocky Mountain area. There is low relative humidity, low average precipitation, and considerable clear-sky sunshine. During the summer, cumulus clouds shade the city frequently enough that a temperature of 90 or more is reached only 35 days of the year. Winter storms arrive primarily from the northwest, bringing 11% of the total annual precipitation. Spring is the wettest, cloudiest, and windiest season, when 37% of the annual precipitation falls. Within the core city, the climate is slightly altered by a combination of air pollution and substantial building and paving mass. Summers tend to be hotter because of heat absorbed in building and paving materials. Winters may be colder because of air pollution interfering with solar radiation penetration. Smoggy days can lower the surface air temperature by as much as 10. Within residential buildings, winter heating requirements are more significant than summer cooling needs, making the concentration of large window areas on the south side rather than the north side appropriate. Because winter storms and winds generally arrive from the northwest, .building entrances in that direction should be avoided if possible, or protected from penetrating 3. CLIMATE winds when not avoidable. Drainage is not a critical design consideration because of the general dryness of Denver's climate. J 88_ I I NORT' 18

PAGE 22

""' lL 0 \l'l II w _j 'S 2 <( 2 :J {\ lU ...:s 2 t= \li 10() 19

PAGE 23

All necessary public utilities are available surrounding the site, though none were upgraded by DURA at the time of the Greyhound site transaction. There is an 8" sanitary sewer line in the center of the vacated alley easement, terminating close to 24th Street. The sewer may be r elocated if alternative serivce is provided for the Public Service Company substation. Twenty-one inch storm sewers run to the northwest at about the center lines of both 23rd and 24th Streets. WA:reJC:.. J W L "Z H UL -4. UTILITIES Water service may be pulled off any of the water mains which surround the block. There are 8" water mains in both 23rd and 24th Streets, 6" mains under Stout and California Streets, and a 24 " conduit in Stout Street. Gas lines surrounding the site consist of 4" mains in 23rd, 24th and Stout Streets, and a 12" main in California Street. Electric service will probably be brought in from underground service located in 24th Street. 20

PAGE 24

The Greyhound site is surrounded on three sides by important through-streets. Twenty-third Street is a heavily traveled two-way arterial, offering important access to the Central Business District along the northeastern edge, and connecting the regional route of Interstate 25 with Colfax Avenue. Stout and California Streets both are part of the system of one-way streets serving the downtown area, with important intersections at 23rd Street and Broadway. Access into parking facilities on the site should be provided off both Stout and California to conveniently accommodate travelers heading in either direction served by the one-way streets. RTD buses travel routes on both Stout and California, offering an important transportation alternative for any new residents here. tt-.rro c . s . P . / / / /.. / 5. VIEWS AND ACCESS 21

PAGE 25

While such easy access to the downtown area is one of the prime attractants of new residents to the Five Points area generally, the negative impact of the noise and visual unattractiveness of urban street traffic must be mitigated to create the sense of privacy and refuge that is generally synonymous with home. Although the streetscape surrounding the site has virtually no visual appeal, a fine view exists above street level of the Central Business District high rises to the south and southwest, and of the Continental Divide to the west whenever relatively clean air conditions exist. The distant view is a special feature of the site upon which a design solution should capitalize. 22

PAGE 26

La nd u ses adjacent t o the Greyhound s ite offer a few attributes which can be p ositively responded to, as w ell a s a number of generally unappealing f e a tures which dictate som e sort of buffering to m itigate their negative impact on resident i a l development. The Curti s P ark Hi storic District inclu des the block immediately across Stout from the site, where a number of Victorian structures exemplify the enjoyable historic context of the Five Points area. Across California from the site is the one-block Sonny Lawson Park. Though bleachers for a ball field are clearly visible along the side of the park, an opportunity exists to provide attractive landscaping along the street frontag e behind the seating. 6. SURROUNDING LAND USES Land uses along 23rd across from the site offer essentially nothing which can be responded to positively with a design solution. The 23rd Street frontage on my site therefore perhaps needs to make its own statement defining the meaning of 23rd as the edge of the Curtis Park neighborhood. A bar and a liquor store, two vacant lots, and an auto repair shop are the site's nearest neighbors along 23rd. 23

PAGE 27

. E3 . . 1:5ll;;;3 : . : . : . . . . • . • . : : : .................... . g = . -: iii!O: . ,. . . . . .. . . . . . . c . . . . :J . . .. ll,: . . . . .:.( .. . ::t: \j 'PUB.. Se'ii!V. GO. D lal 'Et • [ t-At-t D U?e"'> s. • lBt \Tc.IAL ,ELl tl VAcANT •• HI?TO'RIC.. DISiRIGT "8.c>UNDAR.'( 24

PAGE 28

:PTf3:::-T E:'\Jl"Rl FRoM WINTEk Wll'-Jt:>S t>ls Pl<.DYI'DeS ??t::.c IAL CDNT 1 $ 2. ?1012.'( SC.ALG PA.tt..ltJ4 LDT IS VDII> I}.J mrnmn . \IIIIIIIID mmrrrnr UTI[)]JL tlliiiliTil . \lllll]llllllJt . -lilllffilllllll( ' IlilliiJI1f -l I -4 J f Rt:>. -. ' 7. SITE ANALYSIS L.A1<,E:L.'( RE:SI.DE.tJTIAL TD NG>l2...Ti\Bk:::.l I'? A De f..'\E.NT TO lite .,;.)TE: ' r PA.1:::. A PDTeiJTIA:L -AI-J.E-1-JITY TO 'SITE NOISP t l3L EAcl-tE. T2S C:DuU::> l\OUEt:> og 25

PAGE 29

REGULATIONS 1. ZONING 2. BUILDING CODES 26

PAGE 30

1. ZONING The Greyhound site is included in.the B-8 zone extending northeast from 20th Street into much of Five Points. However one of the important recommendations made by the Denver Planning Office in the 1975 Five Points Neighborhood Plan was to downzone the area in order to mitigate numerous problems caused by existing zoning for intensive business uses where actual land uses were largely residential. The proposed downzoning was intended to strengthen existing and future residential use, to more directly correlate land use with zoning, and to redirect the commercial and industrial uses towards several business corridors. The downzoning could not be accomplished legally however because of the lack of existing adjacent R-2-A property. After the LaGarde Ecklund Development Group purchased the property, they presented to the neighborhood a scheme to develop the site at the density allowed under B-8 zoning, with a total of about 75 dwelling units plus office space along 23rd Street. The design concept incorporating both three story townhouses and 4 to 7 story towers was accepted by the community. The intention of the R-2-A zone is medium density multi-unit dwellings. If 2,000 square feet of land e xists for each unit, the allowable density is 21.8 housing units per acre. Under 27

PAGE 31

a Planned Building Group proposal, the density may be increased to 29 units per acre with 1500 square feet of land per unit. Home occupations are allowed by permit only. The B-8 zone is intended to be an intensive general business or very high-density residential district. Retailing, offices and cultural uses contained in the B-8 zone are meant to serve the entire metropolitan area in a concentrated activity center. Standards limiting development are designed to provide adequate light and air, and prevent over-congestion by limiting the building floor area to 4 times the area of the site. The site legally can be developed as a B-8 s .ite, but my choice would be a design combining the intentions of the R-2-A zone with business functions allowed in the B-8 zone. The higher !density allowed under B-8 regulations is appropriate immediately surrounding the concentrated central business core, but presents an aesthetically incongruous encroachment on the finer fabric of rowhouses and single-family residences predominant northwest of 23rd Street. Both the density and the required setbacks seem more compatible with existing conditions of Five Points residential land uses. However the noise and traffic of 23rd Street present a major detraction from residential development exposed to that street. One story of commercial space along the 23rd Street frontage could both provide local services to the residents and function as a buffer between dwelling units and the street. The 10% nonconforming commercial use originally suggested by DURA when the property was sold is probably inadequate to provide the needed buffer. • R-2-A DISTRICT (Article III District Regulations, Division 7, 59-161 to 59-175) 59-162 Permitted Uses Primary Use is multi-unit residential Home occupations allowed by special permit 1. no separate entrance from outside 2. no more than 20% total floor area or 300 square feet total 59-164 Permitted Structures Density: 21.8 units/acre, 2000 sq. ft. lot/unit 29 units/acre, 1500 sq. ft. lot/unit for a PBG Open space: 1000 sq. ft./unit 750 sq. ft./unit for a PBG Setbacks: 10 feet front 20 feet side 5 feet off alley Allowable encroachments on setback: outside stairs, unwalled porches and balconies may be five feet into front setback, chimneys may be 18" into front setback Fences & walls: may be 48" high in front, 72" in rear Bulk plane: 45 angle at 10 feet above the centerline of the street 59-166 Off-Street Parking parking spaces per unit 59-167 Off-Street Loading Gross floor area: Req'd loading spaces: 0-25,000 sq. ft. 25,001-50,000 50,001-200,000 0 1 2 28

PAGE 32

•SPECIAL ZONE LOT PLANS FOR PLANNED BUILDING GROUPS (Article VII, 59-616 to 59-622) Primarily allows flexibility in placement of buildings within the zone lot: 1. Buildings no closer than 25 feet or a distance equal to the height of the taller building 2. 25% of open court perimeter accessible by emergency vehicles e B-8 DISTRICT (Article III, Division 23, 59-391 to 59-406) 59-392 Permitted Uses General business High density residential 59-394 Permitted Structures Open space: 50 sq. ft. per dwelling unit Floor area: Maximum gross floor ares is 4 times the area of the zone lot, with premiums increasing the FAR to 6:1 No setbacks No bulk plane or height limitations 59-396 Off-Street Parking spaces per dwelling unit 1 space per 500 sq. ft. of office floor area 1 space per 200 sq. ft. of retail floor area 59-397 Off-Street Loading Gross floor area: Residential & office 0-25,000 sq. ft. 25,001-50,000 50,001-200,000 Req'd loading spaces: 0 1 2 Retail 0-15,000 sq. ft. 15,001-50,000 0 1 29

PAGE 33

The Denver Building Code is intended to protect the personal safety of building occupants by establishing limitations based on the type of construction and occupancy classification. Both , the parking and the commercial functions to be included on my site are of small enough scope that the floor areas fall below the allowable areas designated by the codes. The residential uses will however require additional fire walls to be included in the scheme according to the allowable floor areas. The following are s9me of the more fundamental restrictions which will govern the eventual design solution for my project in Five Points: FIRE ZONE (Sec. 1601) 3 OCCUPANCY CLASSIFICATION (Table SA) Apartments, H-2 Townhouses, H-3 Office/retail, F-2 Open Parking Structure, G-3 2. BUILDING CODES CONSTRUCTION TYPE (Sec. 1801, 1901, 2001, 2101) V-1 hour : apartments, townhouses, office/retail of frame construction IV-1 hour: parking garage of concrete OCCUPANCY SEPARATION REQUIREMENTS (Table 5B F-2 G-3 H-2 H-3 F-2 G-3 H-2 H-3 N 1 N 1 1 2 2 N 1 N ALLOWABLE FLOOR AREA (Table 5C) F-2, H-2 Mixed Occupancy: Area Increases Fire zone 3: 0.33 Over one story: 2 Separation on 2 sides: 0.25 Total increased: 2.58 F-2, Type v, 1-hour Allowable = 7800 X 2.58 = 27,090 sq. ft./building 30

PAGE 34

H-2, Type V, 1-hour Allowable = 7800 X 2.58 = 20,124 sq. ft./ building Mixed Occupancy Ratio Actual F-2 + Actual H-2 = 1 Allowable F-2 Allowable Tl-2 Limit per Story F-2: 10,500 X 1.58 = 16,590 sq. ft. H-2: 7,800 X 1.58 = 12,324 sq. ft. H-2 Occupancy: Area Increases = 2.58 Allowable = 7800 X 2.58 = 20,124 sq. ft./building Limit per story: 7800 X 1.58 = 12,324 sq. ft. H-3 Occupancy: Unlimited G-3 Occupancy: 50,000 sq. ft. per tier MAXIMUM HEIGHT (Table 5D) F-2, H-2, H-3: 3 stories G-3: 4 stories OCCUPANT LOAD ( Table 33A) H-2i 200 sq. ft./occupant assume 1000 sq. ft./unit = 5 occupants/ unit H-3: 300 sq. ft./occupant assume 1000 sq. ft./unit = 4 occupants /unit Retail: 100 sq. ft./occupant assume 900 sq. ft./store = 30 occupants/ store Office: 100 sq. ft./ occupant assume 1000 sq. ft./office = 10 occupants/office Parking: 300 sq. ft./ occupant assume 16,000 sq. ft. parking = 54 occupants EXIT REQUIREMENTS (Table 33A) H-2: 2 if serving more than 2 units H-3: 1 per unit Retail: 1 per store Office: 1 per office Parking: 2 STAIR REQUIREMENTS (Table 33A) H-2: 2 if serving more than 2 units H-3: 1 per unit Office: 2 if over 1000 on second floor Parking: 2 OPEN PARKING GARAGE REQUIREMENTS (Sec. 1209) 50% open on 2 or more sides H-3 REQUIREMENTS Minimum of 3 attached units Each unit has independent access to exterior at ground level Have separate utility systems Units separated by 2-hour fire wall Separation wall shall not contain utilities No stacking of units 31

PAGE 35

THE PROGRAM 1. DEVELOPMENT FEASIBILITY 2. THE USES 3. DESIGN INTENTIONS 32

PAGE 36

According to an economic feasibility study done for a proposed downtown Denver residential development, there continues to exist a market for moderately priced, small condominiums. The buyers tend to be between 30 and 45 years old, primarily singles or childless couples. There is currently a greater demand for the smaller one bedroom units, both because one or two person households do not require large space, and because the younger buyers are professionals without sufficient income to support the larger and more expensive units. To capitalize on this market then, it was recommended that the ratio of 2-bedroom to 1-bedroom units which is most commonly used (about 2:1 or 3:1) be reversed for residential development in central Denver. It is on this basis that I am proposing 25 one bedroom units o f around 850 square feet intended to sell for around $83,000 and 10 two bedroom units o f about 1050 square foot for $100,000. While substantial development expertise obviously is required to make an accurate projection o f the economic feasibility of this proposal, gross calculations can provide at least a b asis for evaluating the general realism of this scheme. The following calculations are based on the assumptions that wood frame construction costs $50 per square foot, underground parking structure s 1. DEVELOPMENT FEASIBILITY cost $26 per square foot, soft costs will be and a developer will desire a 15-20% return on the project. COSTS Residential 25 units @ 850 sq. ft. X $50 = $1,062,500 10 units @ 1050 sq. ft. X $50 = $525,000 Office 12,000 sq. ft. X $50 = $600,000 Parking spaces/1 dwelling unit = 53 spaces 1 space/500 sq. ft. office = 24 77 spaces X 350 sq. ft./space X $26 $700,700 Soft Costs X ($1,062,500 + 525,000 + 600,000) $371,025 Land 48,699 sq. ft. X $5/sq. ft. $243,495 Total Costs $3,492,720 RETURN EXPECTED BY DEVELOPER 15% = $4,109,082 total 20 % $4,365,900 33

PAGE 37

RETURN Office 12,000 sq. ft. X $10/sq. ft. rent 12% $1,000,000 Residential would have to sell for about $97.9/sq. ft. to give developer 15% return one bedroom units = $83,200 two bedroom units = $102,800 Total 25 units @ $83,200 = $2,080,000 10 units @ $102,800 = $1,028,000 Office value = $1,000,000 Total= $4,108,000 The project is thus generally feasible. The selling prices dictated here are at the upper limits of "affordable" as usually defined. A number of variations on the plan could be made to bring the prices into a lower range: increase the amount of office space included, reduce the size of the units, or reduce the requirement for structured parking. The latter would provide the most significant change to the economic picture. 34

PAGE 38

s:!:C:.L..A OF FO. J..Uc UN rrs 100cp 2. THE USES RESIDENTIAL Aimed at singles and childless couples, professionals, 30-45 years old 25 one bedroom units@ 850 sq. ft., 1 bath with 2nd sink 10 two bedroom units@ 1050 sq. ft., or 2 baths Residential use will front Stout and California Streets On 23rd Street, residential use located only above the first floor Include private outdoor space for each unit Access from each unit to semi-private outdoor open space Large closets in bedrooms Kitchen with pass-through Combined living/dining areas OFFICE Aimed at small businesses wanting proximity to Central Business District, but needing lower rents Speculative space which is divisible by 500 sq. ft. Fronting on 23rd Street Located on first floor only Accessed off a lobby entrance Public restrooms included Circulation = 10% 35

PAGE 39

PARKING Concrete parking structure approximately 7 feet below grade spaces/dwelling unit = 53 1 space/500 sq. ft. office 24 Total about 26,950 sq. ft. Spaces 10 X 20 feet Two-way drive 24 feet wide Vehicle access from both Stout and California Ramp slope = 1:6, 42 feet needed to go down 7 feet Separation of residential and office parking for maximum security for residents No loading provided in parking garage because of additional height requirement Include storage facilites for residents Access from parking into lobby of office portion Access from parking into either residential building or common open space for residents -------L-AYOt...rr ACL..e<&S "PO 1}-fi.:S I ! \ I \ l I 36

PAGE 40

THE SITE PLAN Use setbacks which are continuous with the neighboring residential community Height limit should connect with 3 story townhouses next door, 2 story historic buildings across Stou t Building mass should be broken sufficiently to fit comfortably with finer residential fabric surrounding the site Continue the pattern of Stout and California by addressing those frontages with residential use Assertively address 23rd Street as a frontage rather than as the short end of a block Create clear distinction between public and private spaces to enhance security Landscape both streetscape and open space within site for aesthetic appeal and usability Provide access to parking garage which eases inconvenience of one-way streets Bui l ding footprint should be determined by the parking garage (about 60% of the site) Provide loading at grade at point least offensive to residential uses Provide emergency access by extending alley completely through the block on the short axis 3. DESIGN INTENTIONS THE UNIT PLAN Use entry as a way of establishing a sense of place Combine functionally different spaces where reasonable to create spaciousnes s in a small unit Create procession of spaces in approach to and into the units Provide safe and convenient access to units from parking garage Mitigate exposure to surrounding street activities Focus on skyline view where it is available Provide different qualities of space by incorporating private outdoor space in each unit d esign Minimize problems of shared bathroom Provide visual surveillance of open space areas within the site Allow for easy functional relationships by adjacencies Provide ample storage space 37

PAGE 41

THE DESIGN SOLUTION 1. THE BUILDING 2. SITE PLAN 3. FLOOR PLANS 4. ELEVATIONS 5. SECTION 6. WALL SECT IONS 7 . MODEL 38

PAGE 42

HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 1984 39

PAGE 43

a:n = [JJ3 II OJ] [ITJ .11 STOUT STRH 1 -f/ IDJ EblJ STREET ,-I S ITE PLAN SCAl E no • I -. ., l :J ( ,_ no THE A REA S ITE DA T A SITE: 4B,699 'P; 1 . 1 2 ACRES BLDG . FOOTPRINT : 5!% COMMER C IAL 1Z, '>00 RESIDENTIAL: 43 UNIT ; PARKING: 92 SPACES; Jb, B50o F I V E POINTS NEIGHBORHOOD C URT I S PARK H I S TOR I C D ISTRI CT f H E S IT E ( OMMUNAL C OURTYARD : 8 .500 $ ,17% HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIA L PROJEC...----' KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRING 198<4 40

PAGE 44

I I RESI DENTIAL 'i2 1.2 /UNI T COMMERCIAl 1 401 PAR KING PLAN SCALE \ :16 ' I "' i FIRST F L O OR PLAN jiJ N O R TH SCAL E 1 16 HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJEC...-1 -KATHRYN HAMILTON A N ARC HI T ECTURAL THES I S SPRING 1964 41

PAGE 45

' c j 0 k_j I C l I I "' H -, I c j FOURTH FLOOR PLAN SECOND FLOOR PLAN THIRD FLOOR PLAN NOR T H SCALE 1 : 16 SCALE 1 :16 NORTH SCALE 1 :16 HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJEC;;..-.__, KATHRY N HAMILTON AN A R C HITEC TU RAL THESIS SPRING 1984 42

PAGE 46

RESIDENTIAL FLOOR PLANS 23R D STREET SCALE 1:8 SECOND FLOOR FOURTH FLOOR THIRD FLOOR G , H z . :J. c J;:l t L J UJ E F RESIDENTIAL PROGRAM EFFICIENCIES (F) 1 STOREY 6 UNITS 580 -680 ONE BEDROOM (A, E) 1 STOREY 12 UNITS 700-780 $ ONE BEDROOM DE (H) : 2 STOREY 2 UNI T S 870. TWO BEDROOM (B , C ,D): 1 & 2 STOREY 23 U < ITS 1150 1320 RESIDENTIAL FLOOR PLANS STOUT , CALIFORNI A , 23RD PLACE SCALE 1:8 S E COND FLOOR F I RSl FLOOR rH IRD F LOOR l_ TWO J i w o c, HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJEC---KATHRYN HAMILT O N AN ARCHITE C TURAL THESIS SPRING 19fl.4 4 3

PAGE 47

2 3 RD STREET ELEVATION s AL[ 1s : ALIFORNIA STREET 2 3 RD PLACE SCALE 1 :16 STOUT STREET HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJEC--1 -KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITECTURAL THESIS SPRI N G 19M ,, '

PAGE 48

SITE SECTION SCAt L t : B 6 COURTYARD ELEVATION OF 23RD STREET BUILDING SCAl E t :16 HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL PROJEC...-1 KATHRYN HAMILTON AN ARCHITEC TURAL THESIS SPRING 1984 4 5

PAGE 49

I>Oli BI.. itA.IO:': !00<-t>I RIIIO.CO<.IQ.$(! I'J.. ... 'SIIII.!O: S'teeL ... tJ[.LE: oo.e ... o.oeT .. .... ,..._ O...e>:l'l'-llllll>ct. SIV.niiN4 .l -(;,1.1,.11 '!>T211> ,o:ouc.U1"t:: '5(,.1.1J IJO'ol<'.b B.l\11 NStJ...A.Tlllt.... be't ...... T[.Itl'"-ll>f '-'l'"""""' .... I'I$SIIIN'.I. vru&E ;.z.4l{"''t..IIP ... .;otJC.f'e11' 'F• .. J<, + TIAL , .,.. Zta.,., .. lf '1'6 tli.!:VVIT .loPPUE[) OVR '-""""'L 01.1 !!llTI!:-IVI>l-.. Z.•r.lll:: ... bel:.. Pll'fVIT "'""->eb o.;ell .. "'""'"-.,.,__ ... n 'l$1...o..M,..._. ..... ""'-1 .,q IX. "Lh.n"'koOC>O!. o• ' 1 -Jy23RD STREET WALL SECTION SCALE 3/4' ...... o. .... .. o.lli'l..._ =-... .z,g-uef' :vonr: ..... (T ... C0<>e"' Mi!'T A<-...... no ,;o,.!;T\It> f<.O.rt >l't>U<.A'tl('l,l X1oSLI' ........ _... ,.,_v'<>:> POR C H SIOCJ<.-CVEil. .. II'.(OU .Z•IC e.on-...,DI;! , . Oy:;:to, " "., l atouC:T/•IIOOOf'ltlOI!: ... IOIJ..&. 23 RD PLACE WALL SECTION HVAC FOR COMMERCIAL SCALE 1:16 SCALE 314 HOUSING FOR THE CITY: A FIVE POINTS RESIDENTIAL KAT HRYN HAMI LTON A N ARC HITE C TURAL THESI S SPRING 198-4 46

PAGE 52

CONCLUSION 49

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This primarily residential project represents a type of urban problem seeking a solution. Like many of the older neighborhoods immediately surrounding the central business district, Five Points has been subjected to negative forces undermining residential viability, leaving the area a torn element in the urban fabric. The recent renewal of interest in the neighborhood's residential function provides an opportunity to begin counteracting the physical and social decay. This new demand poses the problem, however, of how to create a positive sense of home as generally conceived by the middle class in the midst of a largely negative social and physical context. The planning of the site began by extending the alley through the block along the short axis, and pulling it back from the concrete wall surrounding the transformer to provide room for a landscape screen. Two cross-axes then subdivide the site internally into three sectors with different types of problems demanding variations in the response. The section adjacent to the 18-foot high concrete wall is designed with two story townhouses, low enough to avoid an overlook problem into the substation property. The section: .along 23rd Street needs to define the street as the edge, thus demanding a more urban treatment and greater mass . Here commercial space is provided on the first floor, with apartment-type residential units in three additional floors above. The section bordering Stout Street has the site's most direct relationship to the existing residential context of both the Curtis Park Historic District and the new infill development of "The Court". In this section the design responds to the neighboring precedent with three story townhouses facing the Court across the newly established street. By using a perimeter block system and double aspect units, the design solution clearly establishes an inside and outside to the project, providing an opportunity to define the inside as something different from the largely negative elements which surround the project on the outside. The outside and inside of the block then become the difference between public and private, hard and soft surfaces, vertical and terraced facades, auto and pedestrian scales, exposure and refuge. Front door access is provided from the street for all the townhouse and four-plex units on California and Stout Streets, while 23rd Street has the more urban treatment of a security entrance through a lobby. Three locked gates connecting the building pieces provide physical access between the courtyard and surrounding neighborhood, but more 50

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importantly offer a visual connection between the inside and outside to minimize the impression of the complex as a barrier. A fairly broad range of floor plans is intended to appeal to a broad range of people, giving more long term stability to the residential character of the project. The California Street townhouses are not stacked, therefore most appropriate for families with small children. The 23rd Street building with its security entrance and flats as well as two-story units is intended to appeal not simply to the young professionals most developers are aiming at, but also to the elderly. Both indoor and outdoor communal space is provided within the 23rd Street building to make available to all residents the view of the central business district, particularly enchanting at night. A layering of the experience of entry into individual units is another way of clearly defining the transition from surrounding public urban space into the home with its sense of privacy. The outside of the building shell is penetrated before one actually enters the residential unit, then once inside is another transitional layer of the entryway. Within the units there is a clear layering from the more public spaces around the perimeter to private, more vulnerable spaces around the courtyard. Architectural treatment of the facade grows out of ? response to the context and the differences between inside and outside of the complex. An abstraction of the bay window prevalent in the neighborhood is used to break down the facades in a way that correlates with the units behind. This system is used to emphasize verticality on the Stout and California Street facades, where the units each have a direct connection to the ground via their front doors. Vertical and interpentrating horizontal planes are used to layer the 23rd Street facade, where the plan is one of horizontal slices piled one on top of the other. The play of voids and solids further breaks down the massiveness of the facades to a smaller residential scale. The beam across the top of the balconies along the exterior perimeter both reinforces the facade's importance as a wall, and creates a sense of protection for the balcony space by making the outside space still inside something structurally. Brick is the primary material on the facade of the perimeter, with stucco used in the recessed balconies. On the facades lining the courtyard, the reverse use of materials, with stucco as the primary surface and brick used as trim, creates a softer texture for the terraced elevations which respond to the pedestrian scale of the courtyard. The final design for this project, then, evolved as a response to the social and physical context of 51

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Five Points and the operative urban forces . there. The critical contextual problems addressed by the solution are the need to define 23rd Street as an edge, establishing both psychological and physical security, and creating a sense of privacy separate from the busy urban scene. Through a plan which diffuses the impact of negative contextual elements while reinforcing the positive, the building seeks to begin the urban mending process, reweaving the pieces into a workable whole. 52

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SOURCE S 1. BIBLIOGRAPHY 2. INTERVIEWS 53

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Adams, James L. Conceptual Blockbusting. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1974. Alexander, Christopher, Sara Ishikawa and Murray Silverstein. A Pattern Language. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977. Broadbent, Geoffrey. Design in Architecture. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973. Broadbent, Geoffrey, Richard Bunt and Tomas Llorens. Meaning and Behavior in the Built Environment. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1980. Davis, Sam, ed. The Form of Housing. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1977. Denver City Council. Building Code of the City and County of Denver. 1982. Denver City Council. Zoning Ordinance of the Revised Municipal Code of the City and County of Denver. 1982. Denver Planning Office. Denver Data, 2nd ed. July 1983. Denver Planning Office. Five Points Neighborhood Plan. 1975. 1. BIBLIOGRAPHY Denver Planning Office. Historic Building Inventory, City and County of Denver. July 1981. Denver Regional Council of Governments. 1979 Family Income, Regional Data Series. May 1983. Denver Regional Council of Governments. 1980 General Population and Housing Characteristics, Regional Data Series, March 1982. Oorsett, Lyle W. The queen City: A History of Denver. Boulder: Pruett Publishing Co., 1977. Fox Consulting Engineers. Subsoil Investigation for the Proposed Condominiums 23rd and California2 Denver. April 19, 1983. Gale Research Company. Weather of U. S. Cities. Vol. I, pp 222-225. Detroit: 1981. Institute of Architecture and Urban Studies. Another Chance for Housing: Low-Rise Alternatives. New York: Muxeum of Modern Art, 1973. Macsai, John and Eugene P. Holland. Housing. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1976. Martin, Bruce. Joints in Buildings. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1977. 54

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Neuman, Oscar. Defensible Space. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1972. Newman, Morton. Standard Structural Details for Building Construction. New York : McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1968. Rifkind, Carol. A Field Guide to American Architecture. New York: New American Library, Inc., 1980. Schmertz, Mildred F., ed. Apartments, Townhouses and Condominiums. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1981. Sherwood, Roger. Modern Housing Prototypes. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978. Thompson, Elisabeth Kendall, ed. Apartments, Townhouses and Condominiums. New York : McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1975. Tucker, Ernest. "Money Rocks the Cradle." Rocky Mountain News (Denver), Nov. 6, 1983, pp 42-43, 47. West , William Allen and Don D. Etter. Curtis Park: A Denver Neighborhood. Colorado Associated University Press, 1980. 55

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Chadwick, Barbara. Director, Ecumenical Housing Corporation. Goldman, Diane. Development Specialist, Piton Foundation. Gordon, Steve. Housing Specialist, Denver Planning Office. Harris, John. Planner, Denver Planning Office. LaGarde, Howard. Developer, LaGarde Ecklund Urban Development Group. McFadyen, Galen. Project Manager, Denver Urban Renewal Authority. O'Ray, Kathy. Projec t Manager, Community Development Agency. Stranske, Ray. Director, Hope Community. Watkins, Richard. Developer, Wickliff Inc. 2. INTERVIEWS 56