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The Role of the city manager and matrix management in formulation of an infilling policy in Colorado Springs

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The Role of the city manager and matrix management in formulation of an infilling policy in Colorado Springs
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Scot, Jim Alice
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Denver, CO
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University of Colorado Denver
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English

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Degree:
Doctorate ( Doctor of public administration)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
School of Public Affairs, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Public administration
Committee Chair:
Gage, Robert W.
Committee Members:
Null, James A.
Fellows, George H.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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Copyright Jim Alice Scott. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

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Full Text
THE ROLE OF THE CITY MANAGER AND
rol:
MATRIX MANAGEMENT IN FORMULATION OF AN INFILLING POLICY IN COLORADO SPRINGS
by
Jim Alice Scott
B.S., University of Texas, 1948 M.P.A., University of Colorado, 1973
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Public Affairs of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Public Administration Department of Public Affairs
1981


185 S37 l Wl/
This Thesis for the Doctor of Public Administration by Jin Alice Scott has been approved for the Graduate School of Public Affairs by
Date / 5

Scott, Jim Alice (D.P.A. Public Administration)
Thesis Title: THE ROLF. OF THE CITY MANAGER AND MATRIX MANAGEMENT IN POPULATION OF AN INFILLING POLICY IN COLORADO SPRINGS
Thesis Directed by: Professor Robert W. Gage, Chairman
ABSTRACT
A. Problem and Purpose
In many areas of the United States today, municipal governments are finding it increasingly difficult to formulate effective land use policies in their rapidly changing urban environments. To solve part of this problem, some cities have promoted infilling, a term which refers to development of vacant land within the city's.current boundaries. However, cities to date have been less successful in adopting infilling policies to deal with land use problems.
This research project describes the role and managem-nt style of the City Manager of Colorado Springs in establishing such a new land use policy. The formulation of this policy prefaced the Colorado Springs City Council adoption of an Urban Infill Resolution which encourages the development of vacant, bypassed land within the City.
It demonstrates the need for broad based participation of interest groups in the community and the continuous involvement of city departments at various levels.
The dissertation points out the importance of elected officials in their role as policy initiators. However, the role and management style of the city manager is the principal focus of the paper because


| this role is held to be critical to the adoption of an infilling j policy, and there has been relatively little published in public
administration literature or planning literature to show the interactions between managers and planners, or the city manager's relationship to city council and community interest groups as new land use policy is formed.
The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that city managers can use management techniques to encourage internal as well as external participatory management in land use policy formulation processes; that coupled with a data gathering system based on rational-comprehensive approaches to land use planning, the manager can develop a policy with broad consensual support; and that in fact, without the matrix management participatory style, policies may not be developed and implemented.
The dissertation links the case study of Colorado Springs to general public administration literature through the use of several key phrases used by public administration authors such as Louis Gawthrop, Deil Wright and John Gaus. In addition, the Colorado Springs case study is compared to a similar case study of St. Paul done by Alan Altshuler, pointing out key variables which supported the successful adoption of a land use policy in Colorado Springs. The dissertation asserts that absence of these variables in the St. Paul case contributed significantly to its lack of success.


h. Findinrr. and Conclusion
Inc study finds taut tnc city manager's roie anu use o: -participatory matrix management style is funuamental to the succesr of tne experimental effort to formulate a new land use policy encouraging the development of vacant land within the city. The dissertation concludes that such a policy must be undergirded oy a data base and administrative procedures which support the policy in departmental master plans and annual general purpose budgets as well as capital improvement programs. The author urges continued research and suggests that public administration literature should build stronger linkages between city management and the development of urban land use policies.
This abstract is approved as to form and content. I recommend its publication.
Signed
Faculty member /ih/Charge of thesis


TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ACKNOWLEDGMENT
Chapter
I: INTRODUCTION .............................................. 10
A. Problem
B. Purpose
C. Theoretical Justification and Literature Search
II; METHODOLOGY ............................................... 48
A. Justification of Case Study Methodology
B. Field Research of Management Techniques
III: CASE STUDY: INFILL POLICY FORMATION IN
COLORADO SPRINGS ........................... 76
A. Introduction
B. 1979: Colorado Springs' Ecological Setting
C. Forming an Urban Infill Policy for Colorado Springs
IV: COMPARISON OF COLORADO SPRINGS AND ST. PAUL CASE STUDY .. 120
A. Highlights of the St. Paul Case
B. Paradigm: Comparative Analysis in Land Use Policy
Formation - St. Paul and Colorado Springs
V: CONCLUSIONS ............................................... 142
A. Summary Comparison: St. Paul and Colorado Springs
B. Unique Features of Colorado Springs' Matrix Management
C. Matrix Management Weaknesses, Areas for Future Research
D. Value of Urban Infill Policy



E. Reaffirmation of Intent ................................... 155
F. Concept Synthesis ........................................ 159
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................... 163
APPENDIX:
A............................................................ 170
B............................................................. 173
C............................................................. 180
D............................................................. 181
E............................................................. 182
F............................................................. 183
G............................................................. 189
H............................................................. 192
1............................................................. 194
J............................................................. 195
K........................................................... 200
A


ILLUSTRATIONS
Exhibits
1. Hypothetical Base Map .................................... 60
2. Old Buck. Slip Form....................................... 67
3. Revised Buck Slip Form.................................... 68
4. Planning Matrix .......................................... 71
5. Urban Infill Policy Resolution « 150-80 .................. 73
6. Summary of Infill Meeting, August 30, 1979................ 99
7. Summary of Mesa Project's Planning Matrix ............... 103
8. First Draft: Urban Infill Policy ........................ 110
9. Second Draft: Urban Infill Policy ....................... Ill
10. April 7, 1980 Memorandum to City Council .......... 114
11. Third Draft: Resolution * 150-80 ...................... 117
Charts
1. City of Colorado Springs Organizational Chart ........... 79
2. Case Study Chronological Chart - Colorado Springs ....... 87
3. Comparison of Case Studies on Land Use Policy Formation:
Colorado Springs and St. Paul ............................ 121
4. Defining "Urban Infill” ................................. 128
5. Matrix: Integrating Urban Infill Policy Resolution into
Colorado Springs Operational Structures .................. 135
6. A Concluding Synthesis ...................................161
Diagram
1. James Easton: A Dynamic Response Model of a Political
System ................................................... 161
Illustration
1. Newspaper Clipping: Colorado Springs- gazette Telegraph,
June 1, 1979............................................... 96


Acknowledgments
Members of the City of Colorado Springs administrative staff played an important role in the project which formed the basis for this case study. The author's understanding of departmental issues in land use policy formation was greatly enhanced by the following persons: Hartley (Bud) Owsley, Director, and Larry Manning of the Planning Department; DeWitt Miller, Directof of Public Works; James Philips, Director of Utilities, and members of his divisions such as Ed Bailey, Balu Bhayani, Surest Patel, Dennis Cafero, Wes Fielder, Jonathan Downing and
B.G. Carter; Larry Schenk, Director of Parks and Recreation; Police Chief John Tagert; Fire Chief Richard Smith; James Ringe, Director of Community Development; James H.B. Wilson, Director of Finance and Management Services and James Colvin, City Attorney. Ann Altier of the City Manager's staff ably maintained communication links and correspondence important to the project.
Special thanks to the Dissertation Committee: its chairman, Robert W. Gage; James A. Null, whose wisdom has guided the author's academic development for a decade; and George H. Fellows, whose support matched the professional skills in municipal management described in this case study.
Various others helped in several ways: Susan Watkins, Linda Eichengreen and Velma Swanson gave critical comments; Rae Hellen skillfully typed the final draft. The strong-support of all family members helped..The-author is particularly grateful to Jim Scott, her husband and partner for over thirty years, for being himself.


10
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. Problem
Id many areas of the United States today, municipal governments are finding it increasingly difficult to formulate effective land use policies in their rapidly changing urban environments. Until recently, it was assumed that urban growth per se was beneficial to the public as well as the private sector. However, current city governments are finding their fiscal resources strained and the public infrastructure over-extended by the demands of sprawl-type land use development. In addition, finite resources such as land, water and energy are being exhausted exponentially.
To solve this problem, Colorado Springs and other cities such as Phoenix, Charlotte-Mechlenburg, Indianapolis, Knoxville, Louisville, Mount Vernon, Omaha and Duluth have become Interested in promoting "infilling." The term, infilling, refers to the development of vacant land within the city's current boundaries.
The Colorado Springs City Council initiated that city’s effort by requesting policy recommendations from the city administration.
It became the City Manager's responsibility to determine how that policy formulation process should be conducted and what the criteria for the policy statement would be.


11
With the importance and current attention being paid to infilling, it is surprising that public administration literature has not paid greater attention to the techniques which will provide a basis for, and support new land use policies appropriate for the concept of infill and urban development. The general body of literature published by the International City Management Association proved to be the author's primary source for material directed toward management issues related to the linkage between management, planning and urban development.
Public administration literature on policy formulation has transferability, but does not delve into land use policy or the function and style of the city manager in the development of land use policy. However, land use policy plays a major role in the economic, social and political decision-making of every community. City council agendas and the city manager's time must be devoted substantially to land use matters.
Infilling policy, and more broadly, concepts of urban design are Influenced by economic, social and political preferences of various groups within a city. Elected and appointed officials must make decisions which may not please everyone, and often they must do so with Inadequate information. As a consequence, both internal and external pressures build. Policies tend to evolve in a fragmented manner. The city manager plays a pivotal role by linking these internal and external forces. Individual city departments have their own professional standards and goals. The standards and goals of one department may not mesh well with another department's, the urban design espoused by the planning department and/or


12
external standards and goals. Management provides the structure, and determines the process through which policy can be formed and implemented to reflect these various concerns. This feat must be accomplished with a minimum distortion from policy formulation to decision-making and implementation. In urban administration, this is clearly a significant challenge for city management in the 1980s.


13
B. Purpose
The purpose of this dissertation Is to demonstrate that city managers can use management techniques to encourage internal as well as external participatory management In land use policy formulation processes; that coupled with a data gathering system based on rational-comprehensive approach to land use planning, the manager can develop a policy with broad consensual support; and that in fact, without the matrix management participatory style, policies may not be developed and implemented.
The Colorado Springs City Manager's approach to land use policy formation demonstrates the internal effectiveness of an interdisciplinary task force made up of department heads of the City and the efficiency of project management with parallel leadership from the City Manager's Office and the Planning Department. The City Manager's sense of timing with the City Council and the involvement of interested community groups at key points in the decisionmaking process demonstrates judicious use of City Council's time and effective external participation of community groups in policy formation.
The author believes that the field research on which the Colorado Springs case is based can forge stronger links between certain fundamental public administration concepts of administrative management (such as participatory management, rational-comprehensive planning and defining of the role of city management in land use planning). A new land use policy based on these concepts is more


14
likely Co produce a satisfactory policy and less likely to suffer the fate of oblivion which Altshuler described for St. Paul.*
Specifically, it is the purpose of this dissertation to
show:
- that management has a key role to play in land use policy formation, and that with management guidance, outcomes are more satisfactory for all parties.
- that management, through matrix management, can serve as the link which transforms input from external and internal environments through a conversion process based on rational-comprehension planning techniques.
Alan Altshuler, "A Land-Use Plan for St. Paul," The Inter* Unlver~ity Case Program f90 (Syracuse, New York: Inter-University Case . gram. College Division, Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1965).


15
C. Theoretical Justification and Literature Search
1. Introduction.
This dissertation advances the hypothesis that the role and management style of the city manager is critical in formulating new land use policy. The justification for this study is supported by the fact that general public administration literature analysis of this subject has been limited, and because this management function merits greater attention in that literature.
Through the use of a case study, the formation of a new land use policy in Colorado Springs is explored; a descriptive analysis of the role and management style of the City Manager is developed; and the Colorado Springs case is contrasted to another land use policy formation case study of St. Paul. The analysis is limited to the unique and novel aspects contrasting the two cases. A number of phrases used by well-known authors and a political policy analysis model are used to link the case study to general public administration concepts. The final section of the concluding chapter synthesizes the concepts, case study, paradigm and policy analysis model.
The key phrases from public administration literature explain the environment of local government and public policy formation. They are conceptual linking pins for this dissertation. They include:
(1) Louis Gawthrop's phrases, "environmental turbulence," "change agent," and "rational-comprehensive planning;" (2) John M, Gaus' phrase "ecology in government," and Deil S. Wright's phrase, "electric transformer." In addition, the author uses a hybrid term, "modified matrix management" to describe the management style and form used by


16
the City Manager of Colorado Springs to guide the process used to formulate the new land use policy.
The terms are linked In the following manner: The concept, "ecology in government" provides the framework for the variables which need to be kept in balance if orderly change is to occur.
Such change can be orderly only if the "environmental turbulence" which always surrounds change remains within acceptable bounds.
The city manager sr-ves as an "electric transformer" to exercise considerable, but not exclusive control over the energy exchange.
Be and others, such as the planning director and the author, serve as "change agents" to convert the energy Inputs to productive outputs. The manager amalgamates the perspectives of elected officials, the various elements of the private sector, and the city administrative staff. Stabilizing factors within this environment are:
- "rational-comprehensive planning" by which data are aggregated and processed in a professional manner;
- "modified matrix management" techniques which employ boundary-spanning capabilities within the organization (between departments) to achieve the final policy product, and to bring input from the external environment.
This emphasis on the city manager's role called for an eclectic approach in the literature search. As a generalist, the city manager selected from a wide array of specializations and acted on premises drawn from a number of philosophical points of view. To portray the scope of effort and the Influence of many variables, the dissertation cites select literature pertaining to policy formulation and urban design as it relates to social, political, economic,


17
psychological and physical considerations. Citations from this broader search are limited to those useful In the exposition of management problems associated with the formation of a new land use policy In a rapidly changing urban environment.
The author surveyed key articles appearing In the Municipal Year Book since the 1930s, tracing professional thought regarding the role and management style of the city manager. This was deemed necessary because the main thrust of public administration literature has been dominated by political scientists whose primary Interests were elected officials, their actions and their relationship to their environment. The dissertation does not dispute the importance of these studies nor the importance of the elected official to ecology in government. However, it is the author'c contention that the attention paid to elected officials has slighted the role of the city manager, particularly in the area of land use planning. The actual process by which the city manager participates in land use policy formulation has not been addressed to any significant degree. Although the current general public administration literature accepts the theory that the city manager, as well as the private sector manager, exercises policy formulation functions, few articles explore the Implications and application of this theory in practice.
The complexity and turbulence of the urban manager's environment is discussed in literature such as the "Symposium on
2
the American City Manager. . ."in the Public Administration Review."
2
Keith Mulrooney , ed. , "Symposium on The American City Manager An Urban Administrator in a Complex and Evolving Situation," Public Administration Review, 21 (January/February 1971) : 6-46.


18
However, little is 6aid about the city manager's role in land use policy formation. Even The International City Management Association's (ICMA's) "Green Books," (Municipal Management Series—which serve as excellent texts for city managers and others In municipal management), do not emphasize the role of the city manager in formulating land use policies. For example, the newly published volume, The Practice of Local Government Planning, makes general remarks about the importance of the relationship of planning to management, but falls to deal in specifics.^ Managing the Hoderu City is more explicit, giving a history of planning as a function of local government, the organizational structuring of planning within municipal government, and significant detail about the technical aspects of planning. However, the linkage between the planning director and the city manager is discussed in a very
limited fashion, and the city manager's role in land use policy
A
formulation is minimally addressed. The greatest attention to this relationship was given by ICMA in the December 196-9 issue of Public Management which ran a special series of articles discussing various aspects of the planning and management relationship.^ A June 1970
^ Frank S. So, et al. eds., The Practice of Local Government Planning ( Washington. D.C.: The International City Management Association, 1979),pp. 78 and 173.
4
James M. Banovetz, ed., Managing the Modern City ( Washington,
D.C.: The International City Management Association, 1971), Chapter 12.
â– *MarV E. Keane, ed. , "Planning and Management," Public Management SI (December 1969): 2-14.


19
Issue focused on urban planning/management issues.6 These articles Indicate the changing perspective of the ICMA literature and are in harmony with the thesis of this dissertation (which stresses the importance of the city manager's role in land use planning).
2. An Historic Perspective: Linking Key Phrases to the City Manager's Role and Management Style.
The literature search began with material published in the
1930s because at that time municipal government in the United States
was experiencing significant change. In the first issue of the
Municipal Year Book. Louis Brovnlow stated:
... to go ahead with any assurance of safety means that the city governments must no longer trust to luck, must no longer grope blindly ahead in the darkness of Ignorance, but must commandeer the services of their most disinterested and most enlightened citizens in an effort to chart and plan the road into the future. For this planning they will require as much information as can be assembled. We have lacked information in the field of municipal affairs. . . . ?
During the Depression, it was local government which had to gear up to implement massive federal programs on very short notice. The fact that many fine public works projects were completed during those years is due in part to the skill of local government management. The environmental turbulence of those years proved the mettle of the council/manager form of government as well as that of individual city managers. At the same time, areas of weakness in local government planning and management were also revealed. The need for
^Mark E. Keane, ed. "Urban Planning and Management," Public Management 52 (June 1970): 3-13.
^Loul6 Brownlow. "Looking Ahead at City Government,"
Municipal Year Book 1934 .eds.. Charence E. Ridley and Orin F. Nolt-ing (Chicago: International City Managers' Association, 1934) p. 7.


20
good Information, professionalism and teamvork was, as Brownlov suggests, essential.
a. Environmental Turbulence - Louis Cawthrop's term "environmental turbulence" assists In describing and analyzing the sense of instability and a lack of management control over the environment that existed In cities because of changes during the 1930s. He contends that environmental turbulence is a state of public anxiety which increases when the "rationale for adhering to the rules of the
e
incremental game becomes less and less persuasive.*' Ee believes that this condition is exacerbated by "government's inability to provide effective solutions to an ever-increasing set of technical and logistical problems," and from individuals' sense of moral and ethical frustration in the midst of rapid change over which they feel their control of their own destiny is threatened through in-
Q
cremental decisions. Like Brownlov, Gavthrop's solution includes better information, professionalism and teamvork directed toward the areas of instability within the total environment.
Depressions, wars and other national and international traumas impact the stability of local government, but rapid change in the local environment due to growth can also produce environmental turbulence. Land use matters have always been a concern for those who govern and administer municipal government. However, they have been traditionally considered a matter of first concern to the private —
Louis C. Gawthrop , Administrative Politics and Social Change ( New York: Martin's Press, 197l), p. 78.
9
Gawthrop , pp, 78 and 83.


21
sector. Government's corresponding role was to provide appropriate services to protect the stability of the environment.^
As the demand for expanded services occurred, government
itself was altered. If—as many organizational theorists as well
as architects and artists claim—"form follows function," changes
not only altered the form of government, but also created additional
roles for its administrators. This impact of growth was reflected
as early as 1936 when John M. Gaus advocated the integration of city
planning into the general functions of city government.
City planning can no longer remain an unrelated and incidental appendage to the city government if the older and more strongly-rooted municipal functions are to flourish. It must be built into the work of every department and integrated with the financial programs.H
Luther Gullck echoed this sentiment in the 1938 Municipal Year Book as he cited Philip Cormlck's The Results of Premature Subdivision. Gulick saw environmental turbulence as a more critical factor when there was a lack of policy coordination with land use planning:
The study . . . which bears upon municipal finance, city planning, and urban economics . . . lays the basis for new forms of control over land value fluctuations and their disastrous effects upon city governments.12
°Dennis R. Judd, The Politics of American Cities, Private Power and Public Policy (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1979), pp. 33-38.
^John M. Gaus., "The State of the Nation's Cities," Municipal Year Book 1936 (Chicago: International City Managers' Association, 1936),pp. 5-6.
^Luther Gulick , "Our Cities in 1937," Municipal Year Book-1938 (Chicago, International City Managers' Association, 1938),p. 8.


22
It is clear that leading authors In the field of public administration were able to see the need for linkage between planning— though not specifically land use planning—and management In local government policy formation almost fifty years ago. However, there la great distance between perceiving, articulating, and Implementing. The abundance of land, the political and social philosophies of our nation, the simple press of more urgent matters has undoubtedly influenced the manner in which this concept has been accommodated in public administration literature as well as by management at the local government level. As the general concept of planning and management move closer together, It Is probable that land use planning and management will do likewise—In the literature as well as in practice.
b. Ecology In Government - Gaus pointed out that people who were dissatisfied with conditions in their environment often blame government :
Voat does appear with increasing sharpness is the problem noted a year ago by Louis Brownlow—the problem of planning and administration. In studying the various reviews of functional developments . . . one is impressed by the heavy costs of our lack of adequate exact knowledge on which to base programs of public works . . . the confusion and cost resulting from mixing relief and public works without clarifying the respective objectives and possibilities, and hence priorities, of each; the lack of public sentiment places the blame for resulting confusion and waste, with its sense of frustration, upon "politicians," "officeholders,” and other tangible objects of attack. The fundamental truth is that we have, in our rapid development, outgrown the neighborhood and village conditions in which our political ideas were formed, and we have failed to achieve any adequate positive conception of the city and its collective services as essential parts in a true economy and welfare essential to all citizens.^
13
Gaus, p. 4


23
Caus later elaborated on his concept of "adequate positive conception of the city and Its collective services . . In a aeries of lectures which he delivered at the University of Alabama in 1945. It was there that he defined the term, "ecology in government."
An ecological approach to public administration builds, then quite literally from the ground up; from the elements of a place— soils, climate, location, for example—to the people who live there—their numbers and ages and knowledge, and the ways of physical and social technology by which from the place and in relationship with one another, they get their living. It is within this setting that their instruments and practices of public housekeeping should be studied so that they may better understand what they are doing, and appraise reasonably how they are doing it. Such an approach is of particular interest to us as students seeking to cooperate in our studies; for it invites— indeed is dependent upon—careful observation by many people in different environments of the roots of government functions, civic attitudes, and operating problems.
The richness of this definition incorporates the natural complexities of the environment into the equations used for public decision-making. It sets the parameters for evaluating government's "public housekeeping."
Gaus used a list of factors as a means of "explaining the ebb and flow of the functions of government: "people, place, physical technology, social technology, wishes and ideas, catastrophe and personality."^ He believed these eight components to be key in the formulation of policy and the organization of government and saw these components in a dynamic and continuous three-step process: diagnosis-policy-revisions.
Gaus' ecological approach to government also encouraged a
14
John M. Gaus, (University of Alabama:
Reflections on Public Administration University of Alabama Press,19^7), p. 8.
•* .
p. 9.


24
management style which fosters private sector or citizen participation as well as participatory management within the organization structure of government. He quoted Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes who stated: "When I pay taxes, I buy civilization."^ This concept views tax dollars as an Investment in government which serves as the guardian of civilization. It presumes that citizens are in partnership with government for the provision of services and that citizens and governmental officials share in the stewardship of tax dollars.
Gaus also appeared to hold common views with David Llllenthal in regard to the viability of local democracy. He quoted Lilienthal:
Unless ... an administrative system is so constructed and operated as to keep alive local and individual responsibilities, it is likely to deitroy the basic well-springs of activity, hope and enthusiasm necessary to popular government and the flowering of a democratic civilization. '
However, Gaus also stressed the importance of the governmental structure from within. He saw the need for that structure to be integrated in a manner which facilitated democracy in practice.
The change to the present view that administrative reorganization or city planning is a continuous process, and one to be incorporated in the administrative process Itself, is an important step to advance. In fact, we should go further, and rid our minds of the notion that "planning" in the sense of revision of existing policies and procedures is exclusively the assignment of a separate and special "planning" or "research" or "procedures" unit.18
This segregation of planning from other functions had plagued local government for a number of years. As noted earlier. In land use
16Gaus , p. 19.
17 _ Gaus, p. 8.
18_ Gaus, p. 147.


25
matters, local government tended to accept the concept that growth per se was desirable and the pattern of growth was governed primarily, If not exclusively, by the private market. Obviously Lilienthal and Caus were espousing a different concept—one which called for a partnership between the public and private sector and the integration of planning into the mainstream of local government management.
Although other authors writing in the 1940s re-enforced these concepts, the war years forced other matters to take precedence in local government affairs. As the 1943 Issue of the ICMA Municipal Tsar Book pointed out, every aspect of life was affected by the war. Cities, as a domestic frontline, had to ensure that civilian defense functioned in a reassuring manner; that shortages of personnel, supplies, equipment did not unduly thwart government's functions and that population shifts and rationing did not reduce Instead of Increase the nation's productivity. In the 1943 Municipal Year Book. Walter H. biucher identified housing for war workers with the development of difficult transportation plans as the greatest challenge for planning and zoning at the local level, and John B. Blandford, Jr. cited specific functions which local governments performed:
The federal government has depended on local governments to handle some of the toughest administrative jobs in the war effort. Tires, automobiles, sugar, typewriters, and other commodities are rationed through approximately 6,000 price and ration boards organized almost overnight by local government . .
c. Electric Transformer - Perhaps only those who experienced the
administrative and management demands made on local government by 19
19
John B. Blandford, Jr.,"Administrative Organization,"
Municipal Year Book 1943 (New fork: International City Managers' Association,1943), p. 313.


26
external environmental factors such as the Depression and World War II can appreciate the toll exacted from local government officials. Those years showed that local government officials played a key role in stabilizing a turbulent environment, and as has since been shown, channeling and controlling the flow of that environmental turbulence is a major function of city managers at any period in time.^ Dell S. Wright, writing a quarter century later, explains this as the role of an "electrical transformer:"
The manager plan juxtaposes a rational structure that is (or intends to be) administration within a large irrational matrix represented by the pressures of political change. The interface among these forces of relative stability and dynamic change is supplied by the city manager. His role telescopes into a single position conflicting public demands, varied social strains, and shifting community tensions. His total role is analogous to a large transformer in an electric supply system; he regulates the current flow and alters the voltage. In addition he may even supply additional power and change the amperage on his own initiative.
This description is particularly applicable to the city manager
22
described by Aaron Wildavsky in Leadership in a Small Town.
However, the size of the town may have resulted in Wildavsky giving scant attention to the internal relationships of a city manager (who was a planner by profession) to his own staff. The emphasis was
O A
For a different point of view on local government's effectiveness during the Depression, see David A. Shannon* ed., The Great Depression (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1960), Chapter 3.
21Deil S. Wright, "The City Manager as a Development Administrator," Comparative Urban Research. The Administration and Politics of Cltie8,ed.. Robert T. Daland (Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, 1969),,p. 219.
22
Aaron Wildavskyf Leadership in a Small Town (Trtowa, New Jersey: The Bedminster Press, 1964), p. 388.


27
instead on the city manager's relationship to City Council members, community interest groups and issues. This dissertation focuses on the "conversion process" between the lnput/output components, thus adding a new dimension to studies made in the past, especially regarding land use planning.
This lack of a "conversion process" in the past is illustrated by the distrust of local governments which led to the creation of separate planning agencies, creating a gap between planning and other functions of municipal government. B. G. Pope criticized this separation and in 1949 spoke positively for a new trend:
City planning activity during the year was characterized by two developments of special significance: first, there appeared to be increasing acceptance among city officials and city residents of the idea that the necessary and proper scope of planning activities goes beyond the traditional concern with public works to include consideration of the prospective development of the city, the desirable goals toward which municipal progress should be directed, and all aspects of community preferences and needs.23
Walter H. Blucher in that same issue added a note of caution:
citizens were less sure that planning techniques and principles were
the panacea they were claimed to be.
More people were beginning to be less sure that more expressways, more parking meters, more official plans, more zoning, more industry, more self-sufficient neighborhood units, more new towns, more urban redevelopment, etc. were going to provide the answers to the problems of our cities.24 * 24
^H. G. Pope, "Our Cities in 1948," Municipal Year Book 1949 (Washington, D.C. : International City Managers' Association, 1949),p. 6.
24
Walter H. Blucher , "Planning and Zoning Developments in 1948." Municipal Year Book 1949 (Washington, D.C.: International City Managers' Association, 1949),p. 253.


28
d. Change Agent - The work of the city manager as an electric transformer in today's changing environment will demand skills equal to or greater than those required during the Depression or war years.
ICMA consistently has been an advocate of greater professionalism in city management as well as throughout city administration. Pope wrote frequently in this regard during the 1940s and early 1950s, advancing the concept of organizing personnel departments and planning departments as a means of improving public administration and assisting the chief executive. He supported the formulation of service standards for all departments of local government.
By 1953, Edward W. Ueldner could state that professionalization of public officials and employees in government had progressed beyond the talking stage. In addition, he attempted to put to rest the debate over whether a city manager should be a leader in policy formation. While recognizing that such a development altered the original theoretical basis for the council/manager form of government, he concluded that the consequences would be insignificant:
"At most a few minor practices of council/manager governments, such as hiring managers without regard to their orientation toward policy, might have to be rethought.
These words may have been offered to reassure big city mayors as well as express a new attitude toward the functions and role of a city manager. In any case, the matter was not laid to rest. In the day-to-day decision making, most city managers continued to recognize
^Edvard W. Weidner, "Municipal Highlights of 1952,"
Municipal Year Book 1953 (Washington, D.C.: International City Managers' Association, 1953),p. 3.


29
Chat they were vise to re-evaluate the appropriate role they Here to play each time the composition of the City Council changed, and even as different issues arose. However, the re-enforcement which ICMA gave city managers did help to release many professionals from an exclusively reactive posture. City managers could then more effectively accept their role as change agents not only vlthin the local government organizational structure, but also their function as electric transformers in the communlty/government relationship.
As a result, the latter part of the 1950s marked the beginning of a shift toward humanism and a concern for social programming as a function of management and planning. Writing several decades later, Cawthrop captures the essence of the city manager's "change agent" role as the electric transformer in a changing urban environment:
In reality . . . every technical and logistical solution tends to generate its own set of social, political and ethical problems. Within the public sector, administrators traditionally have openly proclaimed their concern for all three factors, but in actual practice the legacy of Max Weber provides a sterile atmosphere of impersonal operating efficiency for somejWhile the pluralist political tradition counsels political prudence for others. The professional change agents hold the key in converting these propositions from pious platitudes into operating realities. The change agents become, in the real sense of the word, the professional administrators of the future; they represent the key operatives who can complete the linkage of interacting and interdependent relationships between the formal organizations and the tu'bulent environment, and between public and private boundary-spanning units.26
Although Gaus and others placed confidence in the ability of local government to manage change, the federal government has appeared less inclined to do so—despite the rhetoric of decentralization which
26
Gavthropi pp. 106-107


30
was loudly proclaimed In the 1950s, as well as In the 1970s and the 1980s. Many federal programs Implemented in the '50s had negative impacts for local government, although the federal intent was benign. For example, the Housing Act of 1949 and the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956 were touted as aids to local government. However, even though it afforded housing for many who were unable to own homes previously, the Act served to entrench discrimination against racial minorities through exclusionary zoning, lack of financing for rehabilitation or the purchase of older homes and "redlining” (denial of financing of entire neighborhoods considered to ) * declining in value and therefore high risks.) The Federal Highway Act provided those who could afford it the opportunity to escape inner city problems by flight to the suburban areas of large cities. The path of federal highways more often than not cut through and disturbed the neighborhood stability of low income neighborhoods where wholesale condemnation of land provided the cheapest routes for expressways. Often Urban Renewal Authorities flagrantly ignored local elected officials as well as professional planning done within the framework of local governments.
This led to controversy since professional planners in the field of land use planning had misgivings about becoming a part of local government's planning effort. Patrick W. Murphy spoke of these differences in the 1963 Municipal Year Book:
Such consolidation (of planning or urban renewal agencies with existent city departments) has been advocated on the grounds that it may make the realization of plans more likely as the planners no longer stand outsid° the administration but are integral with it and come to better understand its day-to-day problems. It is also argued that urban renewal is a long-range process, capable of being integrated with planning. Some planners,


31
however, have disputed the advisability . . . declaring that the role of the planner Is that of a "gadfly," who should remind administrators and the public that each compromise they make In regard to planning or zoning brings nearer the day of reckoning. These people contend that planners would lose a good deal of their effectiveness in this role If they become a part of the administration Itself.27
By 1970, the Municipal Year Book reflected a growth In understanding between planners and management. The American Institute of Architects wrote an article which appeared in that issue. It strongly endorsed the concept of the "design team" for planning purposes.
Space in the Sanskrit text means "opportunity for things to happen" and its inspired use can also mean a way out for American cities. Management of space is the one power cities retain that can force reform, concessions, and ventures from the forces and agencies that appear today to throttle the average municipality.28
Even though the article fell short of formally relating the role of
the city manager to the planning process, planning was viewed as an
Integral part of city management as a whole.
However, the fact that ICMA and the ALA could Join forces in seeing the need for the management of space within cities did not bring a quick response from academicians interested in the forces at work in local government. During the ’70s academicians had excitedly begun to use more fully scientific research methods and empirical data bases for analysis. Surveying was a popular technique in local government studies, many of which attempted to identify the source and use 27 28
27
Patrick W. Murphy, "Administrative Management," Municipal Tear Book 1963 (Washington, D.C.: International City Managers' Assoc-iation, 1963), p. 298.
28
American Institute of Architects, "Urban Design and the
Future of Cities," Municipal Year Book 1970 ( Washington. D.C.: The
International City Management Association, 1970),p. 341.


32
of power at the local level. Most studies were theoretical in nature
and were unconcerned with land use matters. There were two basic
premises being researched: (1) that "elites" rule the decision-making;
(2) that a "pluralistic" group of interests governed decision-making,
usually on an issue-oriented basis. Several authors have summarixed
29
the research done in this field.
Other academicians explored the impact of different forms of local government on the decision-making process. Their analyses examined voting patterns of the electorate and the elected officials
f
as well as demographic correlations. Some authors contended that the
council/manager form of government is elitist and less responsive to
its constituents than the mayor/council form. Counter arguments were
made by ICMA which pointed out that sound management benefits the whole
community and that the council/manager form of government was founded
30
on non-partisan, public interest government. Instead of addressing new management issues such as matrix management, most of the literature was still debating local government issues of the 1960s. 29 30
29
Aaron Wildavsky, Leadership in a Small Town (Totowa, New Jersey: The Bedminster P- ss, 1964), pp. 30-351; Kenneth J. Gergen, "Assessing the Leverage Points in the Process of Policy Formation," The Study of Policy Formation, eds., Raymond A. Bauer and Kenneth J. Gergen (New York: The Free Press, 1968), pp. 181-182; and F. William Heiss, Urban Research and Urban Policy-Making, An Observatory Perspective (Boulder, Colorado: Bureau of Governmental Research and Service, University of Colorado, 1975), pp. 4-9.
30
Charles R. Adrian and Charles Press, Governing Urban America, 4th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1972), Chapters 4 and 5; James M. Banovetz, ed.. Managing the Modern City (Washington,
D.C.: The International City Management Association, 1971); Thomas A. Flinn, Local Government and Politics (Glenview Illinois, 1970).


33
e. Modified Matrix Management - While others focused on the 1960s, ICMA's literature examined management and planning public policy issues and drew these two professional fields closer together during the 1970s. As early as the December 1969 Issue of Public Management, ICMA articles stressed the Importance of the planner to city management.^1 The planner was pictured as a member of the management team and laid the foundation for the type of dual leadership which the City Manager of Colorado Springs used In his modified matrix management model.
Urban Management styles also gained greater attention In the Municipal Year Book of 1975 which sanctioned the Involvement of planners in the management decision-making process:
The historical model of the council/manager relationship stressed the separation of policy making and policy execution.
As with all formal theories of organizational structure and behavior, the traditional model fell more than somewhat short of the ideal. The ICMA has long since laid out an extensive and growing policy role for the professional urban manager. The association acknowledges that city managers and other chief administrative officers are deeply involved in policy development and that generally part of their responsibilities includes the presentation of policy considerations to elected leaders, (emphasis added
As the decade advanced, ICMA expanded its literature on the subject of management styles and addressed the subject of matrix management * 32
^Keane, pp. 2-14.
32
Robert J. Huntley, "Urban Managers: Organizational Preferences, Managerial Styles, and Social Policy Roles," Municipal Year Book 1975 (Washington, D.C.: International City Management Association ,1975), p. 149.


34
as well. Beck explained the various management styles from the
33
perspective of several practicing city managers. Mercer extracted material from a forthcoming book by Susan Woolston and Bill Donaldson entitled Urban Strategies for the Eighties. They discuss In detail
various organizational structures for project management and matrix
34
management, citing the advantages and disadvantages of each. Other
authors such as Davis and Lawrence point out the pitfalls of matrix
management as well as Its advantages.^ Kathryn Tytler provides a
"nuts and bolts" analysis which focuses on the implementation of a
36
matrix management system.
Although differing in their specific analyses, all this literature supports a more fluid and open style of management than the traditional pyramidlal, hierarchical organizational structure permits. Tytler cited several reasons why this form of management is more viable today:
- the greatly increased base of knowledge and expertise of technocrats calls for interdisciplinary approaches to problem solving; 33
33
Christine S. Beck , "Management Styles—Personal Perspectives," Management Information Service REPORT H (March 1979): 14.
James L. Mercer, "Local Government Organizational Structures for the Eighties," Management Information Services REPORT 12 (March 1980): 13.
^Stanley M. Davis and Paul R. Lawrence , "Problems of Matrix Organizations," Harvard Business Review 56 (May-June 1978): 131-132.
Kathryn Tytler , "Making Matrix Management Work—and When
and Why It's Worth the Effort," Training (October 1978 ). 7g_g2


35
- tight budgets call for maximizing staff resources;
- an increasingly complex environment calls for managers to exercise leadership in policy formation.
These factors all enhance the potential for a new team effort between planners and management at the local government level.
Along with new management concepts such as matrix management, "rational-comprehensive planning," a new approach to planning, gained vogue. These concepts were stabilizing factors for urban planning and management because each promotes openness and the involvement of multl-dlsclpllnary actors in the decision-making process. As Gaus noted, knowledge and participation reduce the potential for environmental turbulence because anxieties are assuaged while fatalism and alienation are reduced. The final portion of this chapter will discuss various aspects of rational-comprehensive planning as they are used In this dissertation.
f. Rational-Comprehensive Planning - Rational-comprehensive planning was defined earlier as a process by which data are aggregated in a professional manner. It la mere, however, than a mechanistic tool for management. In Colorado Spring?, it operationalized modified matrix management by providing the city manager an internal support system for planning and policy formation. It also provided a conceptual framework to pull together the other key phrases used as linking pins in this dissertation.
As these terms interrelate, the external environment, which Wright describes as a large irrational matrix, comes together with the rational internal management structure of government through the city manager's function as an electrical transformer. Internally,


36
rational-comprehensive planning Is boundary-spanning; that Is to say, It crosses departmental lines. Datum is collected in a manner which makes It usable to other departments, to the city manager or elected officials or interested community members. At the same time, information furnished from external sources, such as citizen inputs, is incorporated in the data system. This provides the foundation for ecology in government.
The external element of this large irrational matrix is complex. It includes the attitudes and perceptions of all individuals and groups within the community. As could be expected, they have a variety of views on the subjects such as social and economic issues, urban design, environmental psychology and human ecology. To incorporate these views into the national-comprehensive system calls for a much broader interpretation of the term, and it also requires a broader matrix management style than is found in the private sector. The writings of some public policy theorists support these concepts.
1) Concepts of Public Policy - For example, Burgess’ research in public policy formation shows an understanding of the respective roles of various levels of government as well as citizen participation at the local government level. He also conceptualizes the coordination of fiscal and human resources along with programs to successfully implement policy. Burgess' confidence in local government's ability to manage is premised on a belief in democratic processes being exercised in a variety of ways. He contends that federal authorities usually perceive citizen participation exclusively as a public hearing process, but in fact there are


37
other ways, such as advisory committees and commissions, site visits.
mini-city halls, neighborhood councils, review boards, and many other
avenues by which citizens have the direct accessibility of elected and
37
appointed officials at the local level.
Burgess offers an operational framework for other public policy formation theorists as well. Jones, Nildavsky, Lindblom, as well
as Bauer and Gergen concur that perception is key to the manner in
38
which a problem is identified. Problem identification precedes problem-solving and it is the function of the public administrator to formulate problems in such a manner that they will be solvable. If citizens' perceptions of the problem do not match that of the city administration, from the community's point of view, the problem remains unsolved. This was exemplified during the 1960s when urban 37 38
37
Philip M. Burgess, "Capacity Building and the Elements of Public Management," Public Administration Review 35 (December 1975): 705-716; Study Committee on Policy Management Assistance, chairman M.Frank Hersman, Strengthening Public Management in the Intergovernmental System, a report prepared by the Office of Management and Budget, 1975, Burgess a contributing writer; Burgess, et al., "Training Urban Managers: A Curriculum for the Selection, Design Implementation and Evaluation of Alternative Citizen Participation Mechanism," prepared for the National Training and Development Service for State and Local Government (February 1976); Philip M. Burgess and Larry L. Slo-naker, "The Decision Seminar: A Strategy for Problem-solving," A Mer-shon Center Briefing Paper (Ohio State University 1978).
38
Charles 0. Jones, An Introduce,''-n to the Study of Public Policy, Second Edition (North Scituate, Massachusetts: Dusbury Press, 1977); Aaron Wildavsky, Speaking Truth to Power, The Art and Craft of Policy Analysis (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1979); Charles E. Lindblom, The Policy-Making Process (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968); James E. Anderson, Public Policy-Making Second Edition (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979); Raymond A. Bauer and Kenneth J. Gergen, eds., The Study of Policy Formation (New York: The Free Press, 1968).


38

il
environmental turbulence cane to rest on the doorstep of city halls throughout the nation.
39
In response to this turbulence, the "Kemer Report"
criticized the council/manager form of government, stating these
governments were less responsive to their environment than was the
strong mayor form of local government. The report charged that
elitism shaped local public policy. This influenced a flurry of
studies. The Public Administration Review's "Symposium on the
American City Manager ..." looked at issues pertaining to city
management from the perspective of the city manager. Several
articles addressed issues such as affirmative action and social pro-40
grams. The challenge of the '60s increased city management's awareness of social justice issues. New concepts of "the problem" were generated along with different approaches to problem solving.
New concepts also were presented by authors such as Jacobs, Greer and Keller who addressed issues of social justice, urban design, and the structuring of healthy city environments within neighborhoods and the metropolitan setting. Their literature of the '60s advocated
a more humanistic approach to problem solving and strengthened the
41
citizen participation movement. 39 40 41
39
National Commission on Civil Disorders, Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (New York: Bantam Books, 1968).
40
Mulrooney, p. 8.
41
Jane Jacobs, The Death and life of Great American Cities (New York: Vantage Book, 1961); Scott Greer, Tne Emerging City Hytn and Reality (New York: The Free Press, 1962); Greer, Coveming the Metropolis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962); and Suzanne Keller, The Urban Neighborhood, a Sociological Perspective (New York: Random House, 1968).


39
By the 1970s, authors such as Miller, Davidson and Peterson
expanded these concepts and began to examine the manner in which
citizen participation may have influenced public policy formation in
areas such as public expenditures for services, the level of taxation,
growth, and the manner in which a city's infrastructure is main-42
tained. Their literature points out the danger of neighborhood parochialism and the resulting effect of citizens' resistance to paying taxes sufficient to cover the costs of expanding services. The net danger has been an inadequate revenue base which has made cities unable to maintain or expand the necessary capital improvement network and/or service delivery system.
It is obvious from this brief review of literature that the role and style of city management has been shaped by its environment. It is also clear that that environment is not only exceedingly diverse in the public's perception of problems and their resolution, it is also apparent that these views are constantly changing.
One of the realities for city management is its closeness to the people and their problems. This is both an asset and a liability. The author believes this closeness increases a city manager's awareness of the diversity of perceptions. However, time pressures and â– proximity may make it more difficult to step back from the problems. 42
42
Zane L. Miller, "Turning Inward: The Concept and Role of Neighborhood in American Cities," Claud M. Davidson, "Comments on 'The Nature and Role of Neighborhood Organizations in American Cities,'" and William E. dden, "Comments on 'Turning Inward' The Nature and Role of Neighborhood Associations in American CitiesPublic Service 6 (January 1979): 7-13; Nancy Humphrey, George E. Peterson and Peter Wilson, "Cleveland and Cincinnati: A Tale of Two Cities," The Urban Institute Policy and Research Report 10 (Spring 1980): 1-6.


AO
to look at them from a rational-comprehensive perspective.
The possibility of the city manager gaining distance and a more holistic view is increased by examining the theoretical basis for the nyrlei attitudes and perceptions found within a given community. A useful tool is the utilization of comparisons. Case studies, empirical research and shared experiences offer city managers yardsticks against which their own unique community problems may be assessed. Individuals and groups behave in certain ways because they perceive community problems from their set of attitudes and perceptions. Wright defines this resulting diversity as the "large Irrational matrix" of the total community environment.
The final portion of the discussion of rational-comprehensive planning will explore some of the concepts of the healthy socio/ economic urban environment and the ramification of environmental psychology empirical research. Urban design literature will be cited to demonstrate the manner in which some experts believe planning and design may be rationally applied to the problem-solving process.
2) The "Large Irrational Matrix" - Land use policy formation ultimately becomes a matter of determining the size, growth pattern and density of a specific city. It is directly impacted by the private sector's philosophy of economic development and public sector revenues and expenditures. These interrelate to provide a healthy—or unhealthy' urban environment.
Serving as the electrical transformers in these environments, city managers' roles and styles are critical. Their task is to enable
government to provide the rational focus which balances the public and


41
private sector's role in public policy formulation. They also must recognize legitimate individual and group self interests as well as the general public interests. Land use matters often become the point of confrontation between parties within the community as well as public-private sector disputes. The rational-comprehensive approach to city management may help quiet these disputes and may call upon the expertise of the internal structure of city government as well as the manager's general understanding of socio/economlc theories and the wealth of data produced by empirical studies.
Theories of social justice and economic development need not be mutually exclusive. This is important to the city manager who seeks to be a change agent in land use development concepts. One land use concept, infilling, often creates disputes, anxieties and environmental turbulence in middle-income neighborhoods when multiple-family housing is proposed for isolated vacant lots within a predominately single family neighborhood. The city manager who not only understands the basis for these fears (but also is aware that rational-comprehensive planning to formulate land use policies can mitigate these fears) may be able to avoid increased environmental turbulence as new land use policies support greater densities.
One management technique might include Roberick D. McKenzie's concepts of selective, distributive and accommodative forces of the environment:
. . . human beings are affected by the selective distribution and accommodative forces of the environment—a great deal has been written about the biological, economic and social aspects


42
of c.mpetition and selection, but little attention has been given to the distributive and spatial aspects of these processes.^
Patterns of segregation, poverty clustering and inequality of economic opportunity affect the selective, distributive and accommodative forces of the environment and those who live vlthin it.
If, as McKenzie suggests, these can be mitigated by the distributive and spatial aspects of governmental policy formulation and processes, social justice will be enhanced and the greater economic benefits of spatial concentrations of populations and capital accumulation can be realized.
The potential for achieving this more ideal and healthy urban
environment depends on better understanding of human ecology and
environmental psychology. An annotated bibliography edited by Gwen
Bell, et al. provides an excellent resource for those who choose to
explore these and other aspects of the urban environment as it xe-
44
lates to human behavior.
It is encouraging to note that urban planning literature has shown an interest in environmental psychology and human ecology research. Kevin Lynch and Uoyd Rodvin suggest: "A systematic 43 44
43
Roberick. D. McKenzie , "The Ecological Approach to the Study of the Human Community," The Social Fabric of the Metropolis, ed.,James F. Short, Jr. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1971), p. 18.
44
Gwen Bell, Edwina Randall and Judith E.R. Roeder, eds., Urban Environments and Human Behavior, An Annotated Bibliography (Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania: Dovden, Hutchinson and Ross, Inc., 1973).


A3
consideration of the Interrelations between urban forms and human objectives would seem to lie at the theoretical heart of city planning work."4^
However, Lynch and Lloyd are concerned that practicing planners do not embrace these objectives in an organized, systematic manner as yet.
What does exist is some palliative knowledge of roles of thumb for designing street intersections, neighborhood and industrial areas, for separating different land uses, distinguishing different traffic functions, or controlling urban growth. Analysis of urban design is largely at the level of city parts, not of the whole.46
To correct this approach, Lynch and Lloyd advocate "goal-formed" studies which they believe can lead to new insights regarding the history of city planning as well as pi^-ide guidance for future planning. McKenzie's concepts of the distributive and spatial aspects of the biological, economic and social processes would be helpful to this study process. However, planning's relationship to selective, distributive and accommodate forces of the environment has been criticized by those who view urban environment from a social justice perspective as well as those who focus on the revenues and expenditures of government'8 service delivery system.
In addition, incorporating the citizen participation variable is often seen by public administrators as a threat to good public housekeeping and ecology in government. Yet the manner in which
4^Kevin Lynch and Lloyd Rodwin , "A Theory of Drban Form," Environmental Psychology: Man and His Physical Setting ( eds, Harold "M. Proshansky, William H. Ittelson and Leanne G. 'Rivlin ( New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970 ), pp. 84^85.
A6
Lynch and Rodwin, p. 85.


neighborhoods and community interest groups can productively interact with city government in policy formulation can be demonstrated in the City of Colorado Springs' adoption of a new zoning ordinance regulating the location of foster care homes. In this instance, the City successfully negotiated the distributive and spatial accommodative needs of the various parties and overcame concerns expressed tv McKenzie.
3) Empirical Studies as a Tool - City managers also can benefit from research done by national organizations. Rational-comprehensive planning has been strengthened as a science by a number of empirical studies dealing with land use issues. The research of the Real Estate Research Corporation (RERC) and the Urban Land Institute (ULI) are examples.
RERC is currently under contract with the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to conduct research on Infilling.
The study is examining three communities in depth to determine why vacant land within the city has been bypassed for development.
Several other cities. Including Colorado Springs, serve as auxiliary cities for the study. The author is an auxiliary reviewer for the materials which RERC is producing. Although the approach of the RERC study is different from that of this dissertation, the author has benefited by being aware of the methodology, and issues being investigated by RERC.
RERC has published the following infill study materials to date:
47
(1) the formal project proposal to HUD; (2) the initial research mode 47
47
Deborah Brett, Margery A. Chalibi, Stephen B. Friedman,
Urban Infill: Opportunities and Constraints (Chicago: Real Estate
Research Corporation, research in progress).


45
and methodology, and (3) an annotated literature search on the subject of infilling.48 None of these materials reflect an intent to explore the subject in the manner used by the author.
Other RERC materials also have been helpful as background for the author. The classic, The Cost of Sprawl, set the stage for fiscal impact analysis of various land use alternatives in residential development. The study compares the costs of development for raw land, using four different patterns of residential density. It found that cluster development of housing is more economical for
the individual purchaser as well as for the infrastructure costs 49
to government.
Rational-comprehensive planning also is addressed by the Urban Land Institute which published a four-volume study Including articles reprinted from other sources. This compendium covers a wide array of land use subjects related to its title: Management and Control of Growth. It should be noted that only one article was directed toward the functions of management from the local
Real Estate Research Corporation, Urban Infill: The Literature, Prepared by Real Estate Research Corporation under Contract No. H-2982 for the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of Policy Development and Research (Washington, D.C. : Superintendent of Documents U.S. Government Printing Office, January, 1980).
49
Real Estate Research Corporation, The Cost of Sprawl: Environmental and Economic Costs of Alternative Residential Development Patterns at the Urban Fringe, prepared for the U.S. Council on Environmental Ouality, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974).


46
government perspective. This article is a reprint from Public
Management, ICMA's professional journal. It states:
A major result of the concern over excessive growth has been the increasing demands being made on government to begin to effectively manage, or at least guide, growth and its consequences.
But, none of the studies recognized the cornerstone role of local government in managing growth. None explored growth as would a local administrator responsible for dealing with local and federal programs related to growth.50 (Emphasis added.)
These comments support the major thesis of this dissertation: the city manager is key to the process if rational-comprehensive planning is to be effective as a basis for land use policy formation. ICMA not only appears to hear city managers, it also speaks to their needs.
The ICMA article for the Urban Land Institute contends that local government is best suited to assume the leadership role in growth management, even though there are constraints such as federal regulations, as well as the lack of, or inadequacy of, local growth-related programs.
Managers and administrators should work with their governing bodies in assessing their communities' growth needs, and in adopting a community growth program which includes peoples' attitudes toward the desirability of various levels of population growth, as well as population projects, and the present and future capacities of city and county services and infrastructures (e.g. sewer and water systems, solid waste disposal facilities, transportation systems, recreational facilities, etc.51 (Emphasis added.)
50
International City Management Association 1973 Municipal Management Policy Committee, "Managing Growth: Report of the ICMA Committee on Growth and the Environment," reprint in Management 6 Control of Growth, Issues, Techniques, Problems, Trends, Vol. I, ed., Frank S. So, et al. .(Washington, D.C.: The Urban Land Institute, 1975): 138.
51
International City Management Association 1973 Municipal
Management Policy Committee, "Managing Growth . . ." p. 139.


U 7
Concluding Remarks:
This literature search afforded the author the opportunity to review a wide array of material dealing with land uae policy formation, the role and style of the city manager, rational comprehensive planning, and the social/economic concepts which shape individual and group views of the urban environment. Through this process, the author also gained an appreciation of environmental psychology and human ecology as new fleldG of study. The research being done in these areas is contributing to the changing theories of urban design.
The literature cited justifies the emphasis which this dissertation places on the role and style of the city manager in the formation of land use policy. The remaining sections of the dissertation offer a case study exposition on this thesis.


46
CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY
A. Justification of Use of the Case Study Methodology
This dissertation is focused on the role of the city manager in the formulation of a new land use policy to support the development of vacant land within the City of Colorado Springs. The case study method is used to further that purpose, and through that methodology, the author seeks to do the following:
1. To Share Insights with Other Public Administrators.
This case study is intended to stimulate the thinking of other public administrators. To the degree that other public administrators can benefit from its insights, its findings may have transferability. However, Stein's perspective of the usefulness of the case study methodology prevails. He warns against overgeneralization by the author or the reader.
Furthermore, Stein contends that a case should not convey a moral, or state conclusions. In fact, the reader should not be coerced toward one specific judgment.
If the cases are successful, readers will constantly check their previous generalizations and will use the materials to improve their ability to observe and evaluate tendencies and consequences, and to make informed judgments; they will not arrive at a set of uniform judgments. . . . But students of public administration have attempted to push generalization even further—to raise generalization to the level of principles that constitute absolute rules of conduct. ... Public administration cases do not serve as a book of instructions or a


!
1
49
trade manual, but this very limitation enlarges their sphere of relevance. They deal with decisions.^
2. To Permit and Encourage Flexibility in Analysis of Complex Envlronme
The case study methodology was used for this dissertation becausi it la a good research tool for examining and explaining a complex cluste: of actions within a single setting or environment. Its flexibility allows both controlled and uncontrolled variables. The latter type of variable is typically present in field research, whereas clinical or empirical research can choose to include only those variables which can be controlled.
The case study approach is uniquely capable of portraying the eclecticism of the decision-making environment in which a generalist such as a city manager must function. In this case study, the City Manager was directed by City Council to formulate a new land use policy. The manager converts his perceptions of the total environment as a specific management format is developed. Wright describes this role of the city manager as that of an "electrical transformer."
To demonstrate the manner in which this conversion process functions, three factors were isolated for analysis because these variables were considered significant in the formulation of a new land use policy. These factors are:
- the attitudes, perceptions of elected officials, community interest groups and city departmental administrators;
^Harold Stein , "On Public Administration and Public Administration Cases," Essays on the Case Method >ed. Edwin A. Bock fSyra-cuse, New York: The Inter-University Case Program, 1962), pp. 22-23.
2Wright» p. 219.
I


50
- the administrative procedures and data gathering techniques developed to support the policy formulation process;
- the role and management style of the city manager.
The city manager can control the last two factors. The first factor is subject to the Influence, but not the control, of the manager. The attitudes and perceptions of the various actors are important in the formulation of policy, and will determine their acceptance of the final product. The city manager's role in the input-output conversion is vitally important.
3. To Expand the Scope of Research.
The case study methodology is particularly useful to examine an area which has not been a point of emphasis in other literature for a general field of study. With the noted exception of the literature published by IQiA, the general public administration literature and the literature in other fields of study which deal with the subject of management do not explore in any depth the function of the city manager in the formulation of land use policy. When policy formulation is discussed, more often than not it is assumed that elected or appointed officials have the sole prerogative in this general sphere and especially in land use matters. The planners are recognized as advisers, but city managers art seldom mentioned.
Since empirical research relies heavily on comparative data, when there is an absence of data from which comparisons can be made, the case study offers the better route for analysis. For the purpose of a comparison of administrative procedures, data gathering and the environment of decision making, another land use case study



3
by Alan Altshuler has been used. However, the Altshuler case does not discuss the role or management style of the city manager because there was no city manager in St. Paul at that time. Nevertheless, the argument can be made that the absence of a city manager probably had some bearing on the outcome of the case. Lack of acceptance of St. Paul's plan demonstrates the need for an individual who could serve a6 the "electrical transformer" within that total environment.
A. To Record and Analyze as a Participant-Observer.
One attribute of the case study methodology used for this dissertation is controversial. In the Colorado Springs case study, the author is a participant-observer or an "insider." Authors such as Stein and his colleagues believe that participant-observers may unduly bias the case study methodology and reduce its scientific usefulness. Towl, on the other hand, points out some advantages to being an insider. He believes that one must get Involved in multiple relationships in a case study, and that such relationships can b*u>? occur when the author is a part of the group being studied.
It is by Involvement in the situation that the researcher from within it, discovers the cluster of data creating an issue in the system requiring discretion, a choice of purpose. . . .
While scholars seek the laws by which these complex forces work, those responsible for decisions at any moment are keenly aware of their need for skill as well as knowledge in charting a new direction for an organization. Those responsible for selecting and persuading men [women] to take such positions are keenly aware how difficult it is to find or to develop men [women] with this orientation and the necessary emotional maturity to:
- seek out and understand actual situations from the administrative point of view;
^Altshuler, "A Land Use Plan for St. Paul."


52
- relate such concrete situations requiring action to the abstract knowledge and concepts of the subjects they taught;
- use such situations with students in the process of learning and maturity.4
Towl is viewing the case study primarily as a teaching tool.
In complex subjects dealing with the dynamics of human interaction, Towl's defense of the Insider approach has certain merits. The major postulate of this dissertation is that certain management skills are critical to successful policy formulation. Only an insider would have access to the internal actions and interactions which portray the subtle nuances of a management style. The participant observer not only sees the actions, but also has insights about why and how things occur. New understanding of local government may be generated.
The manner in which Bock describes a case study seems to support this assertion:
Case studies are efforts to wrest significant knowledge and useful understanding from the infinite complexity and tangled interplay of forces and actions that make up the continuity of the real governmental process.^
Had Altshuler understood the governmental processes differently, he might have weighed St. Paul's land use planning problems differently. As an "outsider" in the city administration, his interpretation of events in St. Paul had certain expectations of the internal and external environment. Whether the absence of a conceptualization of the city manager's role in Altshuler's case was the result of the
4
Andrew R. Towl, To Study Administration by Cases Boston: (Harvard University Graduate School of Business Administration, 1969),pp. xiii and 39.
^Edwin A.Bock, Essays on the Case Study Method (Syracuse,
New York: The Inter-University Case Program, 1962),p. 91.


53
fact that the city had no city manager, or the result of an undue focus on the planning process without linkage to the city management function by the mayor or someone else is not known. By the same token, had Altshuler been writing about Colorado Springs from an "outsider" point of view, he might not have perceived the city manager playing a key role.
Bock introduces still another dimension to the subject of bias in research. Quoting Vincent Ostrom, he supports diversity in research strategies: "Diversity in research strategy may do more to increase confidence in our conclusions than merely replicating the same research design in a large number of different situations."^ Ostrom and Bock strengthen the position of case studies in the field of research, and appear to support the viability of either "insider" or "outsider" observers in the preparation of case study analyses,
Finally, Bock good-humoredly attacks the bias which may arise when case study research is narrowly focused on one clientele or purpose:
Certain biases may also arise from limiting the purpose of case studies to those useful to only one clientele. ... The glint in the eye of a man setting out to truncate a body of life so that it will fit perfectly into his trophy case is a fearsome thing and is often enough to send facts and subtleties of truth scampering for cover. . . . The biases that arise from the preparation of caseB exclusively for operational use by officials or agencies come chiefly from the fact that these clients are direct or Indirect parties at Interest. ... Biases may also arise from the desire to make case studies and case programs serve scientific purposes. The scientist searching for evidence for a limited hypothesis is a party at interest.^
^Bock , p. 106.
^Bock, pp. 101 and 109.


54
It seems clear that bias may be a pervasive element of human nature, not easily dismissed regardless of the point of view. In the final analysis, the user of a specific methodology should be satisfied that the technology used is appropriate for the specific analytical effort. Research integrity is then a matter of intent and conscience.
5. To Support a Functional Approach to case study Methodology.
Early case studies were primarily administrative histories or the capture-and-record studies which Anderson and Gaus consider representative of the genetic and developmental approach to public administration analysis. In contrast, Anderson and Gaus advocated a "new approach" for examining the activities of public administrators:
The new approach is in the realm of function rather t..an of structure .... The new approach does not ignore organization .... but look upon it as one of constantly adapting the work relations of people to the needs of service.8
Field research of management in Colorado Springs demonstrates that a functional or procedural approach to a case more effectively illuminates the dynamics of management in policy formulation.
This approach also contrasts with other traditional concepts of public administration:
Conventionally, the other aspect of the public administrator's activities—the definition of his goals, his public and legislative relations, his dealings with pressure groups—has been regarded as somewhat alien to the study of public administration. It has been held to be more properly a branch (or another branch) of political science. This sepirateness and focus 8
8
William Anderson and John Gaus, Research in Public Administration (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1945), pp. 43-44.


55
on narrow specialities or cavalierly dismissing public administration has been one-sided and fragmentary.9
The ICMA literature has supported a-more innoyative approach
to management for same years. Glover and Horgan believe there are two
fundamental causes for case studies in urban management not reflecting
the functional approach more: (1) the lack of adequate research staff
within local urban ogvemment; (2) lack of linkage between cities and 10
their universities.
B. Field Research of Management Techniques
1. General Research.
The following section describes the urban management techniques used by the Infill Task Force as well as the information base and operational procedures used in Colorado Springs. Although matrix management is an organizational structure, it is primarily a functional relationship. The latter is stressed in the Colorado Springs case study.
9
Stein, p. 3.
10
Glover and Horgan are essentially talking about the genetic and developmental approach to planning—not urban land use planning. However, the linkage between land use planning and economics seems clear. If urban management is to be the thrust of research, it can no longer focus exclusively on the structural role of the city manager nor separate the city manager from the total environment in which economics and land use decisions are linked. Today's ecology of government must recognize that local government often exists in an environment of turbulence where the traditional views and concepts are no longer valid for problem solving. Clifford H. Glover and Andrew B. Horgan III, "An International Program in Urban Management," The Municipal Year Book 1978 (Washington, D.C.: International City Manager's Association, 1978), p. 65.


56
2. Management Techniques Used In Colorado Springs.
a. Modified Matrix Management - Several oommon techniques of management were used In Colorado Springs. Organizationally, the process vas structured as a modified management matrix. Generally speaking, matrix management may be described as a dual line of responsibility and supervision with one axis focused on the project or programmatic aspects of coordination while the other axis provides line supervision or the technical management element. The author, as representative of the City Manager's Office provided leadership on the technical axis. Working In tandem, this dual leadership mechanism permitted the City Manager to remain closely Involved In the entire process, but actively participate only at key points. It assured maximum Involvement of the Planning Department's expertise while shifting some of the coordinating and planning for the project itself to the author In the City Manager's Office. The term "modified matrix management* was used because none of the lines of authority or responsibility were changed during the project, and new matrix management features, such as an Interdepartmental task force and citizen Input were Incorporated In the model.
The process was structured to Include all the major department heads of the City. The City Manager formed an Infill Task Force whose membership Included the following:
Director of Parks & Recreation Director of Public Works Director of Utilities Director of Community Development Chief, Police Department Chief, Fire Department


3/
In addition, the Development Coordinator, the Finance Officer and the City Attorney's staff were Involved from time to time. The City Manager, the Planning Director, and the author were permanent members of the Task Force along with department heads. At each juncture of the policy formulation process, the Infill Task Force reviewed and shaped the direction of the overall effort. The ongoing responsibilities for developing information and preparing materials was shared by the Director of Planning and the author. The author had primary research and coordination responsibility.
The process was structured to Include community interest groups as well. Individuals representing all the major factions of the community interested in land use policy were kept informed of steps being taken in the administrative procedures, and at each point that materials were gathered to be presented later to the City Council, this group was Invited to review and comment. Their views were incorporated into the material if a consensus prevailed. If consensus had been lacking, the City Administration would have made it clear to the community interest groups at what point in time and through which procedures dissenting views could be heard. In the specific case of the Infill Policy Statement, consensus was reached and certain language changes recommended by the community interest groups were incorporated into the final policy statement which the City Manager proposed to City Council.
Matrix management usually refers to the internal structuring of shared management or participatory management.^ Adding the
^Stanley M. Davin and Paul R. Lawrence, Matrix (Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1977).


58
element of Interest group participation as Colorado Springs did is somewhat like sitting on a three-legged stool: one must understand the balance required for stability. The City Manager’s role as an "electrical transformer" was key. The Manager's management Btyle played an important function in assuring that balance so that everyone having a vested interest in the process was comfortable. Ecology in government as Gaus defines it recognizes that there are numerous actors and each has a role to play. As noted in Chapter I, Wright's description of the electrical transformer identifies a key factor in the dynamics of change in that environment.
b. Changes in Administrative Procedures and Data Gathering - The matrix management style was also key to the changes in the City's administrative procedures and data gathering techniques. Early in the meetings of the Infill Task Force, certain problems were identified which city administrators felt would inhibit the policy formulation process as well as its eventual implementation. These included the disparate manner in which information was gathered by the individual departments, creating difficulty in combining data for purposes of management; the lack of effective linkage between budget constraints, as well as other City policies, and departmental master plans with proposed land use changes; and the difficulty of providing timely information to the Planning Department and appointed and elected officials under these constraints.
As a result of these concerns, the Infill Task Force designed more effective administrative procedures and data gathering techniques. There were four products of this action: a series of
I


59
base maps, a revised "buck slip," a Planning Matrix, and finally, the Urban Infill Policy Resolution which the first three products supported. Each of the four products vlll be discussed relative to their purpose, format and the techniques used in their formulation. 1) Product: Base Maps
Purpose: To provide a common base of mapped information from which management decisions could be reached.
Format: Maps were drawn to a common scale so that comparisons and management-type decisions could be facilitated. In the past, it was not unusual for maps to be drawn on many different scales to accommodate different departmental purposes. However, for management purposes, decision making was dependent on comparing information across departmental boundary lines and looking at many pieces of information simultaneously. The Planning Department, working with the other departments, developed a series of overlay maps on a common scale with a base map of the vacant land within the City. A hypothetical section of that mapping is shown in Exhibit 1. The maps produced by the Planning Department were too large to be reproduced in this dissertation.
Techniques: The base map overlays Included not only boundary outlines for each urban service such as water, sewer, public
works (streets), fire service, and other services, but also
12
showed the carrying capacity of this infrastructure by a 12
The ability of the City's capital improvements and service delivery system to supply the demands for facilities and services.


60


61
Exhibit #1-2
3. FT RAOWt>an\5E«UlC£.


Exhibit #1-3
2. EWmWErfTU. P&XH&nv,


63
I


64
shading technique when possible. In addition, environmental constraints such as steep slopeB, the floodplain, and other environmental features were mapped.
2) Product: Revised Buck Slip
Purpose: The buck slip is a form on which city departments
convey to the Planning Department comments for a proposed land use change. Buck slips had been used for some time, but were considered inadequate because departmental responses tended to be cursory,causing some of the departments to view them as a waste of time. The purpose of revising the buck slip was to make It a more useful planning and management tool for all parties. The maps helped private developers' planning and made data more accessible for Interested community groups or individuals as well. The departments were hopeful that, since they were making an effort to provide more analysis, the applicant for the proposed land use would see the benefit in providing adequate information about the nature of the proposed land use project.
Format: City departments were interested in portraying information which reflected their concerns about budget and capital improvement coasnitments to which they were already obligated as well as showing the applicant the Impact of the proposed land use change vis-a-vis the department's master plan. The department's ability to help developers reduce costs and time was viewed as a direct correlate to the timing and adequacy of the


65
Information which the departments received from the developer
and the Planning Department.
Techniques: The revisions of the buck slips involved a three-
step process. First, the author and a planner interviewed
each department head who was a member of the Urban Infill Task
Force. From that interview a draft revised buck slip was
developed by the department and the author. If the latter, the
draft was sent back to the department for changes until it was
satisfactory to the department. The buck slips were designed
to address macro and micro elements of the departmental area
1 ^
of responsibility for the City's infrastructure.
After the buck slips had been revised, the Planning Department identified six vacant land areas within the city to test the new buck slips. The departmental responses were assessed on the basis of the adequacy of the responses in terms of the Planning Matrix (see Exhibit A) and its general usefulness for decision making. One of the rites was a land use change which had been recently reviewed using the old buck slip form. The revised hue*, slip provided a greater amount of data, and revealed a conflict between the master drainage plan and the master park plan which had not been identified previously. The
13
For example, the acquisition, treatment and transmission of water is a macro element of the City's water system while the distribution of water directly to the customer involves the micro elements of the system.


66
developer also obtained new Information which altered the costing out of the project.
This testing also revealed flaws In the revised buck slips of which a major one was the Inability of the form to adequately address such differing land use changes as a master plan or a simple zoning change. In an effort to rectify this flaw, a flow chart was developed by the planner and the author to identify the types of Information normally received at £ given point In any proposed land use process. In addition, the decision which might be made at each juncture was also charted. This substantiated the need for a buck slip to serve each type of land use change request rather than attempting to use one general form to cover all needs. It also demonstrated that different sections of a department might be required to respond rather than just one person in each department.
After these revisions, the Orban Infill Task Force concluded that the test was sufficiently successful to prove the worth of continuing to refine the revised buck slips and to eventually consider using them on proposed land use changes other than infill projects. One of the old buck slip forms is shown in Exhibit 2. An example of the revised buck slips is shown in Exhibit 3.
3) Product: Planning Matrix
Purpose: The purpose of the Planning Matrix was to consolidate the basic Information obtained from the revised buck slips. Through this consolidation, management and decision making would
be better served


6?
Exhibit 2
D DEVELOPMENT TECHNICAL COMMITTEE O MINOR LAND SUUDIVISION COMMITTEE O PLANNINC DEPART ME NT REVIEW O ---------------------------
D PUBLIC WORKS DEPT D WASTEWATER â–¡ COUNTY
â–¡ T ENGR. DEPT. â–¡ POLICE DEPT. D MTN BELL
D PARK DEPT. Q FIRE DEPT. D STATE HWY. OcPT.
i Q LAND OFFICE â–¡ NOISE O AIRPORT
â–¡ GAS n SCH. DIST.# â–¡
â–¡ WATER â–¡ REG. SLOG. Q
a ELECTRIC O PPACG D
OSTANOARO COMMENT OTHER CONCERNS:
COMMENTS MUST BE RECEIVED PRIOR TO


| IlLri. HUS:
I rtSrOUVCKT:
rr.w.:il urauLlKt:
me KfAUTKCn
2. Fire Suppression: hespons* Time
2. Over 4 ainuttl Dm {torn any HitJoti.
2. Over 3 alnuiti but lees than 4 aiMiai i«»N«»» time
from any an* station.
3. Lass then 3 slnvin m^onia tlM item any mna station.
4. Lasa thao 3 olnwtas response tla* Iroo two stations.
Explain:
2. Flra Suppression: Fir* Flow
2. Flra flow will not allow aor* lntansa lend osa thao exists.
2. Fir* flow will not allow land uoa as proposed hot lass lntansa vs* Is a possibility.
3. Fir* flow adequate for proposal development but remaining capacity for vacant lands In vicinity Is alnlolaad.
4. Fir* flow adequate for proposed developaent and adequate flow remaining for vacant lands in vicinity.
Explain:
Proposed Uul Ih-r F»n>*ti
3. Fir* Suppression: Communication and Equipment (for apadal flra)
1. Additional calls will b* aor* numerous than other land uaas la the area and special fir* fighting equipment will b* naadad.
2. Additional calls will b« about equal to other land usaa la th« area but special flra fighting equipment will be naadad.
3. Additional calls will b* sore nunarous that other land uses la the area but no special flra fighting equlpoent will be naadad.
4. Additional calls*wlll be about equal to other land usaa la the area and no special fir* equipment naadad.
Explain:
4. Fir* Suppression: Addas and Equipment (for special terrain)
1. Adequate fir* access la Impossible and special vehicle* will be needed to provide minimum protection.
2. Adequate flra access is possible If special vehicles are available and/or modifications sra made in atreat design.
3. Adequate lira access is available for pioposed developmentaa designed.
4. Access is adequate for proposee dcvelopnent and access to adjacent site la improved.
Espials:
u. Fire Ff«*vml l»n«
1 • Corsivrc J a) and industrial J *•••«! u*.rn are om.il) and nunu-ruua
requiring JnnpsrCtlona and fire Invest I gat lone.
2. HI sod land wee configuration will require inspect lone, fjrr iavcstlgatlone, end fire safety preeentatlans.
3. Single Family ftcsldentlel will require fire safety preaentatlons but Inspections and inwstlgxtlone will be minimum.
4. Loairciil and Industrial land u*et are large enough to provide fire safety and Investigation services of their nun.
Espials:
4. What la the estimated 10 year flra loss for the proposed land use?____-
2. low does the proposed development relate to future station locations?
». Does this proposed development impact the emergency paramedic services?


69
Format: The Planning Matrix format was designed to present four to six variables which the departmental buck slip addressed. These variables were briefly identified to the left of each matrix while a scale of one to four ran across the top of the matrix. The form enabled management and decision makers to see at a glance whether the project seemed to have problems with the infrastructure or the environment. The scale of one to four gave an indication of the intensity of that assessment.
It also helped to Identify areas of lnter-relatedness and open the opportunity for the applicant to negotiate trade-offs which would be least harmful to each of the concerned parties. Techniques: The technique of summarizing Information in a meaningful fashion is a common management approach. It is also generally recognized, however, that there are dangers in oversimplification. These dangers were offset by having the revised budk slips serve as a backup. If the circumstance required further explanation, departments would still be free to provide a memorandum as an attachment.
Overall, the new processes were designed to reduce ambiguity and enhance openness as well as making the decision making at each level of the process more visable. An example of the Planning Matrix is shown in Exhibit A.
4) Product: Urban Infill Policy Resolution-
Purpose: The purpose of the Urban Infill Policy Resolution was
to formulate and adopt a public policy which would guide the decision making of city officials as proposed land use changes
were considered


70
Format: The resolution is a general statement of goals. It is not a detailed exposition of the manner in which that policy will be implemented. It simply states an intent—in the case of a City Council, both a legislative and quasl-Judiclal intent. It also provides guidance to the City Administration.
Techniques: The techniques to develop a relatively simple two-page resolution were complex. They required that the various actors in the process of policy formulation reach some degree of consensus. The policy statement Itself was drafted and modified several times through a review process with the Urban Infill Task Force. Members of the Task Force then reviewed the policy statement with representatives of several key community groups who were shown the maps and examples of the revised buck slips. The administrative procedures and data-gathering system were explained as well. (Exhibit U illustrates the Planning Matrix. See Chapter III.)
The consensual approach took almost a year of intermittent effort on the part of city staff. The City Council was periodically provided updates and their input shaped the direction of the Urban Infill Task Force. Colorado Springs, like other dtle6, had found Itself faced with rapid changes in its environment. Its infrastructure was being strained to meet expanding demands for service.
It is significant that City Council looked to the City Manager rather than the Planning Commission in policy formulation.
It is also significant that the City Manager chose to form a task force including the major department heads; that he chose to Include Interest groups from the community; and that he chose to assign


71
INFILL BUCK SLIP SUMMARY SHEET
Exhibit 4
PUBLIC WORKS 12 3 4 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 12 3 4
Transit System X Comprehensive Planning X
Drainage Basins X Land Use Relationship X
Street Maintenance/Syst X Ordinance Compliance X
Neighborhood Traffic X Neighborhood Revital. X
Housing Rehabilitation X
PARK k RECREATION Human Relational Social X
Existing larks/Population X Human Relations! Econ. X
Existing Parks/Maintenance X Housing Authority X
Master Plant Location X
Master Plant Development X WASTEWATER
Proposed Parks/Population X Proximity to Main X
Demand k Existing Syst. X
FIRE Oversized Extensions X
Response Time X Topographic Features X
Fire Flow X Non-potable Water Use X
Communication A Equip X ELECTRIC
Access k Equip X Power Capacity X
Fire Prevention X Proximity to Service X
Demand k Existing Syst. X
POLICE Unique Design Features X
Central Base Relationship X Major Capital Outlays X
Patrol Pattern Relationship X
DATE:
Service Demandst Type X
Service Demandst Amount X SITE:
Site Considerations X
Note i Water and Gas Division Bucksllp Formats were not yet complete at this time.


72
responsibility for project management to two individuals, one within the City Manager's Office and the other in the Planning Department. These actions established a pattern of participatory management, and created a dynamic management model conducive to effecting change.
The City Manager, serving as the electrical transformer, controlled the flow or the current in that change process.
When City Council requested the City Administration to recommend a new land use policy which would encourage Infilling of vacant land within the city limits, the City Manager had several options: 0.) He could have suggested that the City Planning Department and Planning Commission develop the policy. This would have been in keeping with earlier concepts which separated the planning and management functions. However, in that environment, it would not have been the City Manager directing the policy formulation.
(2) The City Manager could have proposed that a consultant be hired to develop a draft policy. This would have separated the policy formulation process from the ongoing functions of the city sdminis-tration, and might or might not have reduced the City Manager's direct Involvement in the policy formulation process. However, the city departments such as the Planning Department would probably have primary responsibility for the consultant contract with other city departments only peripherally involved. Modified matrix management functioned differently. The outcome of this effort was the Urban Infill Policy Resolution, adopted by City Council April 22, 1980.
It is shown as Exh lb it 5.


Tj
Exhibit 3-1
ittioluliun No. 11*0-UO
A K> SOU/fJON ISLARUSHIWC
uwvkw jm ill rouar
MO.'RJAS, carn-unity values call for the balanced development of the public and private economic, social, cultural and natural resources of the area; and
YZQjiZ\S, present and future investments made by fxiblic/private sector must be protected in order to preserve these camunity values; and LHEREAS, the PPACC estimates that the population of tie City of Colorado Springs will approximately double by the year 2010; and
WHEREAS, as of this time, 42t of the land within the City limits is vacant and developable; and
KK£RZ>S, this vacant and developable land can match, at present patterns of dcr^l*y, the current population of the city; and
WHEREAS, citizens of Colorado Springs art paying for public services such as mass transit, utilities, streets, drainage, parks, fire, police, recreation, carrmanity dcvelopnent/rencvclcprcnt, etc. within established service boundaries; and
KHEXEAS, maximizing the use of existing city services could reduce sprawl, decrease financial burden to citizens, conserve energy and itu in tain natural and non-xcncwable resources; and
WHEREAS, a successful infilling policy requires cooperation and "good faith” between neighborhoods, yoverroent and the private sector; and NOW, THER1T0RE BE IT RKSOLVED BY *iHE CITY COUNCIL OF THE CITY OF CDLOrWOO SPRINGS;
4/14/80


74
Exhibit ;5-2
7Tv»t an Uxbin Infill Po)jcy is Irucby crMnbl ithod at follow:
l. to >j.:xxmng£ 7i3/5i:aj/r a* vataj/t ;undpjovtz>) iaw within tic
CUT LD-JTS AS AN AL173C-AT1VE ’JO ItCfECLSSAFY SPR-\h&, BY:
1. restoring cquilnble And cooidirvited use of public And private resources consistent with:
a) Approved city design standards in the various corprehcnsive plan elements;
b) Approved capital improvement prugr.vi* and priorities;
c) approved budgets for programs, staff, equipment and facilities necessary to provide public services;
2. Encouraging the conservation of natural and non-renewable resources; preserving conrunity social, cultural and economic values;
3. Weighing neighborhood compatibility and cohesiveness as a comrunity asset in the consideration of chmglng patterns in density, buffering, access, and the flow of traffic throughout the City;
4. Strengthening energy conservation and energy-saving alternatives;
5. Recognizing unique ccnuunity aesthetic assets such as Pikes Peak, the Carden of the Gods, Palmer Park and other values intrinsic to the natural urban landscape such as ridges, geographical outcroppings, terrain and vegetation;
6. Respecting natural constraints in the development of land having strop slopes, drainage or floodplain problems, or sub-surface liabilities such as past landfills or mining coloration;
7. Supporting mixed land uses designed within the above criteria.
-2-
4/lV»


75
Tftchltalt 5-3
11. to nxxxjwaL caimJUhTiON or rjDLv>jjji.t,irr
DjLc 1980.
ATTESTS
-3-
4/14/90



76
l
i
!
I
I
1
I
i
!
CHAPTER III
CASE STUDY: INFILL POLICY FORMATION IN COLORADO SPRINGS A. Introduction
This chapter will describe the benchmarks in the policy formation process used by the City Manager of Colorado Springs to develop an Urban Infill Policy. His role and managerial style is emphasized. Specific administrative procedures and data gathering techniques are shown to be an Integral part of the land use policy formation process. Chapter IV compares and analyzes the Colorado Springs case to that of Alan Altshuler's case study of St. Paul's development of a new land use plan. That comparison highlights the differences between the roles and activities of various parties whose involvement—or lack of involvement—shaped policies and their acceptance level in each city.
The Colorado Springs case study is concerned with a specific land use policy (infilling) and the City Administration's action to carry out City Council's request for a policy recommendation. Infill is defined as the development of vacant, bypassed land within the city. It assumes that some or all City services are present, and that the bypassed land is developable.
The author contends that the City Manager is key to Colorado Springs' successful management of the policy formulation process.


77
The City Manager's role Is described as that of an "electrical transformer" whom Wright sees as the manager of the "forces of relative stability and dynamic change" in the policy process.^
The effort of the Colorado Springs Planning Department to define the policy Implications of urban infilling began prior to the timeframe of this case study. In the early 1970s, the department began developing a comprehensive land use plan which Included the concept of infilling. The conclusion of the planners at that time was that urban sprawl was not a serious problem, and that certain disadvantages of infill outweighed the advantages. It was feared that overcrowding, loss of open space within the City, traffic congestion and air pollution as well as a general community resistance to greater density made Infilling an unacceptable alternative at that time. The department did note that continued development might cause pressures to develop slopes and ridges within the City as well as create leapfrog development on the outskirts. It was felt that at the time that such conditions began to prevail, a more
2
serious examination of infilling as a planning option should occur.
City Council gave concept approval to the comprehensive plan in 1975 but took no formal action on it. There was considerable public involvement in the process through committees as well as public hearings in neighborhoods. A divided Council preferred that
^Wright, p. 219.
2
City of Colorado Springs Planning Department, Comprehensive Plan Program: General Land Development Recommendations, Planning Information Report Two ( City of Colorado Springs Planning Department, July 1975), p. 73.


76
the plan be used as a guide rather than a legal document. Therefore, it lacked formal resolution or ordinance to give it legal sanction.
In this light, the fact that an Urban Infill Policy was adopted in resolution form should be viewed as a significant action by City Council in 1980.
B. 1979: Colorado Springs' Ecological Setting
Gaus speaks of public housekeeping within an ecological setting—that is, the total environment of a particular place in a particular time with a particular population. The change which took place in Colorado Springs during the 1970s must be understood within the context of its economic, social, political, and physical environment.
In 1967, the City of Colorado Springs contained 50 square miles of land area, 307 miles of streets, and Its population was 103,500. By 1979, its.land area was 101 square miles, It had 810 miles of streets, and Its population was estimated at 210,000 persons.
The City of Colorado Springs has had a Council-Manager form of government since 1921. City Council has five at-large and four district members. In 1979, the mayor was elected directly by the people for the first time since the nine-member council was formed.
The City's current organizational structure is shown in Chart 1. The Planning Department is one of the departments under the Community Development Department. The latter department provides an administrative umbrella for the following sub-departments: Relocation, Human Relations, and the Administrative offices of the department. In


CITY O* COIOAAOO SPMINOS
ORGANIZATIONAL CHART
tieCTOMATI
CD
O
â–¡
mc'io
M1MOI* 1WI • **«C'»
LEGEND
I0v-''|I«»I.V| COO*»«t"OM
•OWWJIMMVl ««<«•
KJOGCM.I*
•Jr coo*»««ui k"»hi o^»
as or OC'OOfH I.


60
addition, the Public Housing Authority, Code Enforcement, Urban Renewal and Neighborhood Redevelopment as well as the Comprehensive Employment and Training Administration (CETA) are supervised by the Director of the Community Development Program.
The expanded growth patterns foreseen by the Planning Department had begun to occur in the late ’70s, and by 1979 Council initiated an effort to form an urban infill policy so that they might deal more effectively with changing needs and available resources within the community. This contrasts with Council's concerns during 1973-1975 when a natural gas supply shortage resulted in a gas moratorium that dampened any likelihood that the City Council would adopt a policy which might encourage limited or controlled growth for the city at that time. However, in 1979 many aspects of the physical, social, economic and political environment had undergone change. Inflation and energy shortages were increasingly costly for everyone, including city government. The growing taxpayer resistance in Colorado Springs as well as other areas of the country could not go unnoticed even though Colorado Springs voters passed a million dollar park and open space bond authorization in 1979.
This ambivalence in general and specific attitudes is fertile ground for the "environmental turbulence" which Gawtbrop discusses.^ With Council's active interest in urban infilling, land use planning for the City took a major step toward becoming a management tool through which the City Administration could provide more efficient "public housekeeping" as Caus described.* 4
^Gawthrop, p. 78.
4
Caus , p. 8.


81
City departments were at first skeptical about Council's commitment to the development of an urban Infill policy because of Its growth-oriented decision-making pattern of the past. For this reason, it was critically Important that the City Manager involve himself from the outset In the policy formation process. His office, through the author of this dissertation—as well as the City Manager at key decision-making points—played an active role in the policy formation process throughout the timeframe encompassed by this dissertation.
1. Economic Environment.
It Is obvious from the statistics cited earlier that Colorado Springs has been and Is a "growth city," one of the leading in the nation. Colorado Springs was founded by entrepreneurial Interest led by General William Palmer, who envisioned Colorado Springs as a "Little London" on the frontier of an expansionist-oriented American investment capital. Business interests in the community have been heavily involved since the 1800s in shaping that growth.
During the Depression, Colorado Springs, like other communities, experienced retrenchment. However, the City had significant growth between 1940-70 due to the location of five different military Installations which dominated the economy until the electronics industry expanded measurably in Colorado Springs during the 1970s. These "clean industries" and tourism form the basic economic pattern for the community today.
2. Socio/Political Environment.
The social environment of Colorado Springs probably shaped the political environment to a large degree. However, it has not been the small ethnic/racial population of Colorado Springs, but


82
the wealthy who have been a present and significant factor in shaping a basically elitist society. This society has governed by a noblesse oblige commitment of those in power to provide an acceptable environment for the rest of the support community. The turbulence of World War II and the 1960s shook that monolithic structure, but did not shift the power base of the community in any significant manner. It is more likely that the professional element of the military and electronics industries—basically independent of the "old guard wealth"—have influenced a re-direction of future growth.
As a politically conservative community, there has been strong emphasis on the individual property owners' rights, perhaps to the detriment of the whole. However, this concept is one of the basic Justifications for local government. The preservation, or at least the balancing of community and individual rights against excessive nationalism or a community collectivist monolith which can obfuscate the rights of the minority or the individual is a cherished ideal of the American democratic republic. The balancing is far from easy. Although some may argue to the contrary, this need for balance and equity can be a major reason for support of the Council-Manager form of government if strong individualism is prevalent in a community.
3. Physical Environment.
The Colorado Springs area is visually delightful, pleasantly cool in summer and relatively mild in the winter. It has many natural resources. However, one of the most serious constraints in Colorado is a shortage of water. Although it can be purchased like any cossnodlty, supply and demand control its price and availability. Colorado Springs currently has a raw water supply sufficient to serve double it* present population.


83
One of Che management Cools Colorado Springs has Is Its Water Extension Ordinance. The ordinance dictates that extension of water to any area outside Colorado Springs boundaries requires an agreement permitting the City to annex chat area at some future date. Other boundaries, such as gas and electricity, already extend beyond the City's formal boundaries. The Colorado Public Utilities Commission regulates gas and electric utilities. However, water rights are still controlled by the local Jurisdiction through long-standing water law.
Owning land within the City does not automatically guarantee the availability of water for vacant land. Rights to water are granted on a "first come, first served" basis. It is estimated that the City's current supply of raw water can serve future development of all vacant developable land within the city. However, should this water be committed to land developments acquired through extensive new annexations,
i
the City would either be unable to serve current vacant land or would have to acquire new raw water supplies to provide the additional demand.
Obviously, this constraint within the physical environmei impacts the City's policy formation regarding land use matters. With insights into the economic, social, political and physical factors of the environment, one can more fully appreciate Gaus’ concern for ecology in government. In addition, there are two other factors to keep in mind regarding Gaus' concern regarding the manner in which public housekeeping in government should be judged: 1) the negative productivity factor if the present infrastructure is under-utilized because vacant land within the city limits has not been developed;
2) the negative taxpayer attitude toward rising costs of public services If elected officials and the public demand sprawl but are unwilling to


84
pay Its costs, the public administrator should not be saddled with the label of inefficiency in public housekeeping. Good public housekeeping is contingent upon public policy which supports a balance in publlc/private views. It calls for a management partnership between elected officials and public administrators as well as a partnership between government and the private sector. Effective public managers work toward these symbiotic relationships. Good public housekeeping tends to follow.
C. Forming an Urban Infill Policy for Colorado Springs.
This dissertation covers approximately one year, from May 1979 to April 1980. The initial impetus for the City Council request for an infill policy is difficult to pinpoint. The City Manager, however, set the process in motion by calling a meeting of the City department heads in mid-May. The chronological chart detailed on subsequent pages gives the reader a set of benchmarks showing the sequence of events during that year. The "Actor Code" Identifies those involved in a particular activity, and the general role they played.
Infill Task Force
The internal organizational group was made up of the following City department heads:
Director of Public Works
Director of Utilities
Director of Community Development
Colorado Springs Chief of Police
Colorado Springs Chief of Fire Department
Director Park and Recreation
Director Planning


85
The City Manager and the author were alao members of the Task Force. This group brought together the knowledge and expertise to guide policy formation in a manner which would be aupportable by administrative procedures and the City's technical data base.
City Council
The nine-member City Council served as initiators of the process. They guided policy formation and served as a link between the internal and external environment.
Private Sector - Community Interest Groups
The community at large provided the external environment which Wright describes as a "large irrational matrix." (In this sense, "irrational" means diverse and uncoordinated.) This group varied in its level of participation and its membership. At one time or another it included representatives from the following entities:
- Colorado Springs Board of Realtors
- Council of Neighborhood Organizations (CONO)
- Open Space Council
- Energy Research Center
- Private Developer Representatives
- Home Builders Association
- Chamber of Commerce
- League of Women Voters
There were two concentrated periods of time which involved the City Manager more intensely and directly in the administrative procedures: in May 1979 and the period of March through April 1980.
As the reader will note, these months also have more activities listed on the chronological chart. The City Manager's role and style of management are demonstrated by his activity level and the timing of City Council and private sector involvement.


86
The case study Is divided into three distinct phases:
Phase One:
Defining the Problem
Phase Two:
Policy Gestation
Phase Three:
Consensus-building and Final Policy Adoption
The activities of each phase are chronologically outlined in Chart #2. The importance of these activities in the policy formation process and the city management role and style la emphasized.
The case study section gives attention to case fact6 while Chapter TV's paradigm provides a policy formation analysis. It compares the highlights of the St. Paul land use study with the more detailed events and actions in the Colorado Springs case.
1. Phase One:______Defining the Problem (May 1979).
A city manager must direct, delegate, consult, integrate and produce results. The manner in which a manager carries out these functions reflects a management role and style. The case Btudy begins at the point where the City Manager of Colorado Springs called a meeting of city department heads to discuss the assignment from City Council to prepare a report recommending an urban infill policy for the City of Colorado Springs. The Manager directed the author to attend this meeting and assigned her to do the follow-up necessary to complete the report prior to the City Council Workshop May 31, 1979.
a. City Department Beads' Meeting with City Manager (May 16, 1979) -At this meeting, the City Manager asked each department head to give his views on infilling, its definition and the implications of developing an infill policy from his department's perspective. It was clear that different departments had different concepts of infilling


CASE STUDY CHRONOLOGICAL CHART - COLORADO SPRINGS
DATE
05/16/79
05/18/79
05/29/79
05/30/79
05/31/79
06/14/79
06/07/79
07/18/79
08/10/79
10/31/79
ACTOR CODE
POLICY FORMULATION ACTIVITIES - DEVELOPMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURES
/1/2/3/4/5/6/
City Manager called department heada meeting to dlecusa Council request for reconmendntIons on Infill Policy - group hereafter called Infill Task Force.
Author's memo to City Manager. Outlines work plan and timetable for Interviews with department heads and schedules next meeting of Infill Policy Task Force.
Author's memo to City Manager reports departmental Interviews, provides draft report to City Council.
City Manager chairs Infill Task Force meeting called to review draft to Council.
City Manager makes report to City Council, Planning Director presents vacant land map.
City Council discusses report and accepts City Manager's recommendation for continued study.
Author's memo to Planning Director outlining proposed work plan.
Author and Planner conduct second round of departmental Interviews. Information points to need to revise routing slip for proposed land use changes as they are reviewed by departments. Increased awareness of need for common map data base and sample site review.
Author's memo to City Manager provides progress report, revisions in work plan, plans to meet with two local developers.
Infill Task Force meeting with representatives of developers In community.
Developers provided Insight on constraints to Infill from their perspective.
City Manager & Infill Task Force receive briefing, discuss timing for progress report to City Council. Discuss revised buck slips and review mapping done to date. Task Force decides to reroute revised buck slips using actual request for land use change (the Mesa Master Flan). %
Y
Chart


DATE
ACTOR CODE
POLICY FORMULATION ACTIVITIES - DEVELOPMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURES
11/20/79
11/29/79
01/09/80
01/10/80
01/07/80
03/11/80
03/17/80
03/21/80
/1/2/3/4/5/6/
I P
Pi Pi
City Manager provide* City Council Progress Report, Including prototype map overlay, example of revlaed buck slip.
Author's nemo to Infill Task Force Identifies site selected by Planning Dept, for re-testlng buck slip; outlines new work plan using the Mesa Haater Plan Proposal.
Larry Maiming reporta findings to date on Meaa Master Plan Propoaal.
Infill Task Force meeting with Community Intereat Croup Repreaentatlvea. Planning Director exhibited maps prepared to date and dlscusaed their uaefulneas. Response from representatives very positive. Revised buck allps were explained. Ko records of this meeting on file.
Infill Task Force review of draft definition of Urban Infill and preliminary draft of Urban Infill Policy Statement. Task Force decided to review materials with Community Interest Croups.
Meeting with larger representation of Comunlty Intereat Groups. Review of Urban Infill Definition, Urban Infill Policy Statement, demonstration of maps prepared to date. Response very positive. The Croup interested to close Involvement as process moves toward presentation to City Council.
Infill Materials sent out aa part of Council Workshop Agenda for March 21st.
Include Proposed Policy Statement; Proposed Definition of Urban Infill; List of Base Maps; and Examples of Old and Revised Buck Slips and Planning Matrix
City Council Workshop. Planning Director and Author preaentors. Council selected definition from continuum of alternatives, directed City Administration to proceed with draft of Infill Policy Resolution. Community Interest Croup support strong. Council encouraged public relations effort to Inform community at larRe.
8
Chart #2-2


DATE
ACTOR CODE /1/2/3/4/5/6/
POLICY FORMULATION ACTIVITIES - DEVELOPMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURES
04/04/80
04/07/80
04/07/80
04/22/80
Meeting with Community Interest Croups to review Urban Infill Policy Resolution. Some modifications suggested by groups, and agreed upon by Infill Task Force.
Author's memo to City Council outlining changes in resolution; persons Involved in meeting at which changes were proposed.
City Council reviewed proposed Urban Infill Policy Resolution and approved its being placed on the April 22, 1980 City Council meeting for formal approval.
This was a deferral in time in order to give anyone who wished the opportunity to add comments or indicate concerns.
City Council formally adopted Infill Policy Resolution.
Legend: ACTOR CODE
Numbers: 1 â–  City Council 4 â–  Private Sector
2 “ City Manager (Community Interest Groups)
3 “ Infill Task Force 5 ” Author
(City Departments) 6 â–  Planning Director
Letters: I - Initiator; P - Participant; Pr - Presentor; R “ Receiver
Chart #2-;


90
and its implications. The City Manager directed the author to conduct follow up interviews with each department head and compile their views on the definition of infill, the appropriate criteria to be used for an infill policy, and possible constraints to infilling.
The Manager also directed the department heads to meet with him prior to the City Council Workshop to review the material prepared for that meeting.
b. Author's Memo to City Manager Outlining Work Plan (May 18, 1979) -The author's memo to the City Manager outlined a work plan which entailed four days of interviews and follow-up memos from the department heads. As it turned out, the author provided the follow-up memos to the department heads. Two of them elaborated with subsequent memos.
In the May 18 memo, the author attached a series of questions to be raised in the interview with the department heads. A list of key variables, excerpted from The Cost of Sprawl, offered some stimulus for discussion also. This memo is presented in Appendix A.
c. Author’s Memo to City Manager - Interview Reports; Draft Report to City Council on Infill Policy (May 29, 1979) - The author provided the City Manager with copies of each interview summary and the expanded comments of the Chief of Police and Director of Parks and Recreation. In addition, the author had drafted a report to City Council as well as the Manager's transmittal letter. Each department head had previously been given an opportunity to review the author's summary of their interview and offer comments or changes.
The draft report and City Manager's letter were to be reviewed by
the Infill Task Force on May 30.


91
The exchanges during Che two week period from Hay 16 Co May 30 focused Che policy formuladon problem In Che following manner:
1) Incervlew wlch Planning Dlreccor - The inCerview wich Che Direccor of Planning idencified several classificaCions of develop-menc: a) redevelopmenc areas; b) bypassed areas; c) new growch areas, including four sub-areas of developmenc: (1) new growch linked Co growch already wlchin Che CiCy's planning boundaries;
(2) new growch deCached from growch wlchin Che CiCy's current planning boundaries; (3} new growch beyond the CiCy's planning boundary, but within Utility Department's urban service districts; (4) new growth beyond present Utility Department urban service district boundaries. He described the present City policy regarding each classification, its infill application, and the kinds of additional information needed to undergird a new land use policy for infilling.
His classifications and analysis are summarized in the City Manager's May 30 memo to City Council (Appendix B). The Director's concepts formed the basic structure used to narrow the scope of the problem of infilling.
2) Memorandum from Park and Recreation Director - The Park and Recreation Department memorandum pointed out that a vigorous infill policy might result in additional pressure from citizens who preferred to see vacant land converted to open space or parks within their neighborhood. It also pointed out that vacant properties are often "the least economically feasible areas to develop due to topography, geologic formations or being in a flood plain.
^City of Colorado Springs Inter-Office Memorandum from
Lawrence A. Schenk, Director Parks and Recreation, to the author,
May 24, 1979.


92
The nemo urged adherence to the Master Park Plan as a means of rationally determining the feasibility of park development advocated by citizen groups.
3) Memorandum from Police Chief - The Chief stated in his memorandum:
I believe infilling is Influenced by three primary factors:
1) urban renewal and redevelopment; 2) development of previously undeveloped land; 3) development of "islands” created as a result of annexations . .
Of the three, the Police Department considered urban renewal and redevelopment infilling most desirable because they reduce demand for police services and facilitates the utilization of more consolidated resources. The Chief expressed concern that previously undeveloped land within the City might have remained undeveloped because of certain topographic or geographic features which could also make it more difficult for the police to serve once it was Infilled. He further explained that the annexation islands tend to spread the resources of the department and therefore are less economical to service.
4) Interview with Director of Utilities - The Director of Utilities pointed out that two factors control the development of the utility service delivery system: a) market demand (and ability to pay); and b) the Public Utility Conzoission of Colorado. The Commission requires the City to serve those requesting service within the City utility service system without regard to political jurisdictional boundaries.
He recommended that the infilling occur within the City's water district limits which basically conform to the present City boundaries, or within its Urban Planning Boundary which extends
^City of Colorado Springs Inter-Office Memorandum from
John L. Tagert, Chief of Police to the author, May 23, 1979.


93
somewhat beyond the City limits in some Instances. The Utility Director preferred not to extend high cost water services without a full utility service network. Finally, he cautioned that the most expensive type of development for utilities is redevelopment areas because these areas often require the replacement of under-capacity infrastructure capital improvements such as water mains.^
5) Interview with Director of Public Works - The Public Works Director was very conscious of the impact of land use changes upon the City's capital improvement and general fund budgets. The Public Works Department was heavily dependent upon these monies for operation and maintenance of the City's street and drainage network. Be pointed out that the City's Mass Transit Service operated at a deficit which could be better offset if there were a more concentrated settlement within the City (as opposed to substantial vacant property or expansion beyond the City's present boundaries). In addition, the Director said that development costs can effectively
O
"sterilize" land which has severe drainage problems.
6) Interview with Fire Chief - The Fire Chief pointed out that the type and design of infilling development impacts the Fire Department for the following reasons:
- if multi-story development replaces single family structures, water mains may have to be enlarged to maintain adequate fire flow.
^City of Colorado Springs Inter-Office Memorandum from the author to Jim Phillips, Director of Utilities, May 22, 1979.
g
City of Colorado Springs Inter-Office Memorandum from the author to DeWitt Miller, Director of Public Works, May 22, 1979.


94
- certain types of infill; for example, hillside or ridge development, may be difficult for the Fire Department to serve with present equipment.
- leapfrog development makes it difficult to serve and to
manage Fire Department resources (response time as well as personal
q
and equipment).
d. Infill Task Force Meeting (May 30, 1979) - The Infill Task Force meeting May 30tb produced a favorable consensus among department heads for the City Manager's recommendation to Council to pursue additional study of infilling's impacts on City service capacity. The draft memorandum was accepted without modification and plans were made for the presentation to City Council on the following day.
e. City Council Workshop (May 31, 1979) - The City Manager presented his memorandum to City Council with a brief verbal explanation of the process used by the City Administration. He also made the point that departmental differences In perspective on infilling stemmed from the demands for service and the cost of capital Improvement
and maintenance to sustain an adequate level of service. He then asked the Planning Director to present a current map of vacant developable land prepared by the Planning Department. The City Council discussed at some length the apparent need for an infill policy.
One of the local newspapers, the Gazette Telegraph, reported the City Council's favorable action on the City Manager's recommendations, and quoted some of the City Council members comments
9
City of Colorado Springs Inter-Office Memorandum from the
author to Fire Chief Sievers, May 22, 1979.


95
as follows: (Illustration - 1)
IThe Vice Mayor stated]: 1 favor infilling because of the economies of development it affords and because it will save energy. {A Councilman commented]: .... Council should expect opposition from residents, but we'll have to change some ideas . . .
It should be noted that this period of two weeks was administratively intense. It also demonstrated the manner in which the City Manager began to develop the modified matrix management style used in this project. First the City Manager involved department heads to address the issues. This group evolved into the Infill Task Force. Second, the City Manager delegated the coordination of the effort and the preparation of the report to City Council to a person within his own staff, but encouraged close coordination with the Director of Planning. This set up the structure for the dual management function which later was developed. By setting up this initial management structure, the City Manager effectively retained control of the process and outcome, but encouraged broad-based input within the Administration where technical and operational expertise lies.
2. Phase Two: Policy Gestation (June 1979 through January 1980).
The second phase of the case study demonstrates the development of the rational comprehensive planning model through the design of new administrative procedures and a data base, and the involvement of community interest groups. "Policy gestation" was chosen as a title because it helps to portray the growth period of the policy formation process. Again the emphasis is upon the internal structure,
To
Dick Foster, "Development in City Urged." Gazette-Telegraph Colorado Springs, Colorado, June 1, 1979.


Uliatzatloo-l
Developmentin City Urged
• By DICK FOSTER CT Suit Writer
Colorado Springs City Council will encourage ihe cwxf^ of "Infilling." the uexelopmerK of nfjnt land amid alreedy established arras of the City. rather than more sprawling jrr-tfc outward front lao urbin fringe
Courxil directed Ihc city admiixto-trotioo Thursday to draft a >!.v.rtreat i-^ponm* infilling efforts of devr.opcn and property cot era.
While Infilling is economical, such p. o/eexs will probably prarr.pt rr.a.*.y battles by roi^enti seeking to preserve their established neigh-borr.ac.it as Utey are. coined mens-bors umM
Ir.f. ling »Mif make maximum u'« of Ci.y fac.UUes already built i.\d wed mi established areas, In-civ^i; utility 1-nes, sires is rad ttr-vice Ue.I.ues sjeh as fir* sutions.
"1 f-var ir-iiiaj because of :.ve
ecc"»-T ier Xl.»e Bud
Generally. development of a p-ect o* -inlJi" property involves sur.de .W*upa to uiUny lines al-ready bail! la the developed a *a.
use of streets already consimr-ed. •id protection by fire and police which already serve the area.
So the Will saves both the city and I he developer the costa of «-tci-d.ng services
' Ja adda^n. development la the cor-ccniretcd urban area will provide energy savings — reducing Intonation coils to and from outlying areas on the urban fringe, and fonernt/aimg more activity la Ue city's established regiom.
But lAfulmg can have ns drawbacks for developers a chief reason why land ant'd oe\ eloped areas remain vacant m the first place.
X'.xr.y of the areas have drainage problems and erratic land eoun-tours, making installation of dra.ruge sl/w.-iures and pre-de-xe.cgc.eni gracing an csperunc prepesiiieo.
G:y Council wants to encourage Wvf.’.l.Dg. with MKrr.tivrs suebasad-v*r.cut; the rust of drainage siruc-t.rrs when tl.e derringer can’t afford a at the outset of Use development.
City officials also cwwsmrrd future opposition from rt-idem* arv-nd *ueft utfillmc profccta.
"Fecpie b.xxmx* used to vacant lands around them, aad come la
think of II os open f pare, when H really to ondeteloped land la private ownership." sad Cdy Xiao-ogrr George Fellow*
Councilman Frier SwsemN said council should erpect *musit ion from rostdenu, "but well bare to cha'ge some Ideea."
"bometimea It may net be economical for a developer to build single-family homes In a ungte-farrulv neighborhood. Sometimes multifamily developments are the only economical development,” he aad
But ho said such dcvttopmcrjs — and even ctm.mere.al bw*««iici — art "not necevswily Mtrvmpai.ble in a residential neighborhood "
He said council should roslut that "all infilling projects art going lo mrreaie :ra/l< on sums arounc It." and that ihiscwrr.me-Jy rued argument by disapproving rtsi-drnu should be discounted Such billies with oe; tier hood poupa may Mcrrase, as miUlrng HM-l/ dors
The co-nrll wib be fared wna balaKMig these concerns: res.-denu' mirrcata m oresorrmg Lh*w oeignborbauds, and the tuvmgs to the city and Ita Uipwers though the rcsoomia of infilling. ^
Coaotto-Tologropt Caionflo Spring» Colorado 6/V79


97
but the interface with the City Council and the external environment
through community interest groups is also significant. Policy gestation forms the third leg of the three-legged stool which a city manager stradles in the arena of public administration process of policy formation.
a. Author's Memo to Planning Director (June 14, 1979) - The net effect of the City Council's action was to "buy time" for the City Administration to more carefully analyze issues and develop a policy recommendation which might take into consideration different variables. The author's memo to the Planning Director once again re-enforced the modified matrix management model as outlined in this dissertation.
The function of such memo6 was to establish a basis for understanding between the individuals who share responsibility for executing a work plan. This memo focused on the Planning Department's responsibility to identify several land use sites which were to serve as examples for the departments to analyze in terms of their assets and liabilities as an infill site with a specific land use hypothetically designated.
A timetable was proposed to enable the City Council to have an urban Infill policy reconmendation by the end of the year. However, this timetable was extended in the fall of 1979. (See Appendix C.)
b. Author's Memo to City Manager (July 18, 1979) - This memo explained the extension of time on the basis of the extra demands upon departments during certain phases of the budget cycle. The Planning Department had identified six sites for departments to analyze. In addition, as a part of the discussion (which was not attended by the City Manager) the Infill Task Force determined that external input from private developers would be helpful. Therefore, it was agreed


that the Planning Department would contact several prominent
local developers end Invite them to meet with the Infill Task Force In August 1979. It was felt that three major developers probably were not only representative of the attitudes of most developers in the community, but also that they provided strong leadership in responsible development practices within the community. (The author's memo is presented in Appendix D.)
c. Infill Task Force Meeting with Developers (August 10, 1979) -The Planner assigned to work with the author on the Infill Policy Formation Project, summarized the meeting with the developers.
That summary appears in full on the following pages. (Exhibit 6.) The City Manager did not attend this meeting, but was briefed verbally and through the notes taken by the Planner. Like the Task Force efforts in Phase One, the insights gained from this meeting with the developers were not new and startling. However, the meeting provided a means of consolidating information and perceptions as well as providing the developers with assurances that the City Administration was interested in incorporating their expertise and concerns into the policy formulation process.
d. Infill Task Force Meeting: Agenda (October 31, 1979) - This meeting gave the Infill Task Force an opportunity to reconvene after the major budget cycle efforts had been completed. The author and the Planner had been working unilaterally with various staff members within the departments to revise the buck slip and to experiment with it by reviewing the six sites chosen by the Planning Department. The City Manager's attention turned to determining when the City Administration felt it could finalize a policy recom-
mendation to City Council.


Exhibit 6 -i
City Staff:
Developers:
WflU MEET1MG B-30-71 1:30 City Manager's Conf. Soon
Ring*, Boyar, Scott, Hatmlng, Owsley, Millar, Phillips and Schenk
Scbuck, Shepard, and Schooler
Developer consents on infill -
There are often political battles over developing an infill alta because the existing neighborhood typically opposes any development.
If City Council la serious about supporting Infilling, It must subwit to these political r^nmlflcatlons.
A lot of Infill sites are avoided by developers because of some specific high priced development aspect; If City would front end costa for these kinds of problems; prlvatt development industry could more easily handle Infill In 1fa normal way of development.
Sone of these Infill sites have simply been poorly marketed. The Conover property value peaked and diminished before the entire site was marketed. Before Its service area was established, otheT more attractive commercial sites were developed making the Conover site service area too small. The Citadel vaeant land la caused In part by architectural controls desired by land owners r too expensive to build.
The larger the Infill site the more the "Kisalea** of development era â– ideated. It la not worth it on a small scale.
S
Some sites (Conover) have been an Individuals Iff* long development project--Timing becomes a problem. Its difficult to have s broad policy for Infilling sines each site Is unique. Each alta should be evaluated and a proposal made on the basis of Its specific problems.
<*•
City Council should use cost savings and Infill site development to Cltv as Justification for Incentives given to private development Industry. City should use cost/benefIt analysis like private developers - if benefits out-weight cost ... do it.
Densities will have to be increased on Infill sites which may present political problems for City Council. But this Increased density will aid In mass transit utilization and a general reduction of energy consumption.
pAti
Mult-Family development will again be Increasing In about five year because of energy eoneems, this will aid Infilling If M.F. la acceptable. City should be ready for this and prepare for resistance from existing resldentt near Infill site. The Wood Brothers and Che Barber & Yergtson Ban Miguel/ Hancock project are examples where the City would not "bite tirv bullet".
The City's Interest In Infilling la timely because there Is time to prepare for the Multi-Family rush and energy crunch ramifications on infilling sites.
Staff should: 1) Identify sites 2) form plan for future use 3) identify and quantify costs v.s. benefits of each Individual site (some common elements may exist from site to site for general policy formulation) then City should set goals and thence priorities on sites for focusing development.
Manipulating development thru utility rates could have F.U.C. problems -If anything rates should be lowered to encourage, but never raised to discourage.


100
Exhibit 6-2
Indirect incentive* do not work, (such as restricted annexation policy) development will continue to occur on fringe of City Units (Knob Hill as exannle) and these become problems for the City eventually. Controys on fringe urban area growth are Inflatlonary, claapa supply, and creates nonopolys.
Constraints on new construction will tend to rolao rotes on existing stoek possibly eliminating the low end home owner or renter.
City should begin to educate nubile and development Industry on Infill concept - its costs and Its benefits.
Some developers ore '‘Land Developers" (turn over raw land as quick as possible), others are "11DC. Developers" (Turn raw land to land usoa and structures), others arc Just property owners, others are a combination of above.
Zoning regulation modIfleatIons could create infill incentive (like lowered parking requirements If near mass transit, ate.).
Incentive program can be defended on the basis of "Public Interest" l.o. same os split shore improvement district concept.
Notes prepared by:
Larry Manning, Planner
Colorado Springs Planning Department