Citation
Max Goldberg and the Jewish Community of Denver

Material Information

Title:
Max Goldberg and the Jewish Community of Denver
Creator:
Chariton, Owen P.
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( Master of arts)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of History, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
History
Committee Chair:
Noel, Thomas J.
Committee Members:
Foster, Mark S.

Notes

Abstract:
Max Goldberg of Denver (1911-1972) was an important leader not only in Denver's Jewish community, but for the entire city and even statewide. In publishing, broadcasting, business, community service and politics, he left indelible impressions that are still felt decades after his death. Goldberg's life was in numerous ways representative of the Jewish experience in Denver. His boyhood as the child of immigrants in the West Colfax neighborhood typified what many of his contemporaries experienced. As an adult, Goldberg continually promoted good relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish communities of Denver. His professional life in several fields of endeavor included this ideal. Goldberg was committed to his Jewish faith and culture. As a business leader, he also was part of the broader secular community. Having firm footing in each placed Goldberg in an excellent position to try to bring them together.

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Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of copyright holder or Creator or Publisher as appropriate]. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

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Full Text
MAX GOLDBERG AND
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF DENVER by
Owen P. Chariton
B.A., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1995
A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History
2004


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by Owen P. Chariton has been approved by
f\pr\ l 1L0O4
Date


Chariton, Owen P. (M.A., History)
Max Goldberg and the Jewish Community of Denver Thesis directed by Professor Thomas J. Noel
ABSTRACT
Max Goldberg of Denver (1911-1972) was an important leader not only in Denver's Jewish community, but for the entire city and even statewide. In publishing, broadcasting, business, community service and politics, he left indelible impressions that are still felt decades after his death.
Goldberg's life was in numerous ways representative of the Jewish experience in Denver. His boyhood as the child of immigrants in the West Colfax neighborhood typified what many of his contemporaries experienced.
As an adult, Goldberg continually promoted good relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish communities of Denver. His professional life in several fields of endeavor included this ideal. Goldberg was committed to his Jewish faith and culture. As a business leader, he also was part of the broader secular community. Having firm footing in each placed Goldberg in an excellent position to try to bring them together.
in


Unlike some children of immigrants, Goldberg was able to adhere to the traditions of his heritage and at the same time be utterly contemporary in his professional life. It is a rare combination and makes him a notable figure in the history of his community.
This abstract accurately represents the contents of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.
Signed
IV


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My thanks go to the faculty and staff of the Department of History for their guidance and understanding. I owe a special debt of gratitude to the family and friends of Max Goldberg. Their encouragement, accessibility and support made this thesis possible.


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. GROWING UP IN WEST COLFAX........................ 1
Notes to Chapter 1............................... 14
2. THE SPORTSWRITER................................ 17
Notes to Chapter 2............................... 27
3. RADIO DAYS...................................... 29
Notes to Chapter 3............................... 45
4. THE MAX GOLDBERG ADVERTISING AGENCY............. 48
Notes to Chapter 4............................... 64
5. PHILANTHROPY, FUNDRAISING AND ROSE HOSPITAL..... 67
Notes to Chapter 5............................... 82
6. PIONEERING IN TELEVISION........................ 85
Notes to Chapter 6............................. 109
7. THE DENVER POST COLUMNIST.......................112
Notes to Chapter 7...............................129
8. THE INTERMOUNTAIN JEWISH NEWS...................132
Notes to Chapter 8...............................151
9. FAITH AND FAMILY................................154
Notes to Chapter 9...............................175
10. MAX GOLDBERG’S SIGNIFICANCE.....................178
Notes to Chapter 10..............................199
BIBLIOGRAPHY..............................................202
vi


CHAPTER 1
GROWING UP IN WEST COLFAX
The old railroad tracks are still there. They run west through the city, crossing the South Platte River at 13th Avenue and continuing out to Lakewood and Golden. Although they have lain idle since 1953, these tracks were for nearly five decades the route of the Denver & Intermountain Railway. As it rumbled along West Howard Street on its run between Denver and Golden, the D & IM passed through one of Denver's most colorful neighborhoods. West Colfax, or "Under the Viaduct," was home to a vibrant Jewish community that was nearly as old as the city itself. This was the neighborhood in which Max Goldberg was bom and raised.
Jews have been an integral part of life in Denver since its founding. Hyman Z. Salomon, a German Jew, arrived in February, 1859, soon to be joined by his brother Fred. By fall, there were enough Jewish citizens to form a minyan, a quorum of ten adult males, to celebrate Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year. For the small but prominent Jewish community the Denver Town Company authorized the donation of a large plot of land and "not less than $700" to the Hebrew Synagogue "provided they build a house of worship in Denver City within eight months."1 These early residents were Reform Jews who were generally well assimilated into American life and well regarded by their neighbors for their contributions to the
1


growth of the city.
The Jewish population in Denver began to grow markedly in the 1880s. Increased persecution in Eastern Europe was driving many destitute Orthodox Jews to flee their shtetlach (singular shtetl), the impoverished villages in which most lived during the nineteenth century. Hundreds of thousands settled in overcrowded slums in large cities of the American East Coast and Midwest. There they found jobs in sweatshops and factories, but they also found squalid conditions that led to the spread of contagious diseases. The most dreaded of these was tuberculosis, called the consumption because it consumed its victims' lungs. With its healthful climate and its reputation for opportunity, Colorado was a magnet for those seeking to escape this "white plague."
The newly arriving consumptives aroused suspicion even among other Jews. Many in the Reform community were wary of these practitioners of Orthodoxy, who came to Denver with their old world customs, their strange Yiddish language, dire poverty and poor health.3 While the more affluent Reform Jews tended to live in East Denver, the Orthodox East Europeans settled on the west side along Colfax Avenue. As the community grew, word of its relative prosperity found its way to the eastern seaboard. In several eastern cities, meanwhile, the swelling immigrant population was becoming unmanageable, plagued by congestion, unemployment, and illness. To alleviate these, organizations such as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society in New York and the Jewish Alliance of America in Philadelphia sought to
2


distribute immigrants throughout the country. They found Colorado one of the places appropriate for relocation.4
Among those who undertook the long journey to Colorado, first by steamship and then by rail, was Yechiel Goldberg. Leaving his family home in Brest-Litovsk, Lithuania, Yechiel joined his brother Shimon in Denver in June, 1894. Back in Brest-Litovsk, meanwhile, the Goldberg family was arranging with their neighbors, the Tabatchniks, for Yechiel to marry their young daughter, Anna. Such arranged marriages were not uncommon at the time, and Anna Tabatchnik, age sixteen, arrived in Denver in a boxcar late in 1894.5
The West Colfax neighborhood to which she came was bustling with activity. Synagogues, schools, and shops lined the streets. Orthodox Jews from various areas of Europe each established their own institutions in order to remain spiritually and emotionally connected to their homelands. Despite their differences, however, the disparate groups shared a larger sense of community as they all struggled with the adjustment to life in a new country.
Yechiel Goldberg soon adopted an American name, Charles. His wedding to Anna Tabatchnik was an event of note for the entire community. Some seventy-five years later, Max Goldberg wrote, "Those who saw the wedding told me that guests filled the hall and others stood outside hoping to get a glimpse through the windows of the beautiful bride who had come from the old country."6
The following year, Charles and Anna Goldberg became parents of a
3


daughter, Libby, the first of their nine children.7 With the birth of each child, their home became increasingly crowded and hectic. Hourly, the small frame house rocked as the D & IM train barreled past it down West Howard Street. More than just a residence, this was also where Anna delivered seven children, since hospitalization was a luxury the family simply could not afford. The home was also a workplace. Charles was a peddler of gunnysacks, and evenings would often find Anna and her daughters sitting beside the piles of sacks in their living room, sewing and patching them for sale the next day. In the morning, Charles would load the sacks and begin his rounds. The dirt streets of West Colfax saw few automobiles in those days. A more common sight was Jewish men such as Charles Goldberg peddling their wares from horse-drawn wagons.
By 1910, the Goldbergs had scraped together enough money to purchase a small home at 1420 Paul Court, just around the comer from their previous residence. Also living in the neighborhood was Dr. Morris Krohn, a young Jewish physician. Dr. Krohn eventually helped to deliver more than 2500 babies, sometimes for as little as fifty cents, often for nothing.8 Early on the morning of October 19, 1911,
9
Dr. Krohn assisted Anna as she gave birth to her eighth child, Max.
Like most of their neighbors on Paul Court, the Goldbergs practiced Orthodox Judaism. Preparation for their weekly observance of the Hebrew Sabbath, Shabbos, began on Friday afternoons. The process made an indelible impression on young Max, who later recalled:
4


Poor though it was, our home took on a certain elegance each Friday as the family prepared for the celebration of Shabbos. The place was filled with the fragrance of chicken soup on the stove, chickens roasting in the big pans, and the challahs-sometimes as many as twenty of the delicious braided white breads-baking in the oven. Seldom was there anything in our home that came from a bakery.
The dough for bread was laboriously kneaded by my mother's strong hands; the taste of the final product was incomparably good. When the twilight of the Sabbath evening came, faces and hands were scrubbed, the best clothes were worn, white linen covered the table and there was an atmosphere of peace, happiness and beauty pervading the household as Mother recited the traditional prayer after lighting the Shabbos candles.10
Charles Goldberg attended Congregation Mogen David, better known as the
Glazerlach shul, on the South Platte River at West 14th Avenue. There he prayed
with his countrymen from Brest-Litovsk. He took his sons along to learn to read and
write Hebrew and to learn the customs and traditions of their ancestors.
Alongside his strong religious commitment, however, was an equally strong
commitment to being an American. Charles became a naturalized citizen in 1900,
just six years after his arrival in this country.11 While Yiddish was his native
language, he insisted that only English be spoken in the home. His daughter Rose
remembered him explaining this to his children:
He wanted to learn how to read English and how to talk English and we shouldn't talk to him in Jewish. We should just talk English...He said, "I'm dealing with goyim [non-Jews] and I want to be able to understand." So, we had to talk English.12
Charles' income from peddling gunnysacks barely supported the family, and
5


the children helped supplement it with jobs of their own. Daughter Libby took a job in a candy factory, where she was sometimes able to sneak out treats for her siblings. Rose, the second daughter and third child, worked sewing passbooks for local banks. Between these two girls was William, the oldest of the six Goldberg boys. At a young age, he went to work hawking The Denver Post and bringing home the pennies he earned to his mother. All five of his brothers later became newsboys as well.
As it was for many of the immigrants of West Colfax, life was a struggle for the Goldbergs, especially for Anna. Her husband was a stem and demanding man, as recalled by his daughter Rose: "I remember Papa would say, when she would get through [patching his gunnysacks]...he would say, 'Now go and cook!"’13
Charles' strictness was one reason why William left Denver at an early age to seek his fortune in Salt Lake City. When he returned a short time later and announced that he had gotten married, he allayed his father's concerns by assuring him that the bride was Jewish. Charles was so pleased that he had several of his sons sleep outside so that the newlyweds could have their own room during their visit. Max probably was glad to make the small sacrifice for his brother. He once told his future wife, "I've always said that Willie is my idol, and we are as close and fond of each other as you and [your brother] Len are of each other."14 The close relationship between them would later be manifested in numerous ways.
By 1918, Libby and Willie had each married and moved out, but there were
6


still seven children in the house. Late in the year, the influenza epidemic that had been raging worldwide swept through Denver. In October, the city reported nearly 5000 new cases, and the daily death toll commonly exceeded twenty.13 In the Goldberg household, only Anna and Rose escaped illness. Even Charles, who was accustomed to physical labor and was, according to his son Harry, "as strong as an ox,"16 could not escape the dreaded disease—this flu was notorious for killing the young and the able. Charles was stricken on October 28 as the outbreak neared its peak in Denver. He died three days later at the age of forty-four.
Max Goldberg was less than two weeks past his seventh birthday when his father died. He later recalled, "I was too young to realize the full impact of the tragedy that had struck my family. I just could not believe that my father had left me forever."17 Nearly as tragic as the loss itself was the fact that, owing to their illnesses, most of the family could not even attend the funeral. Only Anna and Rose made the trip to Rose Hill Cemetery northeast of Denver to see Charles interred.
If life had been a struggle for Anna before, it would now become more so.
Her husband, supporting a large family on his meager income, left her virtually penniless. For the next week following his death, the family sat shiva, the official period of mourning during which visitors pay condolence calls. When Charles' sister
Edel came, she asked Anna how much money her husband had left. With a gesture
18
toward the piles in her living room, Anna grimly replied, "He left the sacks."
Max and his brothers were thrust into the role of breadwinners. Like so many
7


Jewish boys at the time, they went to work selling newspapers.19 Several of them worked for Jacob "Jake" Sobule (1893-1948), the circulation street manager at The Denver Post.20 William had worked for Sobule earlier and was known as Willie G, a nickname he also used as a promising young boxer. Although Max and other newsboys remembered Sobule as kind and honest, he was an extraordinarily busy and impatient man whose hunchbacked posture earned him the sobriquet "Humpy." In his haste to distribute papers and collect money, Humpy had no time to learn the names of all his newsboys. The Goldberg boys all became simply Willie G's. Nearly eighty years later, neighbors from West Colfax still remember the Goldberg brothers as the Willie G's. Max, the youngest, was Little Willie G. At the age of seven, he embarked upon what was to become a lifelong career in the media.
Among them, the Goldberg brothers covered much of downtown Denver. Louis, two years older than Max, worked at Scotty's News Stand at 17th and Stout, selling out of town papers from a pushcart. Jack worked the comer of 18th and Stout Streets, shouting Denver Post headlines to attract customers. Max was assigned the comer of 15th and California, with brothers Harry and Morris also nearby. The Post sold for two cents per copy in those days, with the newsboys paying one cent each and making a profit of one cent per paper sold. Fifty cents was considered a good day’s take, and Sundays, when the paper sold for five cents and the newsboys kept two cents per copy, could be especially lucrative. At day’s end, the Goldberg boys would make their way home weighted down and jingling from the
8


pennies filling their pockets.
Young Max quickly learned about the news business. Neither television nor radio had yet arrived, so newspapers were the public's main source of information. The competition among them was fierce, with The Denver Express, The Denver Post, Denver Times and Rocky Mountain News all vying for readers. When major stories broke, Frederick G. Bonfils and Harry H. Tammen, the flamboyant owners of The Post, were quick to put out extra editions. "Humpy" Sobule and other circulation managers would go to Cheltenham, Fairview, Villa Park and other schools, where, with the assistance of the principals, they would pluck the newsboys from class and bring them downtown to hawk the papers.21 On November 12, 1918, all the papers ran extras announcing the armistice that ended World War I. Max, just seven years old and still reeling from the death of his father less than two weeks earlier, later admitted, "I was too young to know much about the war, but the moment I hit the street with that extra I knew something very unusual had happened." Aside from the joy and spontaneous celebrations he witnessed, he also noticed that papers sold incredibly fast. Many customers plunked down nickels and left without their change, providing him a veritable windfall. Even a seven-year-old could easily understand that big stories meant big money.
The lesson was reinforced the following summer. On July 4, 1919, Jack Dempsey knocked out Jess Willard in Toledo, Ohio, to become the world heavyweight champion. Again, Max profited from the tremendous public interest in
9


the story, particularly since Dempsey was a native Coloradan. More significantly, it was his first exposure to the great Manassa Mauler, a national hero who later helped Max launch his career and became a lifelong friend.
Faithfully, each evening Max and his brothers emptied their pockets onto the table as their mother counted the pennies. Despite her financial struggles, Anna Goldberg was a doting mother who did whatever she could to please her children. She knew what foods each of them preferred, and usually tried to prepare individual meals to suit them. Her son Harry, however, remembered one episode when Max was not pleased with his meal.
After a particularly good day, when he had brought home some seventy-five cents, Max told his mother that he wanted something special for supper. A few minutes later, seeing the plate put before him, the disappointed Max lamented, "For seventy-five cents you're making lokshen and bebelich?!" In those difficult times, even seventy-five cents could not get him more than a plate of noodles and beans! Still, Max appreciated his mother's efforts, and he was a loving son. During the summers it became his custom to withhold two pennies from each day's earnings in order to treat his mother to an ice cream cone in the evening, a kindness still remembered by Paul Court neighbors many decades later. She could afford few other pleasures, and son Harry stated, "The only relaxation she had was when we brought home enough money to feed the children."23
By age twelve, Max was a veteran newsboy who had experienced both
10


triumphs and travails on the job. Although he was forced to grow up quickly, he was still just a boy. Two men took advantage of this, and of his family loyalty, one day when he was selling extras. Running up to his comer, they shouted, "Willie, Little Willie G, your brother's hurt in the alley. Come with us." Max, of course, immediately ran to the alley to aid his brother, but the call for help was a ruse. One of the men held his arms while the other robbed him of his money. Their take was about eighty-five cents. Max's profit from four hours of shouting and hustling. While the theft of his money was a serious blow, it was not nearly so painful to Max as the loss of innocence it represented. He remembered, "It was a sad day for me, and when I came home and told my mother about it I just about cried."24
Selling papers had its happy moments, too. The Post often ran contests for its newsboys, with Humpy Sobule calling out questions and the newsboys trying to answer correctly. Several times Max won the quarter prize, and once he even earned a free trip to the Eldorado Springs resort northwest of Denver. He also had the chance to demonstrate his leadership early on, becoming president of the "Newsboys' Club" at the age of twelve. Founded by B'nai B'rith in 1905, the club was an attempt to reduce the juvenile delinquency plaguing West Denver.25 Max got to meet Post publisher Frederick G. Bonfils, who annually presented the new president with a badge. Years later, the two would meet again and Max would remind him of this
first encounter. Even the gruff Humpy Sobule was remembered fondly. Max said
26
that "Humpy was like a father to all the boys who worked for him."
11


While he learned the newspaper business, Max was also learning of a fledgling young medium that would soon come to prominence. In a comer of the Goldberg living room was a small table where Max sat with his schoolwork and his books. Also on the table was a crystal radio set, precursor to the vacuum tube radio soon to become a fixture in millions of American homes. As he hunched over it, Max worked diligently to find a signal that was audible above the crackling static of his primitive set. When he did, the sound of human voices coming into his home through the airwaves affected him greatly. He sensed the unique power of this new means of communication. In the 1940s he developed a similar sense about television, and he went on to a career in which his creativity and pioneering work influenced the growth and development of broadcasting in Colorado.
Max attended Cheltenham School at West Colfax and Irving Street, and Villa Park School at 8th Avenue and Hazel Court, both Denver Public Schools. His schooling and his newspaper hawking were interrupted frequently by a series of childhood illnesses including flu, scarlet fever, and chicken pox. Dr. Morris Krohn, who had delivered Anna Goldberg's children, knew of the family's poverty but graciously treated Max anyway. Sometimes he accepted one of Anna's delicious meals as payment, but often he received nothing more than her heartfelt gratitude. When Max contracted diphtheria, he was quarantined at Steele Hospital at West 7th Avenue and Cherokee Street, Denver's facility for children with contagious diseases. Several times a day, in a display of kindness and devotion which Max never forgot,
12


his mother visited him. Years later he recalled:
Better than medicine were the Sunday comics...My mother brought them to me, trudging more than two miles from our home to the hospital in order to see me through a window from the sidewalk.
Diphtheria was a dreaded disease and no visitors were allowed inside the building.28
Max's illnesses were all followed by rapid recoveries, so despite them he had an active boyhood. As an adult, however, he would suffer from more serious health problems.
This, then, was the childhood that shaped Max Goldberg. He learned the joy of belonging to a large, loving family, and the grief that the loss of a family member brings. He learned to love and to adhere to his Jewish heritage, but to respect the heritage of others. He spent many hours with his neighbors, the Ballejos family, who taught him to speak Spanish. Later in life Hispanic leaders in Denver would hail him as a friend of their community. He learned the meaning of responsibility, contributing to his family's income at age seven, and he learned how to hustle. He also learned that people want information, and that those able to communicate it earned both money and respect. Communication would become his profession.
13


NOTES TO CHAPTER 1
1. Denver Town Company Minutes. December 26.1859, quoted in Allen D. Breck,
The Centennial History of the Jews of Colorado, 1859-1959 (Denver: The Hirschfeld Press, 1960), p. 10.
2. Irving Howe and Kenneth Libo, How We Lived (New York: Plume Books, 1981); and Neil M. and Ruth Schwartz Cowan, Our Parents' Lives (New York: Basic Books, 1989) are two of the numerous histories of Jewish immigration to America.
3. For more on Jewish consumptives and the relations between the Reform and Orthodox communities in Denver, see Jeanne Abrams, "Chasing the Cure: A History of the Jewish Consumptives' Relief Society of Denver," Ph.D. diss.. University of Colorado, 1983.
4. Mark Wischnitzer, To Dwell in Safety (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1948), pp. 73-74; Ida Uchill, Pioneers, Peddlers and Tsadikim (Boulder CO: Quality Line Printing, 1957), p. 171.
5. Rose Barnett, videotape interview with Charles (Chuck) Goldberg, Denver CO, May 18,1988, courtesy of Charles Goldberg. Hereafter cited as Rose Barnett interview.
6. Max Goldberg, 1972, untitled typed manuscript in possession of the Goldberg family. Max Goldberg had begun this autobiographical manuscript shortly before his death. There are two versions of it, a rough draft and a revised copy, which were discovered by his daughter, Mrs. Dorothy Goldberg Scott, in 1996. Hereafter cited as Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
7. The nine children are, in birth order, Libbv (1896-1990), William (1897-1993), Rose (1900-1996), Harry (1903-1998), Morris (1904-1994), Jack (b. 1906), Louis (1908-2000), Max (1911-1972), and Florence (b. 1913). Anna Goldberg also had at least two miscarriages.
8. Ida Uchill, Pioneers, Peddlers and Tsadikim (Boulder CO: University Press of Colorado, 2000), p. 170. This book contains a wealth of information, as well as wonderfully colorful and evocative descriptions of Jewish life in Denver and elsewhere in Colorado.
14


9. Years later, a fire at the home burned Max's birth certificate and for many years he was unsure of his true date of birth. Denver Public Schools recorded it as August 31, 1911, but his 1928 application to the University of Denver has September 5, 1911. On a 1949 passport application, he gave it as June 14,1910. A short time later, he discovered through Dr. Krohn's records that the correct date was in fact October 19, 1911.
10. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
11. Max Goldberg, U.S. Passport Application #154011 (April 2,1954), Goldberg Papers, box 12.
12. Rose Barnett interview. May 18,1988.
13. Ibid.
14. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, March 29,1935, Goldberg papers, box 9.
15. Rocky Mountain News, Nov. 4, 1918, p. 4. For more on the flu epidemic see Stephen J. Leonard, "The 1918 Influenza Epidemic in Denver and Colorado," Essays and Monographs in Colorado History No. 9, Denver: Colorado Historical Society, (1989), pp. 1-24.
16. Harry Goldberg, videotape interview with Charles (Chuck) Goldberg, Denver CO, May 18,1988, courtesy of Charles Goldberg. Hereafter cited as Harry Goldberg interview.
17. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
18. Rose Barnett interview. May 18.1988.
19. Breck, Centennial History, p. 112 and p. 114, cites sources which estimate that 80% to 97% of newsboys in Denver during this era were Jewish. These seemingly high figures probably referred only to the downtown and West Colfax areas, not the entire city.
20. During Jacob Sobule's thirty-two year career at The Denver Post, he earned the respect, love and gratitude of hundreds of newsboys to whom he was a boss, a teacher and a father figure. See obituaries in The Denver Post, October 18,1948, and the Intermountain Jewish News, October 21,1948.
21. Jack Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, April 24,1997; Uchill,
15


Pioneers, Peddlers and Tsadikim, pp. 154-155.
22. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
23. Harry Goldberg interview. May 18,1988.
24. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
25. Breck, Centennial History, p. 114.
26. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
27. Rose Barnett interview, May 18, 1988.
28. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
16


CHAPTER 2
THE SPORTSWRITER
For many children of immigrants, sports and games were more than a mere diversion—they were a means of assimilating, of gaining acceptance into American society. For a lucky few, such as boxer Willie Goldberg, they even became a source of income.1 Max Goldberg, his youngest brother, became involved in athletics at an early age. He and the other Jewish children of West Colfax played baseball in Bloomfield Park at West 13th Avenue and Decatur Street, later renamed Rude Park in honor of philanthropist Isadore Rude (1875-1941). Sometimes they played on the hard-packed dirt of Paul Court. When they traveled to other neighborhoods to play teams of Irish, Italian or German boys, anti-Semitic heckling occasionally precipitated fights, but these rarely escalated beyond youthful fisticuffs. Basketball too was popular. In 1923, Max and some of his West Colfax friends joined the Peerless Athletic Club team, playing other amateur clubs and high school teams
from throughout the area. This close-knit neighborhood team stayed together for
2
over eleven years.
Max enjoyed reading about sports too. Daily he perused The Denver Post to follow the exploits of his hero, the great Babe Ruth. He particularly recalled 1921, when The Post had a big black circle on the front page in which they printed Ruth's
17


home run total daily. Max delighted in checking the circle each day as the figure grew to an unprecedented fifty-nine by season's end.3 His love of sports eventually blossomed into an early career and a lifelong avocation.
Like his brothers before him, Max attended North High School at Speer and Federal Boulevards. While he did so, his work selling The Post continued to occupy a large amount of his time. He joined several extracurricular groups, including the Spanish Club, the Maxwell History Club and the Commercial Club,4 but there is no indication that he was active in any of them. His name is not mentioned anywhere in The North Star, the student newspaper, during the years he attended. However, aside from selling The Post, during these years Max was also reporting the results of high school athletic contests to The Post's sports department. It is easy to understand, then, why his long career in journalism was not presaged by a stint on his high school paper. At an age when his peers were merely practicing reporting, Max was already engaged in the real thing. He tried out for the school debating team, but did not make the grade. Ironically, as an adult "Max turned out to be the most winning, convincing, undeniable advertising salesman."5
At North High, Max developed friendships which were to last the rest of his life, such as with Robert Gamzey. They shared an interest in sports and in writing. Shortly after Max took the helm of the Intermountain Jewish News in 1943, Gamzey came aboard and they worked together for twenty-nine years. First published as the Denver Jewish News in 1913, this weekly newspaper was the official voice of the
18


Central Jewish Council of Denver until Goldberg and Gamzey accepted the Council’s offer to transform it into an independent publication (see Chapter 8).
Under their leadership it became more professional, more profitable and more widely distributed. Their formal partnership lasted until 1965 and survived some serious disputes over finances and editorial policy.
Another close friend was Bernard Diamond, at whose wedding Max was later the best man. Recalling his friend as a high school student, Diamond said, "He was always in a hurry. Max walked fast. He always had something to do. He was always on the go."6 The same could probably have been said about him at any time in his life, as his multi-faceted career and his family kept him constantly engaged.
Other omens of the future began to appear at North High. In his sophomore year, for example, Max earned an A in a typewriting class. For the rest of his life he was an inveterate and speedy typist, pounding out news stories, columns, personal letters and business correspondence at a prolific clip. As a junior, Max took a class in News. Not surprisingly, he got another A. What is surprising, considering his successful career as a journalist and broadcaster, is that he often got C's and D's in English. When he graduated in June, 1928, his academic record was, on the whole, decidedly mediocre.7
Bernard Diamond recalled that "Max was always trying to learn. He always
o
wanted to improve himself." The next logical step for such a young man was college. In September, 1928, Max entered the University of Denver. He registered
19


for fourteen credit hours that first semester, but soon realized that he had taken on too heavy a load. He completed eleven hours, doing especially well in Law of Contracts. The knowledge he gained in this class probably served him well later in life during his many complex business dealings.
Finances forced Max to leave school after that first semester. His tuition alone came to ninety-one dollars, not including books and supplies.9 So he joined hundreds of fellow DU students who took jobs with the Denver Tramway Company. The Evans family, who founded and were major supporters of DU, also were principals in the Tramway Company and facilitated this arrangement. The student conductors worked the trailer cars behind the main trolleys primarily during rush hour, collecting fares and transfers from the passengers. "Trailer hounds," as they were known, earned forty-eight cents an hour, enough to enable many, including Max Goldberg, to continue their education.10 After several months, he had saved enough to return to school in the Fall of 1929. Considering a career in business, he enrolled full-time in the University of Denver School of Commerce. It was his last foray into formal education, and a brief one at that. Less than two months later, still under financial pressure, he withdrew from school and never returned.
Eager to re-enter the world of journalism, Max soon talked his way into a job with the Rocky Mountain News. Starting at ten dollars a week, he toiled for a year as a night police reporter, a position that surely must have exposed him to some of the seamier goings-on about town. He also did some reporting for the sports department
20


under editor Vernon "Curley" Grieve. Clearly, sports was more to his liking, and his
brief crack at it whetted his appetite for more. Max seemed to know that his future
lay in journalism. His stint at the Rocky Mountain News established him as a
reporter who "showed both energy and enterprise,"11 but he was anxious to advance
himself. As his brother Jack explained, Max "wanted to try something new, to see if
he could map out a career."12 In the summer of 1931 he got an opportunity.
Through his sportswriting, Max had become familiar with George V. Manley
(1901-1968), a nationally ranked light heavyweight boxer. Manley had a reputation
for being even wilder and more pugnacious outside the ring than inside. He often
spent his evenings carousing in downtown Denver bars, and more than once was
arrested for his antics. When Max heard that Manley and a friend were driving to
Salt Lake City in a Cadillac convertible, he approached them and asked if he could
ride along. They assented, and Max later recalled the trip:
I sat in the back seat with Manley. When we were about 300 miles from Denver, he suddenly started swinging. I could feel the wind go by when he swung, and a few times he hit me. I couldn't open the door and jump out. I was stuck. Fortunately, we stopped to respond to Mother Nature and I asked the driver if he would mind if I sat in the front seat. "I'm scared to death George is gonna kill me," I said.
"I don't think he would mean to, but he may be a little drunk."
Fortunately, I arrived in Salt Lake safe and sound. I certainly regretted that invitation, though.14
A subsequent ride with another famous boxer would prove to be far less harrowing.
The three oldest Goldberg brothers, Willie, Harry, and Morris, were all living in Salt Lake City. Willie was the proprietor of Horseshoe Billiards at 51 E. Second
21


South, a lucrative business but a tough one. He was equal to the challenge, however, and his boxing experience and reputation probably came in handy. Max moved in with Willie and his wife, Sarah, and their son, Charles, at the Fairmont Apartments at 50 E. 500 South. Morris Goldberg and his wife Augusta also lived in the building, an indication of the closeness of the family. With more than a year's experience at the Rocky Mountain News, Max quickly landed a job reporting sports for the Salt Lake Telegram. There he honed his journalistic skills and built a reputation as a knowledgeable sports writer.
The word which best describes Max's tenure at the Telegram is versatility. He covered stories ranging from those of national interest to the most local and obscure, and no sport was beyond his realm. Of course, he was already well versed in the finer points of baseball, basketball and boxing. His urban upbringing, however, had afforded him little exposure to outdoor activities. Frank K. Baker, sports editor of the Telegram, assigned him to stories that forced him to learn.
Within a few months, he was covering the Utah deer hunting season. His reportorial duties quickly expanded and he wrote about trap shooting, swim meets, handball, and even dog sled racing. Bowling was a popular pastime, and Max had a regular column, "Strikes and Spares," which covered the local scene. As autumn moved inexorably into winter, skiing came to prominence in the sports pages, and Max was there to cover it. He rapidly learned the intricacies of various forms of the sport, and began to develop his own prose style. Here he described a ski jumping
22


competition:
The beautiful picture of faultless form with body bent slightly forward, legs outstretched and hands in a straight line, enabled Nord Nordquist to nose out Calmar Andreasen, Utah amateur champion,
Friday afternoon at Ecker hill in the New Year's ski meet...The stance, form and daring of these semiseasoned jumpers thrilled the huge throng of 700 which came by train, auto and bus to marvel at the incredible nerve of the jumpers.15
Max covered a tremendous array of sports. He reported on professional and amateur wrestling, college football, track and field, fishing, even an annual seven-mile swim in the Great Salt Lake. But his big break came thanks to his brother Willie.
Jack Dempsey lived and trained in Salt Lake City at that time, and Willie knew him well. According to Max, the two had traveled together when they were younger, hopping freight trains throughout the West, and they remained close friends.16 Willie was a lightweight, but the heavyweight Dempsey liked to spar with him to improve his speed and timing. Dempsey was a regular at Vincent's Cafe at 48 E. Second South, just across the street from Willie's billiard parlor. One day Willie took Max over and introduced him to Dempsey, which Max later called "the greatest thrill of my life."17 After this initial meeting, Max was easily able to arrange an interview for his paper. Even though he had by then been dethroned as champion, Dempsey was still one of the most popular and charismatic figures in the country. Max's exclusive interview was a tremendous coup for a nineteen-year-old fledgling
23


reporter.
In April, 1932, several months after the interview, Max was visiting Los Angeles when he learned that Dempsey was also in town. Max telephoned him, and during the conversation Dempsey said that he was planning to drive to San Francisco. Casually and cleverly, Max mentioned that he had never been there, to which the gracious Dempsey responded by inviting him along. The elated young sportswriter met Dempsey at his hotel the next morning to begin the trip. Leaving Los Angeles, the ex-champ played tour guide for his impressionable guest, pointing out the homes of stars like Mabel Normand and Will Rogers. When he noticed that Max had no hat, he remarked, "Everybody in San Francisco wears a hat." They stopped at a haberdashery in Gilroy, where Dempsey picked out a new hat for each of them at fifteen dollars apiece. Handing the clerk a fifty-dollar bill, he told him, "keep the change," and resumed their trip. That Stetson became one of Max's prized possessions, and he warned, "Anybody who touched that hat did so at his own peril!"
Just before reaching their destination, they heard a police siren behind them and pulled over. Without looking at either man, the patrolman wrote out a speeding ticket, then asked for the driver's license. When he saw the name, the surprised officer glanced from the license to the driver and back several times. Sheepishly, he told Dempsey to "kinda watch it, Jack," as he tore up the ticket. Max later recalled, "As the officer waved good-bye, I got the feeling that there was a man who had just experienced one of the great moments in his life."18
24


Max observed countless Dempsey training sessions at the Elite gym in Salt Lake City, and often visited his South Temple Street home. He wrote many subsequent articles on Dempsey for the Telegram, using his personal acquaintance with him to scoop other reporters. He even created a new nickname. Dempsey was known as the Manassa Mauler, for his hometown in southern Colorado, but Max dubbed him the Utah Mauler during his sojourn in Salt Lake City. Soon Max was rewarded with more prestigious assignments, such as previewing the upcoming 1932 major league baseball season. Using personal connections to gamer news and advance his career is a skill which Max developed and utilized to great advantage throughout his life.
America in 1932 was mired in the depths of the Great Depression. For three years it had grown progressively worse, with an average of nearly 100,000 people per week losing their jobs.19 On April 23, 1932, Max Goldberg joined their ranks. Forced into severe budgetary constraints by the failing economy, Salt Lake Telegram sports editor Frank K. Baker released Max, the youngest man on his staff. Although it must have been difficult, it gave Max something for which he probably had been longing—an opportunity to return to Denver.
Max's stay in Salt Lake was not a particularly happy time for him. He did cultivate a passionate interest in golf, which he sustained the rest of his life. But despite his professional progress, he was, simply put, homesick. He missed his family and friends in Denver more than he had imagined. Several years later, he
25


wrote, "I remember when I was in Salt Lake City I used to buy The Denver Post at the first opportunity, and enjoyed it more than I would an outstanding picture
show."20 He confided to a friend, "I was in Salt Lake for nine months, had three
21
brothers there, and still longed for Denver."
Shortly after his layoff, a disappointed but undeterred Max returned to Denver. He brought with him a glowing letter of recommendation from his former employer which lauded him as "a good news gatherer, a hard worker and a congenial employee...a good all around man who can be depended upon to stick on a story until he gets what he's after.""2 At age twenty, after stints with the Rocky Mountain News and the Telegram, he had clearly established himself as a knowledgeable sports reporter and a skilled journalist.
As he would demonstrate throughout his career, Max Goldberg was also an astute observer of the contemporary scene. While print journalism was, and still is, a powerful force in American society, Max sensed the rapidly increasing influence of another means of communication. It was to this new medium that he would next turn his attention.
26


NOTES TO CHAPTER 2
1. Peter Levine, Ellis Island to Ebbets Field: Sport and the American Jewish Experience (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), provides comprehensive coverage of this topic, although it focuses primarily on the East and Midwest.
2. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, October 9,1934, Goldberg Papers, box 9. Some of the other team members were Morris Sapper (captain), Max Gardenschwartz, Louis Streltzer, Red Mendelsohn, Robert Gamzey, Philip Fischer and George Cooper.
3. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
4. The North High School Viking v. 24, June 1928, p. 32.
5. Robert Gamzey, "A Half Century Together," Intermountain Jewish News, November 10,1972.
6. Bernard Diamond, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, April 16,1997.
7. The following staff members at North High School provided invaluable assistance: Kathy Apodaca, records clerk, allowed access to Max Goldberg's transcript; Sue Nichol, librarian, helped locate several school yearbooks; Clarese Boswell, English and journalism teacher, made back issues of the student newspaper available.
8. Bernard Diamond interview, April 16,1997.
9. Transcripts and information on Max Goldberg's college career provided by Peggy Kranak, Office of the Registrar, University of Denver.
10. Kenton Forrest, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, June 16,1997; William C. Jones, F. Hoi Wagner, Jr., Gene C. McKeever and Kenton Forrest, Mile-High Trolleys (Boulder CO. Pruett Publishing, 1975), p. 38; Isadore Rosenbloom, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, July 8,1997.
11. Letter of recommendation from managing editor C.E. Lounsbury of the Rocky Mountain News, May 18,1931, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
12. Jack Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, CO, April 24,1997.
27


13. For more on Manley's colorful life and career see Lee Olson, "They Still Want Me to Fight," The Denver Post Empire Magazine, September 6,1959, pp. 4-5.
14. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
15. Salt Lake Telegram, c. early Jan., 1932. This article and dozens of others Max Goldberg wrote for the Telegram are in a Goldberg family scrapbook, Goldberg Papers, box W-4.
16. For more on Dempsey's youthful travels and the finer points of "riding the rods" see Jack Dempsey (with Barbara Piattelli Dempsey), Dempsey (New York: Harper & Row, 1977); Randy Roberts, Jack Dempsey, The Manassa Mauler (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979). Willie Goldberg on several occasions recounted his adventures with Dempsey to his nephews and other relatives.
17. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
18. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript; Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26,1992.
19. James W. Davidson, et al. Nation ofNations: A Narrative History of the American Republic Vol. II (New York: McGraw-Hill Inc., 1994), p. 959.
20. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, Oct. 9,1934, Goldberg papers, box 9.
21. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, May 16,1934, Goldberg papers, box 9.
22. Letter of recommendation from sports editor Frank K. Baker of the Salt Lake Telegram, April 23,1932, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
28


CHAPTER 3
RADIO DAYS
In October, 1920, radio station KDKA in Pittsburgh received the first commercial broadcasting license ever issued by the U.S. Department of Commerce. Just three years later, over five hundred licensed stations were operating. The number of American homes with radio sets increased from less than 1000 in 1920 to more than 18 million by 1932, and sixty percent of all Americans were listening to the radio.1 As the Depression deepened during the 1930s, more and more people sought solace in the familiar voices emanating from their radios.
Shortly after his release from the Salt Lake Telegram, Max Goldberg returned to Denver and moved back into his mother's modest Paul Court home. He made no secret of his ambition to get behind a microphone, and with the brash confidence of youth he headed for the offices of station KFEL in the Albany Hotel at 17th and Stout Streets. When he asked station owner Eugene P. O'Fallon (1890-1963) for a job, he was flatly denied. Unwilling to accept rejection, Max refused to leave. Instead, he pleaded with O'Fallon and even offered to work without pay. Because he was living at home at the time, Max felt that he could temporarily afford such an arrangement. When he proposed a sports program, he recalled, "O'Fallon chewed on his cigar, looked me over from head to toe and finally said, slowly and I thought
29


reluctantly, 'Well, Max, we’ll give it a try.’"2
Max Goldberg made his radio debut in September, 1932, still not twenty-one years old. On the air, however, he assumed the persona of a more experienced man. He opened his broadcasts with, "Good evening, athletic followers. This is Max Goldberg, your old sports commentator, all set to give you the latest in sports 'hot from the kettle.’" Billing himself as "old" was a savvy move to enhance his credibility. By promising to deliver the "latest... hot from the kettle," he imbued his broadcasts with a sense of immediacy. Three evenings a week the "old sports commentator" was on the air.
More than a mere recitation of scores and statistics, the broadcasts included interviews, commentary and insights into both the local and national sports scene. He took his job seriously, declaring that his purpose "is not only to provide interesting sports programs by interviewing noted athletes and coaches, but also to reveal red-hot sports dope whenever it’s appropriate to do so...given from a purely impartial standpoint."3
Two months into his broadcasting career, Max Goldberg became embroiled in a feud in which he demonstrated that, despite his youth, he was a force to be reckoned with in the Denver sports scene. Jack Carberry (1892-1962) had recently been appointed sports editor of the Rocky Mountain News. In several columns, he harshly criticized local boxing promoter Jack Kanner, claiming that Kanner cheated his fighters out of much of their money. The columns neglected to mention that
30


NOSE. REMEMBER, I MIGHT OBJECT AND PUNCH YOU IN THE NOSE FIRST!! IF YOU HAVE ANYTHING FURTHER TO SAY, I INVITE YOU TO MEET ME IN FRONT OF THE MICROPHONE AT KFEL ON ANY NIGHT I APPEAR, AND I'LL BE GLAD TO ARGUE THE MATTER WITH YOU OVER THE AIR.4
Max spent the next several days researching Kanner's record as a promoter and his relationships with his fighters. On his broadcast of Tuesday, December 6, he quoted from contracts and letters on file with the state boxing commission to prove that Carberry*s allegations against Kanner were untrue. More importantly, he sent an unmistakable message to the Denver sports world—Max Goldberg was not about to let Jack Carberry or anyone else intimidate him. His invitation to Carberry to argue •the issue on the air showed his reasonable and levelheaded approach to the problem. But in responding to the threat of a punch in the nose by saying that "I might object and punch you in the nose first," he also showed that he could fight fire with fire. He even began referring to the editor on the air as "Jack Carberry, F.O.B.," which, he explained, stood for Full of Baloney. There is no indication that Carberry had any further response. He and Max eventually resolved their dispute, however, for in 1960 Carberry was among the first guests on The Max Goldberg Show on television.5
Max appreciated all sports, but, he stated, "I'd rather watch a toe-to-toe boxing match than any other sporting event." He referred to it as "the fine fistic art of massaging each other's chin."6 Re-creations of famous prizefights were a popular feature that he particularly enjoyed airing. He re-created several fights of his friend,
32


Jack Dempsey, including bouts with Jess Willard, Georges Carpentier, Luis "Angel" Firpo, and the famous "long count" battle with Gene Tunney.
As he built his career, Max maintained the friendships he had formed during his boyhood in the West Colfax neighborhood. In fact, he sometimes enlisted the aid of old friends such as Morey Sher and Bernard Diamond. They assumed the roles of fighters, trainers or referees for these re-creations. Both men were happy to assist Max. Of course, it didn't hurt that their assistance involved an enjoyable and
7
prestigious appearance on the radio!
Like aspiring young men in any profession, Max was eager to please and impress his boss, the formidable Gene O'Fallon. He decided to re-create the 1897 heavyweight title fight between champion James J. "Gentleman Jim" Corbett and challenger Bob Fitzsimmons. When he learned that Frederick G. Bonfils, dynamic publisher of The Denver Post, had been present in Carson City, Nevada, for the bout, he told O'Fallon that he wanted to add some realism and color to his re-creation by inviting Mr. Bonfils to appear on the broadcast. O'Fallon was dumfounded. He explained to Max that Bonfils saw radio as his competition, and he refused even to run KFEL program listings in his paper. O'Fallon, in fact, was suing The Post over this issue. "If you tell them you're from KFEL, you'll get thrown down the stairs!
You better not go near him [Mr. Bonfils]," said O'Fallon.
According to Max, "That was all I needed to hear." He immediately marched to The Post offices and arranged an appointment with Bonfils, whom he had first
33


met in 1923 when he was president of the Newsboys Club. Contrary to O'Fallon's prediction, their meeting the next day was amicable and Bonfils expressed interest in appearing on the broadcast. He said he would think it over, and asked the young sportscaster to return in several days for an answer. Max never got his answer. That
Q
week Bonfils fell severely ill, and he died several days later.
The following week, Max got another chance to impress OTallon. Jack Dempsey came to Denver for a visit, and Max met him at Union Station when he arrived. He convinced Dempsey to appear on his radio show that evening at 7:15, and returned to the studio to tell his boss. OTallon was skeptical that Max could land such a big star, but nevertheless he plugged Dempsey's appearance throughout the day. By evening, a crowd of eager fight fans had gathered outside the studio to see and hear the former champ. Max waited anxiously as seven o'clock passed with no sign of his renowned guest. "By 7:14," Max recalled, "Dempsey still had not showed [sic] up at the studio, but at 7:15 a long black Cadillac pulled up and Jack got out and said, 'Here I am’ just as though there was no doubt he was going to come. I drew a deep breath of relief." (Twenty-seven years later, presidential candidate John F. Kennedy elicited a similar sigh of relief, this time for a live television appearance. See Chapter 6).
The drama for the evening had not yet ended. In a prankish mood, Dempsey decided to give Max the old hot-foot on the air. He surreptitiously inserted a lit match into the bottom of Max’s shoe. When it burned to the end, Max said, "I felt a
34


sting in my shoe and I almost emitted some profanity but luckily I didn't." The show ended without further incident, and OTallon was quite pleased with his young sportscaster. Max's only compensation for landing such a prestigious guest, however, was two tickets to the Denham Theater at 18th and California.9
O’Fallon had obtained the theater tickets in a trade deal, a common practice at the time. With so many businesses struggling in the Depression, few could afford to pay cash for their advertising. Instead they paid in trade. OTallon, a well-known fashion buff, was rumored to have kept himself attired in high style through deals with tailor shops. Max Goldberg wore an expensive watch and ring he got via trade with Gensler-Lee Jewelers. He sold advertising time to the Auto Rental Service and thus was able to motor about town in fine automobiles, even though he was "running short of cold cash, something I'll be doing for a long, long time."10 Movie tickets, office furniture, and hotel rooms—including, ultimately, his honeymoon suite at the Park Lane Hotel—were among the other commodities he received in lieu of cash.
Ambitious and enterprising, Max did not limit his efforts strictly to the radio business during this period. Greeting card sales, at which he was only marginally successful, was but one of his various endeavors. He also attempted to become a promoter. In May, 1933, he signed a contract with Jack Seidenberg, another West Colfax product who was a "professional athlete and vaudeville performer." Max was to arrange for "boxing contests, training exercises, vaudeville performances and otherwise" and receive a one-third share of the proceeds. With the exception of one
35


staged wrestling match between "Kid Breakem" and "Kid Shakem," this contract apparently bore little fruit.11
Merchants Park at Broadway and Exposition Avenue hosted motorcycle races on Wednesday evenings in the summer, where Max moonlighted as the public address announcer. He did likewise for the Sunday afternoon auto races at Dupont Speedway, three miles north of the city limits on Brighton Road. Aside from his meager five-dollar stipend, Max enjoyed it "because when those cars swerve around the track, with death preceding them at every mile, it's really something worth watching and getting excited over." He also continued to write about sports. For several months he covered Jewish sports for the Intermountain Jewish News, a duty previously performed by Herman "Patsy" Enger (1907-1967), who was also that paper's business manager. He continued his association with The Denver Post by covering high school basketball games. Bob Gamzey, Max's high school friend and future partner, was a paid Post sports reporter who got a byline on his stories, while Max wrote anonymously and without pay to keep his skills sharp and to maintain his contacts at the paper.13 Taking on numerous duties simultaneously would become a lifelong trademark of Max Goldberg.
Another activity of Max's during this period was staging dances for the Jewish community. He rented spots such as the Coronado Club at East Colfax Avenue and Clarkson Street or Club Lido at 16th Street and Glenarm Place, hired orchestras, and arranged publicity through posters and ads in the local Jewish press.
36


Financially, his efforts were just successful enough to encourage him to continue. Socially, they were an even bigger hit. The West End Press reported that his Spring Dance on March 24, 1935, was "an outstanding success from every point of view , .a brilliant social event long to be remembered."14
If Max ever encountered any anti-Semitism during these formative years of his career, he never mentioned it. He took great pride in his heritage, and frequently raised issues of interest to Jews in his writing and broadcasts. For example, when he interviewed heavyweight contender Max Baer on the air in April, 1934, Max specifically asked about his Jewish background. Baer, who spent part of his childhood in Denver, replied that he was "part Jewish, part Irish, part German, and part a lot of other things."15 Max interviewed "Patsy" Enger, who discussed prominent Jewish athletes in college football and boxing.16 In examining attempts by the American Jewish Congress to have the 1936 Olympics moved from Berlin to protest Nazi policies toward Jews, he demonstrated his ability to confront issues more substantive than sports.17
Long before it became fashionable, Max Goldberg publicized the accomplishments of African-American athletes. Denver product Ham Jenkins, for example, was a light heavyweight contender whose career was shortened by injuries. Max praised him not because of his race, however, but because "he never stalled— was fighting every second—and never complained against decisions. In short, he was a true sportsman, typical of that line of athletes who exemplify the fine qualities
37


of the sport in which they excel." Max also interviewed Harry Polk, "one of the most prominent colored men in Denver." Polk was employed in the Governor's office and for eight years was the physical director of the downtown YMCA. In response to Max's questions, he proudly described the achievements of "the Negro" in various sports, as well as the obstacles Negro athletes faced because of their race.18 Later in his career, Max championed another minority. While hosting a public affairs show on television in the 1950s and 1960s, he was hailed by members of Denver's Hispanic community for publicizing their progress and problems when they had no other public forum.19 Women, too, appeared regularly with the "old sports commentator." Female guests ranged from local church-sponsored basketball teams to world famous Babe Didrikson (1914-1956), a 1932 Olympic gold medalist who, to this day, is widely regarded as the greatest woman athlete in history.
Demonstrating his versatility and public awareness, Max frequently digressed from sports to explore the most pressing issues of the day, the Depression and the attempted recovery. He interviewed Herbert L. Fairall, chairman of the state Civil Works Program that provided jobs for some 25,000 Coloradans. Shortly before the repeal of Prohibition in late 1933, he had State Treasurer Homer F. Bedford discuss how the new tax revenues from alcohol sales would benefit Colorado. The most prominent civic leaders he questioned were Denver Mayor George D. Begole and Colorado Governor Edwin C. Johnson. The young sportscaster apparently made quite an impression on the Governor. Years later, Johnson asked Max to manage
38


several of his campaigns, and they developed a close professional and personal relationship.
Max Goldberg's star was on the rise. In the fall of 1933 he moved from KFEL to rival station KFXF, where he continued to broadcast sports and sell advertising. As he would throughout his career, he kept abreast of the activities of peers and competitors. He watched with interest when Wilford Woody and Jack
Fitzpatrick began a sports interview program on KLZ, an idea which Max believed
20
they took from him.
After Max left, Bill Johnson assumed the sportscasting duties at KFEL. In July, 1934, Johnson announced that he was a personal friend of "Jumping" Joe Savoldi, All-American fullback under Knute Rockne at Notre Dame, and that Savoldi would soon be on his show Professional football was still in its infancy, but college stars were becoming national celebrities. When Savoldi came to Denver several weeks later, however, he appeared on KFXF with Max instead. Obviously pleased at having bested his former station, Max said of Johnson, "Boy, was his face red! He and OTallon will be looking for me with a hatchet one of these days." He never explained how he achieved his coup.
Later that summer, KFXF obtained permission from the federal government to change its call letters to KVOD, which stood for the "voice of Denver." Max reported that he liked the change because "it's easier to say than KFXF."21
His many endeavors not withstanding, an energetic young man like Max
39


Goldberg was not about to neglect his personal life. His familiarity with athletes taught him to value physical fitness, which he pursued in several ways. On Tuesday evenings he played forward for the Peerless Athletic Club basketball team, practicing at the Louise Guldman Community Center at West Colfax Avenue and Irving Street. Rejoined the downtown YMCA at 16th Avenue and Lincoln Street where he practiced his favorite participant sport, swimming. And he made it a point to walk to work each morning, even in winter, covering the two miles from his home to the KFXF studios at 18th Avenue and Glenarm Place in thirty minutes.22
Socially, Max stayed active too, with his acquaintances from the West Colfax neighborhood his primary companions. As was customary among men of the neighborhood, he often spent Saturday evenings at Harry Hyman's Lake Steam Baths at West Colfax and Lowell Boulevard. There he enjoyed the companionship of friends along with a good shvitz. Shvitz is a Yiddish word literally meaning "sweat," or in this case a steam bath. Lake Steam Baths is one of the few businesses from that era still in existence. It is run today by Hannon Hyman, Harry's grandson, in the same location. A favorite topic of conversation among Max and his pals was "the wedding march among the Jewish juveniles,"' as the close-knit group kept tabs on the latest romantic developments among them. Max himself dated several young Jewish women, but never seriously enough to consider marriage—until June 3,1934.
On that Sunday, B'nai B'rith Lodge #171 of Denver held a fund-raising bazaar at its 1475 Williams Street headquarters. At a "kissing" booth there, one dollar
40


bought a kiss—not a smooch from the young lady in charge, but a Hershey's Chocolate Kiss. Running the booth was Miriam Harris, a girl from a prominent East Denver Jewish family. She met Max Goldberg that afternoon, but, she said, "1 didn't really remember him." Several weeks later, at a wedding at Beth Ha Medrosh Hagodol Synagogue at 16th Avenue and Gaylord Street, they met again."4 Max asked her to dance, and as they got acquainted he told her that he was on the radio. "I figured it was kind of a line," she later recalled. She was flattered, nevertheless, that a man several years her senior was interested enough to ask for her telephone number. At 5:25 the next afternoon she tuned her radio to KFXF-920 and heard the "old sports commentator" on the air. When the broadcast ended, her telephone rang
25
and the same voice asked her if she had been listening.
The courtship of Max Goldberg and Miriam Harris then began in earnest. Max was smitten. He told a friend, "Since I met her I don't know anyone else exists and have tom all the other phone numbers of girls out of my book."26 Throughout the summer, the couple enjoyed picnics, dances, movies, parties and all manner of social activities.
They even worshipped together, despite different religious orientations.
While Max grew up in the Orthodox world of West Colfax, Miriam Harris' family
• 27
belonged to the Reform Temple Emanuel, Denver's oldest Jewish congregation.
She invited Max to attend services with her there on Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year. In a statement revealing the insularity of the West Colfax community
41


and the distinctions between the Reform and Orthodox branches of Judaism, Max commented, "It'll be different as I've never been to Temple before but I've always been curious to know how their services differ from ours." They grew steadily closer, yet all the while both knew what loomed come September. Miriam Harris, having just graduated from East High School, would be leaving Denver to attend Linden wood College in St. Charles, Missouri. By that time, however, the bond between them would not be weakened by mere physical distance.
Throughout her year at Lindenwood, Miriam and Max Goldberg corresponded daily, often two or three times a day. Alluding to the ongoing Depression, Max wrote, "We certainly are doing our part toward recovery by aiding in the production of stationery and stamps, aren't we?"29
Their relationship was well known to friends and colleagues. From her dormitory, Miriam Harris wrote, "The girls all kid me around here. Every time we get static on the radio they ask if I am trying to get my boyfriend in Denver." Max got his mail at the KFXF studios, where co-workers teased him about the importance he placed on Miriam's letters. One station employee remarked, "It's a good thing Max got a letter today, or he’d be absolutely useless for the rest of the day, isn't that right, Max?"30
Max remained busy but lonely. In November, he wrote seeking employment to three radio stations in St. Louis, less than twenty miles from Lindenwood, but found no openings in either sales or sports.31 He devised several plans to visit St.
42


Charles but his work never allowed him the opportunity. Despite their desire to be together, the young couple survived the year on letters, an occasional long distance telephone call, and Miriam's visits home during her Christmas and Spring breaks.
June arrived and the long separation ended. Much to the dismay of Miriam's parents, Harry and Minnie Harris, Max persuaded Miriam not to return to school the next year. Mrs. Harris, a graduate of the University of Chicago, was terribly upset at this news and felt that Max was a bad influence on her daughter. For all that she remained cordial to him, an underlying tension lingered between her and Max even after the couple announced their engagement.
The highly anticipated marriage finally occurred on February 12, 1936, at the Harris home at 625 Cook Street. Only immediate relatives attended the intimate ceremony, with Max's older brother Jack the best man. Officiating were Denver's two most preeminent rabbis, Charles E. Hillel Kauvar (1879-1971) of BMH Synagogue and William S. Friedman (1868-1944) of Temple Emanuel.32 After the ceremony, the families celebrated with a dinner at the Park Lane Hotel at 450 South Marion Parkway, an address that would figure prominently in the lives of the
33
newlyweds.
Max Goldberg continued to work in radio long after his marriage. When World War II ended, so too did a ban on man-in-the-street interviews. Seeking a jump on the competition, Max contacted Gene Amole, a young announcer on station KMYR, to help him do such a show. They broadcast their first program on KVOD,
43


"Meet Me at 12:30," from in front of the Paramount Theater on 16th Street on January 2, 1946. Seven years and some 10,000 passersby later, the program ended and Amole noted:
It was my first break in broadcasting, and without Max I probably never would have received it. The program taught me how to think on my feet and how to interview strangers. Max was a great guy to work for. We never had an argument. All these years later, people still come up to me and tell me how they used to listen to my program. I shall always feel indebted to Max for his faith in me/"
Throughout his life, even after television came to prominence, Max Goldberg's interest in radio continued. Always on the lookout for a profitable investment, he checked into stations from Pueblo, Durango, Brighton, Cheyenne and other small cities. As usual, however, he had numerous other interests. His growing family, an advertising business, publishing, writing, fundraising, television and politics were but some of the activities to which he devoted his energies.
44


NOTES TO CHAPTER 3
1. United States Bureau of the Census, Historical Abstract of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975), p. 796.
2. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. Erik Bamouw, A Tower in Babel, A History of Broadcasting in the United States to 1933 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 235-237, states that unsalaried employees were commonplace at radio stations during the Depression. He also states that scores of radio stations across the country were given studio and office space in nearly vacant hotels in return for free publicity announcements.
3. Max Goldberg, transcript of KFEL broadcast, Dec. 6,1932, Goldberg papers, box 7.
4. Max Goldberg to Jack Carberry, November 27,1932, Goldberg papers, box W-4.
5. In 1934, Carbeny jumped to the rival Denver Post, where he worked as reporter, editor and columnist until his death in 1962.
6. Max Goldberg, undated transcript of KFEL broadcast (c. March 1933), Goldberg papers, box 7.
7. Undated transcript of broadcast (c. Fall, 1933), Goldberg family scrapbook, Goldberg papers, box 7; Bernard Diamond interview with Owen Chariton, April 16,1997.
8. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. Bonfils died on February 2,1933.
9. Ibid.
10. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, May 16,1934, Goldberg papers, box 9.
11. Contract and transcript of this broadcast match in Goldberg papers, box 9.
12. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, July 4,1934, Goldberg papers, box 9.
13. Bernard Diamond interview, April 16,1997. See The Denver Post, Jan. 6,1935, sec. 5, p. 5, for an example. Gamzey wrote a bylined story on the North H.S. vs. West H.S. game, while Max's coverage of the Manual vs. East game ran on the same page
45


without a byline.
14. West End Press, March 29,1935. Published by Ben Blumberg, this four-page newspaper covered the West Colfax neighborhood for approximately a year and a half before it ceased publication in August, 1935. Archival copies are in the Ira M. Beck Archives of the Rocky Mountain Jewish Historical Society, University of Denver.
15. Qtd. in the West End Press, April 20,1934.
16. Harry Newman (Michigan), Warren Heller (Pittsburgh) and Aaron Rosenberg (Southern Cal) were All-Americans in the early 1930s and were later inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame. Jewish boxers such as Kingfish Levinsky, Barney Ross and "Slapsie" Maxie Rosenbioom contended for and won numerous championships in the 1930s.
17. Intermountain Jewish News, October 13,1933.
18. Information on Ham Jenkins and Harry Polk taken from undated transcripts of broadcasts (c. 1933), Goldberg papers, box 7.
19. El Tiempo (Denver), July 12,1962, p. 2.
20. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, Oct. 2,1934, Goldberg papers, box 9. Jack Fitzpatrick (1900-1982) went on to a distinguished career as a political reporter in Colorado newspapers, radio and television. See Denver Monthly (March 1980), pp. 55-57.
21. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, undated letter (c. late July, 1934), Goldberg papers, box 9.
22. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, misc. letters, Oct. 1934-Jan. 1935, Goldberg papers, box 9.
23. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, undated letter (c. late July, 1934), Goldberg papers, box 9.
24. Commonly referred to as BMH, this synagogue moved to 560 South Monaco in 1969. In 1997 it merged with Beth Joseph and assumed the name BMH-BJ Congregation, A United Beth Joseph-Beth HaMedrosh Hagodol Synagogue.
25. Miriam Harris Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, November 2,
46


1997.
26. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, June 27,1934, Goldberg papers, box 9.
27. Maijorie Hombein, Temple Emanuel of Denver, A Centennial History (Denver:
A.B. Hirschfeld Press, 1974), is the definitive history of this institution now located at 51 Grape Street.
28. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, Sept. 4,1934, Goldberg papers, box 9.
29. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, March 19,1935, Goldberg papers, box 9.
30. Miriam Harris to Max Goldberg, Nov. 21,1934; Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, Jan. 18,1935; Goldberg papers, box 9.
31. Station KWK to Max Goldberg, Nov. 14,1934; Station KSD to Max Goldberg,
Nov. 16,1934; Station KMOX to Max Goldberg, Nov. 19,1934; Goldberg papers, box
9.
32. Rabbi Friedman served Temple Emanuel for forty-nine years, 1889-1938; Rabbi Kauvar served BMH for fifty years, 1902-1952. Each was an important leader not just in the Jewish community but in the Denver community at large. For more on their influence see William S. Friedman Scrapbook in the Denver Public Library Western History Department; Hombein, Temple Emanuel of Denver, Michael W. Rubinoff, "Rabbi Charles Eliezer Hillel Kauvar of Denver: The Life of a Rabbi in the American West" (PhD. thesis, University of Denver, 1978).
33. Miriam Goldberg interview, November 2,1997; Intermountain Jewish News, February 14,1936.
34. Gene Amole, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26,1992. Amole's career as a popular broadcaster and columnist is familiar to most long-time Denverites. His Rocky Mountain News columns are anthologized in Morning (Denver: Denver Publishing Co., 1983); Amole Again (Denver Publishing Co., 1985); and Amole One More Time (Boulder CO: Johnson Books, 1998).
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CHAPTER 4
THE MAX GOLDBERG ADVERTISING AGENCY
One of the first decisions facing many young newlyweds is choosing where to live. Because they often have limited financial resources, their options may be limited and many temporarily accept housing smaller and seedier than they would like. Max and Miriam Goldberg faced no such dilemma. Their financial condition was similar to most newlyweds, but Max always seemed to have other resources at his disposal.
While establishing himself as a sportscaster. Max also went to work at the Conner Advertising Agency in the RKO Orpheum Building at 1523 Welton Street. Cecil R. Conner (1884-1974) had started his agency in 1912 and by the 1930s was highly respected for his commercial work and especially for his political advertising. With his experience in broadcasting, Max Goldberg soon became the radio director for Conner. Several movie theaters were among the accounts he handled, and during the year the future Mrs. Goldberg was away at college, Max frequently availed himself of the free passes these clients provided. He confessed that his movie going was merely a way "to kill time" until his beloved Miriam returned to Denver.1
With much of his compensation coming in the form of trade, Max's salary was a meager nineteen dollars per week. After his marriage, Conner raised it to
48


2
twenty-two dollars * Even during the Depression, this was barely a living wage. Fortunately, Max still had his radio show, which along with his trade deals allowed him and his new bride to scrape by.
One of the more important contacts Max made was with Paul Stein, manager of the prestigious Park Lane Hotel on South Marion Street overlooking Washington Park. In exchange for announcements on the old sports commentator's show, Stein agreed to give Max and Miriam six month's residence in his hotel. Avis Auto Rental also advertised on Max's program and provided him with a car, a rare luxury for newlyweds in the 1930s.
Because Max had grown up in west Denver and Miriam was from east Denver, their families knew little of each other. Their new address at the Park Lane and the fancy car they rode in led some of Max's friends and relatives to conclude that he had married a very rich girl. Likewise, people who knew Harry and Minnie Harris believed that Miriam had married into a wealthy family. Of course, neither was correct, but the young couple certainly enjoyed their stay at the Park Lane, where they met and mingled with many of the elite of Denver society.3
After six months at the hotel, with Miriam pregnant, the couple moved into a rented house at 1072 Jackson Street. There the first of their four children, Dorothy Lee Goldberg, was bom. Faced with the responsibilities of a family, Max took the bold step of leaving the Conner agency, where he had gained a broad knowledge of advertising, and started his own firm at the age of twenty-five. Conner, who had
49


always treated Max well and was something of a mentor to him, fully supported Max's decision.
The Max Goldberg Advertising Agency (MGAA) was bom as a one-man
operation in a small room in the U.S. National Bank Building at 17th and Stout
Streets in 1936. It had few assets but an old typewriter and the energy and enterprise
of its founder. Over the next thirty years it became a fixture on the Denver business
scene as it handled campaigns for businesses, politicians, and charitable causes. Its
slogan—"Our Copy Clicks"—graced its stationery, its promotional material, and the
following listing in the Denver Business Directory.
"Our Copy Clicks" Newspaper, radio, outdoor, direct mail, street cars, magazines, motion pictures, novelty. We give every client individual attention-the result is Results!4
With the economy of Colorado and the nation still in the throes of the Great Depression, starting a new business was a risky venture. Ironically, Max's first big break was a result of the political climate the Depression created. The severe plight of the elderly in the 1930s drew much public attention. Few workers had a pension of any type, and most worked until they were no longer physically able. In 1934, retired California physician Dr. Francis Everett Townsend proposed a unique plan— a two percent national sales tax to provide a $200 monthly pension to those over age sixty. While his proposal was, in the words of historian David M. Kennedy, "the stuff of shoddy economic fantasy,"3 it did underscore the plight of the elderly and
50


their need for assistance. It helped lay the groundwork for acceptance of the Social Security Act passed the following year.
In November, 1936, Colorado voters approved a pension plan to pay forty-five dollars per month to those over the age of sixty. The Max Goldberg Advertising Agency handled the publicity or the campaign to approve the plan, one of the most generous in the nation.
With this successful start, the agency grew rapidly despite the crowded, competitive field. The Advertising Club of Denver stated, "There are an extraordinarily large number of agencies for the size of the city."6 Yet Max had little trouble gaining or retaining clients. He also worked comfortably with the numerous other agencies in town. Leonard Chesler, a prominent Denver defense attorney who worked for the MGAA for three years in the early 1960s, recalled that the atmosphere was competitive, but "I never sensed resentment from anyone."7
As his agency and his reputation grew, Max Goldberg handled the advertising for some of Denver's best known businesses. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, he simultaneously handled the accounts of Gart Brothers and Dave Cook, the two largest sporting goods retailers in Colorado. Banks, automobile dealers, department stores, homebuilders, retail shops and more were all clients of the MGAA. The Denver Broncos football team, struggling for respectability and survival in its early years, asked the agency for help with its publicity, a task for which Max's sports experience was a definite asset. A complete listing of agency accounts reads like a
51


o
condensed business history of mid-twentieth century Denver.
A unique assignment combining business and charity that Max and his agency tackled was publicity for the 1957 opening of the JCRS Shopping Center on West Colfax Avenue in Lakewood. This retail complex was built by the adjoining American Medical Center, formerly the Jewish Consumptives Relief Society, with the stipulation that all proceeds go to patient care and research in its non-profit facilities. One month after the shopping center opened, the American Medical Center told Max, "We are deeply appreciative of the time, effort and ingenuity you and your agency gave to make our opening one that will long be remembered."9 On the center’s fifth anniversary, store managers unanimously agreed that Max's promotion had led to outstanding sales, and proceeds were already benefiting the hospital and its patients.10
Max later helped to publicize another new shopping center, the Villa Italia Mall on West Alameda Avenue and Wadsworth Boulevard. It was at the time the largest shopping center in the state, and the advertising campaign for its March, 1966, grand opening was correspondingly grand. For Max Goldberg, landing this tremendous account was a reward for the thirty years he had spent building his agency and his reputation among Denver's business leaders.
While commercial advertising was challenging and often lucrative, the MGAA’s specialty was political campaigns. Max’s interest in politics dated as far back as February, 1935, when local politicos had asked him to run for city council
52


representing District 2, including the West Colfax neighborhood. With the election slated for May, Max took some time to ponder his decision.
He considered, among other factors, Miriam Harris's plans. Away at Lindenwood College in Missouri, she was uncertain about returning to Denver during her Spring break in April. Max was determined to see her and vowed to travel to her if she did not come home. Such a trip out of town, however, would have precluded his running for city council since, "...it wouldn't look right for me to be out of Denver and running for a Denver office at the same time."11 His love for Miriam was clearly stronger than any desire to hold office.
Max chose not to enter the race personally, but he did stay involved. He publicly announced his support for the incumbent, Harry Rosenthal, citing his "long hours of ceaseless toil for the good of the West End." Rosenthal, coincidentally, was a close friend of Max's older brother Willie, and Max saw it as a win-win situation. Supporting Rosenthal would please Willie, and Rosenthal, on his part, agreed to try to get Max a political job. Max was optimistic as he wrote, "Some of those political jobs are cinches. That is, they pay good money and they wouldn't even interfere with my radio work."13
While the job never materialized, Max remained interested and involved in politics. Although it is common today for candidates to employ an entire staff of media consultants, Max Goldberg was a one-man operation who helped to define the field in Colorado. In 1938, he approached gubernatorial candidate Ralph Carr
53


(1887-1950) about purchasing radio time and quickly was given the responsibility
for all his publicity. Max orchestrated a successful campaign, and the grateful
governor-elect sent him the following message:
As I consider the factors which influenced my election to this office I can think of none which had a greater part in the final result than the publicity campaign which you handled in my behalf. Everything which was done was perfectly timed, and this was due entirely to your planning and foresight. I want to take this opportunity of acknowledging my appreciation of your good work, and to thank you for your personal interest in my fortunes.
In the 1940 re-election campaign, Max personally broadcast an impassioned speech. He urged voters to ignore party affiliation and re-elect Governor Carr because of his "outstanding ability—the best that the ballot offers—and sincerity that is beyond question."15 Throughout the years, Max followed his own advice. A lifelong Democrat, he crossed party lines numerous times to support Republican candidates, such as Carr, whom he felt were better qualified.
In 1942, Carr opted to challenge popular incumbent U.S. Senator Edwin C. "Big Ed" Johnson (1884-1970). Max again ran his campaign, but in one of the closest races in Colorado history, Johnson edged Carr by a mere one percent. Historians generally attribute Carr's defeat to his resolute defense of the rights of Japanese Americans after the attack on Pearl Harbor had aroused public outrage.16 Max Goldberg remained steadfast in his support of Carr, who afterwards expressed his gratitude:
54


You have stood behind me so faithfully and so courageously in my three campaigns for public office that I must pause long enough at this time to acknowledge your good work and to tell you how much your efforts contributed to the success which I have enjoyed. And when I say success, I include this last campaign, where I was declared the winner. The fact that so many people voted for me in the face of the terrible opposition which was presented counts it as a successful campaign.
Your resourcefulness, your originality, your never-failing energy and your splendid support of me, whether I was right or wrong, is gratifying. There is no bitterness in the soul of any man who is being treated as well as I by friends like you. I am truly grateful.17
Carr expressed his appreciation in practical terms as well. He helped Max secure an advertising agreement with the Colorado Department of Revenue in 1942 that earned the MGAA nearly a thousand dollars in less than six months. The two remained close until Carr's untimely death in 1950.
Ironically, Max's work on Carr's unsuccessful senate bid won the respect and admiration of the opponent, Ed Johnson. When they met shortly after the election, Johnson told Max, "I'm really glad to meet you. It was a tremendous campaign you put on for Carr when he ran against me." In fact, when Johnson ran for his third senate term in 1948 (he had also served two terms as governor and would later serve a third), he asked Max to handle his publicity. Max was pleased and proud to accept.
Johnson had lent much personal assistance to Max during the 1945 drive to build the General Rose Memorial Hospital (see Chapter 5). During World War II he
55


had been an outspoken but, unfortunately, outnumbered advocate of direct American intervention on behalf of European Jewry in its hour of unspeakable anguish.
Johnson served as national chairman of the Committee for a Jewish Army, which sought to establish an independent army of stateless and Palestinian Jews to fight alongside the Allies. He also co-sponsored the 1943 Congressional Rescue Resolution. While this measure never came to a vote in the Senate, the debate it stirred was critical in President Franklin D. Roosevelt's January, 1945 decision to create the War Refugee Board, the United States government's first official commitment to aiding European Jewry.19 According to Max, "He [Johnson] and I became close ..It was the warmest association I've ever had with a political figure—
20
and that includes governors, senators and representatives, mayors and councilmen."
The close association with Johnson, arguably the most popular and influential politician in Colorado for nearly three decades, benefited Max when he became involved in broadcasting. In 1949, Max applied for a full-time license for a radio station in Denver. Senator Johnson was the chairman of the Interstate Commerce Committee, and told Max that he "will be glad to ask chairman of the Federal Communications Commission for expeditious and favorable handling" of the application. Three years later, Johnson helped Max obtain a television license for the Colorado Television Corporation, which began broadcasting in Denver as KBTV-Channel 9 in October, 1952.
President Dwight Eisenhower led a Republican sweep in 1956 and carried
56


sixty percent of the vote in Colorado. With Max's expertise and guidance, however, Democrat John A. Carroll (1901-1983) overcame the President's tremendous popularity in the state and won election to the U.S. Senate. After taking his seat in Washington, he sent Max's eleven-year-old son Harold a personally inscribed book about the federal government. Like Ed Johnson and others, Carroll found that his professional relationship with Max had developed into a warm personal regard for the Goldberg family.
Max Goldberg's lasting influence on politics in Colorado is evident from some of the prominent officeholders with whom he worked. With strong support from Ed Johnson, he helped Lee Knous win the 1946 gubernatorial race. Although he died before Richard D. Lamm won his first term as governor, Max Goldberg was important in Lamm's early political career. In his three races for the state legislature, Lamm called upon Max repeatedly for advice on matters ranging from civil rights to health care to campaign strategy. Max was a member of his "kitchen cabinet," and Lamm recalled, "He generally gave wise counsel...Max knew how the world worked—and why." Others who knew and worked with Max Goldberg frequently
reiterated this opinion.
In Denver, too, Max was involved and influential. City Councilman Roland L. "Sonny" Mapelli hired him in his unsuccessful 1959 bid for mayor. Despite the loss, Max learned much about city politics, and his subsequent efforts in mayoral races were more satisfactory.
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Thomas G. Currigan hired the MGAA during his 1963 mayoral campaign. After winning a preliminary election, Currigan prepared to face incumbent Mayor Richard Y. Batterton in a runoff. A televised debate was arranged which would have exposed Currigan's major weakness. Campaign director George V. Kelly admitted that Currigan, "was not an accomplished public speaker" and that Batterton "could have cut his opponent to ribbons." Once the debate began, however, "Currigan achieved almost a stand-off with his more polished opponent, thanks to grueling and concentrated tutoring" by Max Goldberg. Kelly called Max "an accomplished veteran at getting political results from the magic tube," and his description was borne out when Currigan easily won the runoff. ~4
The campaign w’as over, but the association of Max and Tom Currigan continued. Mayor Currigan frequently called upon Max for opinions and advice on a variety of issues. He stated, "I had great faith in him and he never led me wrong....He was diplomatic but he was always frank."25
Max spearheaded Currigan's triumphant 1967 re-election campaign in which the Mayor handily defeated three challengers. Although Currigan resigned before completing his second term, his administration had a tremendous impact on Denver's subsequent development.26 Without the advice of Max Goldberg, it might not have happened. When it came to politics, Max helped shape the elections that shaped Colorado.
Max was especially proud to work with Jewish candidates. For years, there
58


was a so-called "Jewish seat" on Denver City Council, but conventional political wisdom in Colorado held that Jewish candidates could not win a wider race. Max wanted to disprove that.
Edward F. Pringle was the first Jew ever to serve on the Colorado Supreme Court. In 1962, Max helped him buck another statewide Republican sweep and win a ten-year term."7 Max told Pringle, "...the public can become quickly disinterested in seemingly lengthy political announcements, [therefore] we propose a saturation campaign of identification announcements-ten seconds in length—throughout the state."28 Utilizing Max's strategy, Pringle won the largest margin of victory of any Democrat in Colorado.
Again crossing party lines, Max helped Jewish Republican Sherman G. Finesilver win two campaigns for judicial seats. Although Finesilver aspired to higher political office, Max told him that he belonged on the bench, and Finesilver heeded his advice. He served as a Municipal Judge in Denver County Court, where he earned national recognition for his innovative safety programs. Later he became Chief Justice of the United States District Court and he recalled the man who was so influential in his career:
He had a sense of timing and a sense of propriety. How valuable he would be today...I always marveled how Max, in his down-to-earth way, was so persuasive. And he had fantastic influence. When someone speaks with sincerity, with honesty and with candor, he can have tremendous influence...Max Goldberg made a difference in this community."*
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Shortly after their victories, both Pringle and Finesilver stated that they encountered no anti-Semitism during their campaigns.30
Throughout most of his years of political activity, Max also published the Intermountain Jewish News, wrote his "Side Street" column for The Denver Post, and hosted weekly television broadcasts. It might have been tempting to use these various outlets to promote his own candidates. Nowhere, however, is there any hint of impropriety in his complex career. Those who worked with him testified to his integrity, even in the sometimes unscrupulous fields of politics and journalism. Former Mayor Currigan claimed that Max "would go to extremes to make sure there was no conflict of interest. I would always consider Max most ethical."31 Alexis McKinney was managing editor at The Post for seventeen years while Max wrote his "Side Street" column. He perused all the columns without ever finding anything improper, and believed, "There was not a selfish thing about him [Max]...He was
32
above board, never a conniver."
For all his work in promoting growth in Denver, Max Goldberg's greatest contribution to the community may have been the numerous young people whose careers he helped launch. Although his agency was never among the largest in town, many employees and associates went on to success in advertising and in other fields. They were nearly unanimous in their description of Max as a man who recognized talented people and was eager to help them realize their potential.
In the early 1960s, Leonard Chesler was a young law student who, like Max
60


more than thirty years earlier, left school for financial reasons. He went to work as an account executive for the MGAA and for two years he generated substantial revenue. Nevertheless, Max told him that his real future was in law and convinced him to complete law school. After stints as both a prosecutor and a defense attorney, Chesler built a thriving private practice in Denver and readily acknowledged, "I owe my career as a lawyer to Max."33
Another former MGAA employee is Steven Letman. After graduating from the University of Denver in 1964, he accepted an offer to work for Max Goldberg for seventy-five dollars per week. He remembered his three years at the agency fondly, and he learned much about the business world there that helped him establish his own successful company. Max frequently took him along on business calls and introduced him to people. The situation was ideal for a young man just starting out, and Letman said, "They were real nice to me. I was just a green kid...It didn't matter whether I screwed up because they [the clients] liked Max." He also recalled that Max frequently wore a silver tie bar inscribed with the letters YCDBSOYA. After puzzling over this for some time, Letman finally asked what it meant. Max, whose business experience dated to hustling newspapers as a seven-year-old, told Letman that he had made up the inscription himself. The letters signified something he had learned early in his career: "You Can't Do Business Sitting On You’re A-."34
Connie Gordon was highly complimentary of the treatment she received from Max. She worked at the agency as a copy director and account executive from 1956
61


to 1963. After Max gave her a watch as a holiday gift in 1961, she wrote to him, "I do appreciate your thoughtfulness and moreover, the countless other thoughtful gestures on the part of both you and Miriam throughout the years I have been associated with the agency. So for both the watch and a multitude of other kindnesses, I thank you."35 Her response reveals not only how employees regarded Max, but that Miriam, as always, played a large part in his various endeavors.
After running his advertising agency for more than thirty years, Max Goldberg decided in 1967 to withdraw from it. The time was right, he had concluded, to devote himself full-time to the operation of the Intermountain Jewish News, of which he had been publisher since 1943. Always devoted to his Jewish heritage, his commitment had grown stronger through the years. This increased commitment, his deteriorating health, the 1965 departure of his long-time partner and editor Bob Gamzey for Israel, and his interest in the volatile situation in Israel in early 1967 were all factors in his decision.
Max had been consulting for nearly a year with Creative Services, a company that provided writing, artwork and graphics services to his agency. He developed a close working relationship with its owner, James Bzdek. Although Bzdek was experienced in news and advertising, Creative Services was his first attempt at running his own business. Max again saw the potential in a young man and helped nurture it. He and Bzdek reached an agreement whereby Creative Services would take over the MGAA's clients while Max would continue to receive a share of the
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36
earnings from these accounts. Their relationship was most amicable, and even after turning his accounts over to Bzdek, Max made himself available for consultation.37
Max's selflessness and dedication to the betterment of the community are a common thread in the recollections of those who worked with him and for him. He believed that his obligation as a citizen and as a Jew was to further the Jewish goal of tikkun olam, the healing of the world. On the job, at home with family, or in the community, he worked tirelessly toward achieving that goal.
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NOTES TO CHAPTER 4
1. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, March 3,1935, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
2. Miriam Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, November 2,1997.
3. Ibid.
4. Denver Directory (Denver: The Gazetteer Publishing & Printing Co., 1937-1947).
5. David M. Kennedy, Freedom From Fear (New Yortk: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 239. See also Abraham Holtzman, The Townsend Movement: A Political Study (New York: Octagon Books, 1975).
6. Internal memo from the Policy Committee to the Board of Directors of the Advertising Club of Denver, 1946. Advertising Club of Denver Records, Box 3a, Denver Public Library Western History Department.
7. Leonard Chesler, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, March 11,1998.
8. Client lists from various years found in the Goldberg Papers, box 9 and box 10.
9. David W. Garlett, Chairman of the Shopping Center Committee of the American Medical Center, to Max Goldberg, March 26,1957, Goldberg Papers, box 10.
10. The Denver Post, February 28,1962.
11. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, February 25,1935, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
12. West End Press, May 3,1935.
13. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, March 25,1935, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
14. Ralph Carr to Max Goldberg, Jan. 5,1939, Goldberg Papers, box 10.
15. Max Goldberg, Station KFEL, Oct. 31,1940, and Station KLZ, Nov. 1,1940. Transcript of speech in the Carr Collection, box 3, folder 196, Colorado Historical Society.
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16. See Richard D. Lamm and Duane A. Smith, Pioneers and Politicians (Boulder CO: Pruett Publishing, 1984), pp. 137-145, for a profile of Ralph Carr.
17. Ralph Carr to Max Goldberg, Nov. 6,1942, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
18. Letter of agreement between the Colorado Department of Revenue and the Max Goldberg Advertising Agency, Jan. 23,1942, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
18. David S. Wyman, The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 1941-1945 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984), pp. 84-87, 193-206.
20. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
21. Ed Johnson to Max Goldberg, telegram from Washington D.C., April 5,1949, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
22. The book, The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States of America is in the Goldberg Papers, box 3. It is inscribed:
To Harold Goldberg, April 2,1957 Hello from Washington.
John A. Carroll of Colorado
23. Richard D. Lamm, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, March 4,1998.
24. George V. Kelly, The Old Gray Mayors of Denver (Boulder CO: Pruett Publishing, 1974), pp. 171-175.
25. Thomas G. Currigan, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, March 18,1998.
26. Mayor Currigan resigned on December 31,1968, to take a job with Continental Airlines. For a recap of his administration see Kelly, The Old Gray Mayors, pp. 202-203; also campaign literature in Goldberg Papers, Box 11, Currigan 1967 folder.
27. Pringle's appointment to the Colorado Supreme Court in 1961 was to complete the term of a judge who had resigned. It came forty-five years after Louis D. Brandeis (1856-1941) became the first Jew appointed to the United States Supreme Court. In 1970, Pringle became Chief Justice of the Colorado Supreme Court, a position he held until his retirement in 1979.
28. Max Goldberg to Edward Pringle, MGAA proposal in Goldberg Papers, box 11.
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29. Sherman G. Finesilver, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992.
30. Intermountain Jewish News, November 16,1962.
31. Currigan interview, March 18,1998.
32. Alexis McKinney, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, March 30,1998.
33. Leonard Chesler interview, March 11,1998.
34. Steven Letman, interview with Owen Chariton, Englewood CO, March 18,1998,
35. Connie Gordon to Max Goldberg, December 19,1961, Goldberg Papers, box 8.
36. Max Goldberg to James Bzdek, June 14,1967, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
37. James Bzdek, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, March 14,1998.
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CHAPTER 5
PHILANTHROPY, FUNDRAISING AND ROSE HOSPITAL
In 1948, Max Goldberg declared, "My business is advertising, publicity and promotion."1 It was both a blessing and a curse to Max and his family that he was unable to keep this business separate from his personal life. The blessing was that Max worked hard to promote many good causes, resulting in a legacy of great benefit to the community and tremendous pride for his family. The curse, however, was that these efforts took Max away from home for weeks or months at a time, and left his advertising agency neglected. Many times he took a financial hit while travelling and working for causes he believed in.
His family missed him too, although his daughter Dorothy claimed, "He tried to spend a lot of time with us kids even though he was so busy. I don't remember him being gone that much...So either my mother made up for it fantastically, or he made up for it when he got back. I never felt deprived of a parent." Instead, she remembered a strict but devoted father who drove his children to scout meetings, attended birthday parties and encouraged them both athletically and academically.
With his words and his deeds, he taught his children the importance of charity and service to community. These are essential principles of B'nai B'rith [Sons of the Covenant], the Jewish fraternal organization founded in New York in 1843.
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Max joined Denver Lodge #171, and in 1942 he became chairman of its War Bond Campaign. The initial goal was a seemingly unattainable one million dollars. After quickly achieving it, Max, rather than being satisfied, set a new goal of two million. This ambitious undertaking earned him congratulations from Colorado Senator "Big"
â– y
Ed Johnson in Washington, who lauded Max for his "good old American spirit."
One aspect of that spirit was Max's flair for unique promotions. While B'nai B'rith chapters nationwide were holding war bond rallies, Max planned a more exciting fundraiser. He contacted Hollywood movie mogul Samuel Goldwyn, who graciously agreed to premiere his newest film in Denver. On January 26, 1943, Denverites who had purchased a $1,000 war bond saw Bob Hope and Dorothy Lamour in They Got Me Covered at the Orpheum Theater. The sold out show climaxed the drive. Total bond sales came to $2,715,000, exceeding the amount B'nai B'rith raised in larger cities such as Chicago and St. Louis. The U S. Treasury Department awarded Max a citation "For distinguished service in behalf of the War Savings Program" and recommended that his Denver techniques be used throughout the country.4 Max's reputation as an effective and innovative fundraiser was growing.
Not all of his efforts, however, were without controversy. In 1948, for example, officials of the Denver March of Dimes agreed to pay Max $2000 to handle their annual drive.5 Max employed his by then customary method of getting national celebrities to donate their services. For other campaigns he had brought stars such as
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Edgar Bergen, Eddie Cantor, Jimmy Durante, Bob Hope, A1 Jolson, Danny Kaye, and Sophie Tucker to Denver. This time, he lured Jack Benny, Mary Livingstone and Phil Harris, stars of the top rated radio program in the country. Although they received no compensation for their appearances, the March of Dimes Committee agreed to pay all travel expenses for them and their troupe to broadcast nationally from Denver. Benny, contrary to his carefully cultivated reputation for stinginess, was in fact most generous with his time and services. According to Max, "Benny is the first star I have ever met who, after knocking himself out for a week, said,
' Where else can I go to raise money for the March of Dimes?"’6 The answer was Pueblo, where his appearance raised nearly $10,000 in one night.
The campaign totaled over $105,000, with Max’s fee being less than two percent. Nevertheless, several Denver Post and Rocky Mountain News articles questioned the fee and the amount spent to bring Benny and company to Colorado. Max was irate. He responded, "I make no apologies for my $2000 fee...I have been actively engaged in at least twenty-five drives in the last three years and received compensation for three."7 As for the $10,000 travel bill for Benny and company, March of Dimes State Chairman Roy Erickson claimed, "Colorado received one of the biggest bargains in its history," and cited the huge increase in donations
o t m
attributable to Benny. The Post then changed its stance, vindicating Max in an article that stated "Goldberg's associates in the 1948 campaign said they considered his bill a modest one for the work he did and the time he contributed...the
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importation of Hollywood stars and other expensive fund-raising technics [sic] have been accompanied by a great increase in total proceeds of the drive."9
Max's greatest fundraising effort came on behalf of the General Rose Memorial Hospital.10 The story began in 1944, when some Jewish leaders in Denver questioned whether the aging Beth Israel Hospital at 16th Avenue and Lowell Boulevard could continue to meet the community's needs. Bitter debate ensued between those wanting to enlarge Beth Israel and those who favored building a new facility, with the latter group finally prevailing. The so-called New Jewish Hospital was to be located in East Denver, reflecting the shift of the city's Jewish population from the West Side to the East. Its founders wanted a facility where Jewish doctors had some real authority, since in other hospitals in Denver, "Jewish doctors didn't really have a fair shake...They couldn't open their mouths."11 They also envisioned a facility where young physicians returning from military duty could obtain staff positions. Most importantly, it would be non-sectarian and welcome both patients and staff of any race or creed.
The fundraising drive had not yet begun when Major General Maurice B. Rose was killed in action near Paderbom, Germany, on March 30, 1945. Rose was a Denver native, the son of an Orthodox rabbi, and the highest-ranking Jewish officer in World War II.12 His valiant but tragic death made headlines nationwide. In his hometown it became a rallying point for those involved in building the new hospital.
Responding to a groundswell of popular support among both Jews and
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Gentiles, the recently organized Committee for a New Jewish Hospital accepted the suggestion of Louis K. Sigman and incorporated under the name General Rose Memorial Hospital Association.13 In addition to ministering to the sick and conducting research, the hospital would stand as a lasting tribute to General Rose and all others who had sacrificed in their nation's service. The main obstacle facing the Association was raising the estimated $750,000 necessary to make the dream a reality. Association President Maurice B. Shwayder resigned his position with Samsonite Luggage to devote himself to the new hospital. He commissioned Max Goldberg to publicize the project and to bring a major star to Denver for a fundraising dinner. Max and Maurice went downtown to Union Station and boarded a train for New York.
Max had already begun mapping his strategy. Armed with a stack of photos and articles on General Rose, his first order of business was to have Life magazine, the nation's most popular and prestigious, run a big spread. The train had just pulled out of Chicago on April 12, 1945, when a porter informed the passengers of the death of President Roosevelt. Max recalled, "A lump came into my throat and I could see that Maurice Shwayder was touched just as deeply. Both of us felt a deep sense of personal loss—a good friend and a great president had passed away."14 Tens of millions of Americans shared that feeling of personal loss. Roosevelt's death pushed the General Rose story off the front page, and Max realized that his mission had just become more challenging.
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He stayed with his plan. The editors at Life received him cordially, but their extensive coverage of Roosevelt's death prevented them from including anything on General Rose. Still, Max had his assignment to attract a star to Denver, and he intended to fulfill it by whatever means were necessary.
Through mutual friends, he met Emil Friedlander, owner of a company that supplied costumes for Broadway and Hollywood productions. When Max explained the purpose of his trip, Friedlander listened with interest. He had numerous show business friends, and he introduced Max to Billy Rose, the great theatrical impresario and producer (no relation to the late General). Rose volunteered to chair the nationwide campaign and got the project its first national publicity by contacting Paul Whiteman. Whiteman hosted the Philco Hall of Fame Hour, the leading musical radio program of its day. A Denver native, he made his broadcast of Sunday, May 20, a tribute to General Rose and a national plug for the Hospital campaign.
Billy Rose also contacted other stars. He telegraphed Irving Berlin, Humphrey Bogart, James Cagney, Spencer Tracy and Orson Welles, asking each to appear at a fundraising dinner in Denver. Unfortunately, none were available. Perusing the New York papers for the comings and goings of celebrities whom he might contact, Max noted that his old friend Jack Dempsey had just returned from Coast Guard duty in the Pacific. Always gracious to Max, the former heavyweight champ invited him to a luncheon of boxing writers and promoters. The contacts he
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made there set the stage for a series of meetings, telephone calls and telegrams that finally enabled Max to land a star for Denver.
At the luncheon Max met Irwin Rossee, a publicity man for Madison Square Garden. He told Rossee that the Association most wanted Eddie Cantor, the versatile star of stage, screen and radio, for its $1000-a-plate dinner. Cantor was almost as well known for his generous nature as for his musical and comedic talents. To reward his interest, the Hospital Association announced that it would award him the first annual General Rose Memorial Medal for Humanitarian Service, recognizing his efforts in entertaining troops at home and abroad. With Rossee's help, Max wired Cantor his request, then returned to his hotel to await a reply.
He soon got a call from Matt Millar, Cantor's agent, accepting the invitation. Millar handed the phone to Cantor. "Max," he said, "I have read about General Rose in the newspapers and I think it’s a great idea to name a hospital in his honor. You can count on my coming to Denver and I'll be glad to accept the medal."
Max recalled his delight, writing, "I was palpitating with joy when I heard my name in that beautiful high-pitched, animated voice that all America knew and loved. He spoke to me as if we had known each other for years."15 Still not satisfied, however, Max contacted NBC, Cantor's radio network. He convinced executives there to broadcast the May 27 Denver dinner nationwide, a move designed to attract both publicity and money on a large scale. While in New York, Max made several side trips to Washington to meet with Senator Ed Johnson. As
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chairman of the powerful Military Affairs Committee, Johnson was in a position to lend valuable assistance to the drive. He personally invited General George C. Marshall of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the dinner. Although unable to attend, Marshall sent a telegram of tribute to General Rose to be read during the national broadcast. General Courtney H. Hodges, Rose's commanding officer, promised to read a statement live from Washington during the network hookup.
Max knew that airing the statements of these two heroes would bring much prestige to the event, but he still felt it necessary to get more advance publicity. Through his new friendship with Irwin Rossee, he met Damon Runyon, the celebrated sportswriter, raconteur and syndicated columnist. Also a Colorado native, Runyon listened to Max's story and then wrote a column praising the Hospital project as "one of the most commendable undertakings of the day." Adding some kind words for Max personally, Runyon called him "a good looking chap with alert eyes," and noted his diligent efforts on behalf of the Hospital.16
Walter Winchell was even more popular and influential than Runyon. His weekly radio show reached 25 million listeners. After receiving a letter from Max about the Hospital campaign, Winchell gave it a ringing endorsement on his next broadcast. Aware of the tremendous impact that a plug from Winchell carried, Max thanked him profusely for "the biggest break and finest approval our hospital project can receive."17
Max returned to Denver to finalize arrangements for Cantor's appearance.
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On Sunday evening, May 27, the Silver Glade Room in the Cosmopolitan Hotel at 1760 Broadway overflowed with contributors to the Hospital drive Technicians from KOA Radio in Denver and from NBC were there to arrange the national broadcast. From Washington, Senator Johnson read General Marshall's tribute to General Rose, after which General Hodges spoke. Hospital Association President Maurice Shwayder thanked Max Goldberg for being "a dynamo in making this dinner what it is...helping to stimulate national interest thru radio and newspapers and magazines from coast to coast." Max then introduced Governor John C. Vivian, who presented Eddie Cantor with the General Rose Medal for Humanitarian Service. In his acceptance speech, Cantor was humble yet forceful in explaining the need for
• , 1 o
continued contributions. He not only donated his services and paid his own expenses, but also gave $500 of his own money to the drive. His appearance was a popular success, but it brought in only half of the estimated $1,000,000 needed to build Rose Hospital.
Max returned to New York in June to help raise the rest. Although he was
later paid for his services, he had received no compensation thus far, and was feeling
the financial pinch. He wrote to Maurice Shwayder:
You realize, Maurice, that I am not a man of independent means.
While this cause is very, very close to my heart, it has and will continue to take all of my time away from my business, which, as you know, is my only means of livelihood...I leave the matter of compensation for all past services entirely in your hands. I also want you to know, Maurice, my principal interest is still to do everything in my power to make this hospital drive a success.19
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Three months later, he reiterated the same sentiment in another letter to Shwayder:
As far as compensation for my personal services are concerned, I leave that entirely in the hands of your committee. In fact, I don't even wish to discuss this point anymore. First, let's get the job done and raise the money we need to build the hospital and even establish a
/ft
reserve if we can. I'm confident we can do it.
Even without the assurance of compensation, Max Goldberg was clearly a man on a mission. Jack Dempsey provided a big boost when he personally handed Max a $1,000 check for the Hospital Association.21 Contributions poured in from across the country. Businessmen, housewives, GIs, and war widows sent donations
"yy
as small as one dollar. Word of the proposed hospital even reached Europe, where the men of General Rose's Third Armored "Spearhead" Division spontaneously raised $30,000 in one day. When two division officers flew to New York to present the check, Max was there to greet them. Through Max's efforts, they met with Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, who in a City Hall ceremony urged all New Yorkers to support the cause. They also appeared on the CBS program "We the People," where Max gratefully accepted the check from Rose's top aide.
By May, 1946, the Hospital Association remained $164,000 short of its million dollar goal.23 They dispatched Max Goldberg to Hollywood to bring actor-comedian Danny Kaye to Denver for a benefit. Max met Kaye for lunch at the Goldwyn studios and pitched the fundraiser. Just as Kaye was accepting the invitation, a sudden and inexplicable nosebleed struck Max. It was so serious that he
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had to rush to a studio first-aid station to stanch the flow. When he returned to the
table, Kaye told him, "Maybe I shouldn't come to Denver—I might get a bloody nose!"24 Fortunately, he was only kidding the embarrassed Max. At the August dinner and show at the Shirley-Savoy Hotel on 17th Street and Broadway, Kaye regaled the audience with music and comedy. He then received the second General Rose Medal for Humanitarian Service. Max had notched another star in his belt, and the drive neared completion. In 1948, with construction of the Hospital underway, the directors asked Max to produce yet another star for another fundraiser. This time, they wanted the great singer and entertainer A1 Jolson. Max reminisced years later:
A1 Jolson by that time had amassed a fortune in excess of ten million dollars and he was known as a temperamental star; just how temperamental I was soon to leam.
First I sent him a telegram asking for an appointment. There was no reply. Next I went to Hollywood, only to leam that he had gone to Palm Springs. I went there and saw him lounging on the patio, but his wife wouldn't let me get near him. For several minutes I debated the matter with her, explaining that I had come all the way from Denver just to talk to him, but she was adamant.
I was about to leave, deeply disappointed, when the telephone rang inside the house and she went to answer it. That was my opportunity and I wasted no time in seizing it. In a moment I was at A1 Jolson's side, introducing myself and describing my mission. "General Rose Memorial Hospital is an important project," I told him, "and it needs your help. We're trying to get General Dwight Eisenhower to come for the cornerstone laying..."
Jolson cut me off sharply with the comment, "You get the General and I'll be there."
That ended the interview. From the comer of my eye I could see his wife, telephone conversation ended, descending on the scene with less than friendly mien. I excused myself and beat a hasty retreat.
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Max had once more shown his chutzpah—a quality he would need to bring General Eisenhower to Denver. In the midst of writing his memoirs, the General was for the time being declining all speaking engagements. After dozens of phone calls and letters, Max arranged a private meeting in Eisenhower's Pentagon office. The General consented to come, and Jolson kept his promise to come—but he almost didn't stay. Max remembered meeting him as his train arrived at Denver's Union Station:
I got my taste of the Jolson temperament.
There he was on the steps of the Pullman car and was about to alight on the pavement below, when he suddenly stopped, looked straight at me and said, "You know, I'm lonesome for my little boy Asa." He had adopted the child only a short time before, later bequeathed him a huge sum of money. "I think I'll just go on to Los Angeles to be with him."
The shock I felt gave me courage.
"Look," I said, "you just can't do that, Al. You'd better come off those steps because there are a lot of people who have paid a thousand dollars a couple to see and hear you. This is a great cause and if you don't show up tonight, maybe we'd both better take the next plane to Israel." He eyed me for a few seconds with a peculiar stare, then came down the steps and I heaved a sigh of relief/5
Like Cantor and Kaye before him, Jolson wowed his audience with a performance that inspired thousands of dollars in additional contributions.
Max Goldberg later accompanied Eisenhower as he met with board members and dedicated the hospital cornerstone in a ceremony honoring General Rose.
Finally, on March 1, 1949, years of hard work came to fruition as the General Rose Memorial Hospital admitted its first patients. In 1976 the name was changed to Rose
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Medical Center, and in 1996 it became the Columbia Rose Medical Center. Under
any name, it is a major healthcare institution. From its original 150 beds it grew to
420 and has added such specialty units as prenatal care, coronary' care, arthritis,
ophthalmology and rehabilitation. When Columbia/HCA Healthcare purchased Rose
Medical Center in 1995, the Board of Trustees stipulated in the final agreement that
the new owners maintain the community service, educational, spiritual and cultural
traditions and values that Rose has always embraced.
Without the dedicated work of countless individuals, this living tribute to
General Rose could not have happened. The Denver Post recognized Max's efforts,
most of which were behind the scenes and unknown to the public, stating that he
...contributed more than most realize. It was Goldberg who traveled to New York to bring back Eddie Cantor and other great stars who raised much of the money to build the hospital. Robert Gamzey, one of the editors of the Intermountain Jewish News, took the campaign to the Jewish people of Denver. Then Max Goldberg took it outside the city and to leaders all over the nation/'
Max’s commitment to the Hospital did not end with its completion. He served on the Board of Trustees for over twenty years, and in both his Denver Post and his Intermountain Jewish News columns he frequently gave it favorable mention.
He also continued to bring big name stars to Denver for the annual fundraiser. While his initial contacts with these celebrities were strictly business, they often developed into personal relationships. Eddie Cantor and Jimmy Durante were among those who maintained a friendship with Max through years of
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correspondence.
Max first met Bob Hope when he brought him to Denver for a Community Chest campaign in 1948. He introduced himself, then added, "My real name is George O'Connor, but I use Goldberg for business reasons." According to Max, Hope "broke into a peal of laughter," and with the ice broken the two became close friends. Afterwards, when in Denver, Hope would play golf with Max and
29
sometimes visit his family to enjoy one of Miriam’s delicious home cooked meals.
The late comedian Henny Youngman appeared at many charity events, and he too befriended Max. Youngman recalled, "He showed me the town every time I was in Denver back in those days, and that was pretty often...He was so damned nice every time I came to town. We got very intimate. He knew all about my family, I knew all about his."30 When they crossed paths again in Chicago and New York, they visited nightclubs where Youngman introduced Max to other celebrities.
While hobnobbing with celebrities, Max did not forget General Rose's widowed mother, Katy. The Hebrew word tzedakah literally means righteousness or justice, although it is frequently translated as charity. Performing acts of tzedakah is one of the most important obligations placed upon Jews. Max Goldberg learned this at a young age. He watched as his mother, despite her own family's marginal circumstances, often provided hot meals for the elderly widower who lived next
O 1
door. Max’s son Hillel told how his father imparted the same lessons about tzedakah to his own children:
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I remember many, many times in my youth when Mom and Dad took us with them to visit the old Mrs. Rose. She lived in a changing neighborhood, was confined to home because of ill health, and was generally forgotten. I learned from Mom and Dad that some of the best conversation is among simple folk, that visiting the lonely is no less important than dealing with "important" people-that life with movers and shakers cannot transcend life with the moved and the
T’'
shaken. x
As the years passed, Max found new charitable causes to support, such as the American Cancer Society and the United Jewish Appeal. After becoming involved in television, he used its power in pioneering telethons for United Cerebral Palsy and the Leukemia Society. One viewer who watched the Leukemia Society telethon wrote to Max, "It was apparent that your activity was not being performed as a perfunctory responsibility but, more so, it was being performed as a labor of love,
•jo
recognizing that each of us has a responsibility to our less fortunate neighbors."
Max was pleased to acknowledge this spirit in others. While the elite of Denver society received credit in the local media for their good works, Max liked to recognize the many humble people whose good deeds went unnoticed by most. For example, when long-time Denver barber Harry Freeman died, Max wrote of his willingness to call on his customers at home if they were ill, and of his "warm smile and understanding heart."34 Max shared with his readers small, everyday kindnesses.
Max Goldberg picked his causes judiciously. His work on their behalf sometimes earned him a commission, sometimes not, but he approached it with passion and with devotion. This is the true spirit of tzedakah.
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NOTES TO CHAPTER 5
1. Max Goldberg to Rocky Mountain News editor Jack Foster, March 5, 1948, Goldberg Papers, box 10.
2. Dorothy Goldberg Scott, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, Feb. 26,1997.
3. Senator Edwin C. Johnson to Max Goldberg, Jan. 28,1943, Goldberg Papers, box 5.
4. Citation of Feb. 15,1943 in B'nai B'rith Scrapbook II, Goldberg Papers, box 5; Robert Lurie (National Director of B'nai B'rith War Service Activities) to Ralph Nicholas (Treasury Department War Savings Staff), March 1,1943, B'nai B'rith Scrapbook II, Goldberg Papers, box 5.
5. Letter of Agreement, February 17,1948, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
6. Max Goldberg to Palmer Hoyt, January 28,1948, Goldberg Papers, box 10.
7. Max Goldberg to Jack Foster, c. March 1948, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
8. Roy Erickson, "March of Dimes Drive Declared a Bargain," The Denver Post, March 8, 1948.
9. The Denver Post, March 14,1948.
10. Much of the ensuing information is based on an untitled, unattributed typed manuscript (c. 1946) in the Goldberg Papers, box 7. Hereafter referred to as the Rose Hospital Manuscript, family members believe it was written by Max Goldberg.
11. Jess R. Kortz, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, May 11,1998.
12. For more on General Rose's life and career, see Robert S. Gamzey's four part series in the Intermountain Jewish News, April 19-May 10, 1945.
13. Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The Denver Post, April 12,1955; Allan D. Breck,
The Centennial History of the Jews of Colorado, 1859-1959 (Denver: The Hirschfeld Press, 1960), p. 257.
14. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
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15. Ibid.
16. New York Journal-American, May 21, 1945.
17. Max Goldberg to Walter Winchell, c. late May 1947, General Rose Scrapbook I, Goldberg Papers, box 16.
18. Transcript of broadcast is in General Rose Scrapbook I, Goldberg Papers, box 16.
19. Max Goldberg to Maurice Shwayder, June 5, 1945, Goldberg Papers, box 10.
20. Max Goldberg to Maurice Shwayder, Sept. 1,1945, General Rose Scrapbook III, Goldberg Papers, box 3.
21. The Denver Post, June 25, 1945. A photocopy of the check from Dempsey is on display in Heritage Hall at Columbia Rose Medical Center.
22. Numerous letters from contributors, and the letters of thanks they received in return, are in the General Rose Scrapbook III, Goldberg Papers, box 3.
23. Intermountain Jewish News, May 10, 1946.
24. Robert S. Gamzey, "Big Names Are Where He Finds 'em,” The Quill (February 1947), p. 7,10.
25. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
26. It is impossible here to name all those who contributed to the creation of the Hospital. Sol H. Bassow, M.D., The First Twenty-Five Years of the General Rose Memorial Hospital (Denver: s.n., 1970) contains a wealth of information on the subject, as does Heritage Hall in the Columbia Rose Medical Center.
27. Robert M. Cour, "Memorial to a Hero," The Denver Post Empire Magazine, July 27,1947, p. 2.
28. Among other stars who donated their services to Rose Hospital through the years are Debbie Reynolds, Sammy Davis Jr., Steve Allen, Errol Flynn, Harry Belafonte, Steve Lawrence and Eydie Gorme, Lucille Ball, Jerry Lewis and Alan King.
29. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript.
30. Henny Youngman, Intermomtain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26,
1992.
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31. Rose Barnett, videotaped interview with Charles Goldberg, Denver CO, May 18, 1988. The neighbor was Joseph Waxman, whose grandsons founded the Robert Waxman Camera and Video stores.
32. Rabbi Hillel Goldberg, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992.
33. Judge Sherman G. Finesilver to Max Goldberg, December 4,1961, Goldberg Papers, box 9.
34. Max Goldberg, Intermountain Jewish News, May 21, 1965.
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CHAPTER 6
PIONEERING IN TELEVISION
Cable TV...digital TV...satellite dishes...high definition TV. Television has become a ubiquitous presence in American life, but it was not so in the 1940s.
Taken for granted today, television was a long time in coming, especially to Denver, and Max Goldberg was there to help usher it in.
In 1940, before World War II curtailed equipment production and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) ceased granting new licenses, more than twenty commercial television stations were on the air throughout the country.1 After the war, as the electronics industry shifted from military applications to meeting pent up consumer demands, the FCC made up for lost time by issuing 108 new television licenses in three years. This created unanticipated problems when the new stations began experiencing interference in the suddenly crowded airwaves. To sort out this and other technical problems, the FCC ordered a temporary freeze on new applications in September, 1948.2
This "temporary" freeze lasted nearly four years. Applications for Denver's five commercial channels had begun before the freeze was implemented, but no action was taken. Among the more notable applicants was Alfred M. "Alf' Landon, former governor of Kansas and the 1936 Republican presidential candidate. Others
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included the owners of Denver radio stations KFEL, KLZ and KMYR, as well as
Denver Mayor Quigg Newton in partnership with comedian Bob Hope. Meanwhile,
dozens of stations whose applications had already been approved went on the air in
other cities. When the freeze finally ended in April, 1952, Denver and Portland,
Oregon, were the last two major American cities without television. FCC chairman
Wayne Coy promised that applicants there would get priority.3
During the freeze years, Max Goldberg traveled frequently to cities with
operating television stations. These trips exposed him to Milton Berle, Howdy
Doody, Ed Sullivan, and other "video" stars unfamiliar in his hometown. During a
1950 visit to New York, he reported:
Whither radio? N.Y. is TV crazy. Every day is filled with television advertisements. Loads of space devoted to TV programming. . . Sets still selling like hotcakes. Talent exodus from H'wood increasing hourly...Cinema stars, who barely caused a ripple in the streets, are now stopped dead in their tracks by idolizing video fans. "The only way we can explain it," remark the TV heroes, "is the intimacy created by this new medium."4
Clearly impressed by the impact television was making in New York and elsewhere, Goldberg became fascinated with the idea of bringing it to Denver. Typically, he had little money to invest in such a project. He had four young children and had recently purchased his first home. Despite his various enterprises, amassing money was never one of his strengths. Rather, his forte was his easy and convincing manner, and the invaluable contacts he had with those who did have money to invest.
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Max got together with Thomas C. Ekrem and William D. Pyle, co-owners of radio station KVOD, where he had worked for years. They incorporated the Colorado Television Corporation (CTC) in late 1951, and applied for an FCC license. A consummate salesman, Max brought fourteen prominent local businessmen into the organization. He convinced them to invest a total of $575,000,5 despite a 1949 Denver Post report that nearby television stations in Albuquerque and Salt Lake City were each losing thousands of dollars a month.6 Max's efforts were deemed to be worth $46,000, the value of CTC stock that he was "allocated for services rendered or to be rendered."7
After organizing the investment group, the most important service Max rendered was serving as the CTC liaison. Shuttling between Denver and Washington, Max attended FCC hearings and meetings of CTC investors. Competition for licenses in Denver was fierce. CTC needed an edge, and Max provided it. He called upon his good friend, U.S. Senator Ed Johnson. In his third term, Colorado's senior senator chaired the Interstate Commerce Committee and had important contacts throughout Washington. He helped Max negotiate the federal bureaucracy and expedited the application process. On July 12,1952, the FCC announced the approval of two new licenses in Denver. Gene O'Fallon, owner of KFEL radio, was given Channel 2 for KFEL-TV, and CTC was awarded Channel 9 for KVOD-TV.
KFEL began broadcasting within a week, but construction delays and
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technical problems kept Channel 9 off the air for three months. In the meantime, the FCC approved a change in its call letters from KVOD ("Voice of Denver") to KBTV ("Better Television"), its identity for the next thirty-two years. When it finally began broadcasting, The Denver Post reported, "The debut of the city's second station, KBTV, with test patterns on Channel 9, was enthusiastically received."8 Actual programming began on October 12, giving Denverites a viewing option for the first time and sparking a boom in television sales. Between July and November, 1952, the number of TV sets in Denver homes jumped from 4000 to 40,000.9
KBTV affiliated with the ABC network, which quickly fell behind rivals NBC and CBS in providing quality programming and advertising support for its member stations. Despite limited resources, KBTV was compelled to produce more local programs. In response to this need, Max Goldberg introduced a weekly public affairs show called On The Spot. Although it moved from time slot to time slot and station to station, it ran from 1952 until 1966 and was Denver's longest running sponsored program.
On The Spot featured interviews and panel discussions of local, national and international issues. With his extensive background in newspapers and radio, Max was an ideal choice to host a new show in this new medium.
Beginning on November 5, 1952, the station announcer each week welcomed viewers to "On The Spot, a series of unrehearsed interviews with the great, the near great, and the obscure." This accurately described the guests, and it became the
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signature line identified with the show for years.
Much of the nation had already seen the 1948 Democratic and Republican National Conventions on TV. Federal hearings on organized crime led by Senator Estes Kefauver aired in 1951, as the nation watched in fascination and horror. Denver, however, had still been in the pre-television era. When Max Goldberg put guests such as Senator Eugene Millikin (Nov. 17, 1952), Governor Dan Thornton (Jan. 27, 1953), and Denver Mayor Quigg Newton (April 7, 1953) On The Spot, it was the first time most Denverites had seen major public figures in their living rooms.
Mayor Newton was one of the many early guests who made his television
debut on On The Spot, and Max strove to make them comfortable in the new
medium. This did not mean, however, that he shied away from tough questions or
issues. For example, he confronted Governor Thornton with this query:
Governor, yesterday we noticed you gave new hope to three men sentenced for life in Canon City...This, I understand, makes them eligible to come before the parole board in February...Can you tell us in a nutshell, if possible, what motivated these reductions in sentences?10
The early 1950s were the era of McCarthyism, blacklisting, and the frequent, often voluntary, imposition of censorship in America. The phrase "banned in Boston" became part of the American vernacular. Many state and local governments had censorship boards to monitor the content of books, movies and music in their jurisdiction.11 Against this backdrop of suppression, Max Goldberg presented
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controversial issues seldom seen on television or discussed publicly.
Early in 1953, for example, a group of Denver citizens produced a list of fifty-five "obscene" books whose sale they wanted banned. Max brought together a panel of Denver District Attorney Bert Keating; Joe Morton, head of the largest book and magazine distributorship in the area; Thomas Hornsby Ferrill, noted author and poet; Marshall Quiat, an attorney and state legislator; and an Episcopal priest, Father Leon King. Their diverse viewpoints exposed Denverites to all sides of the controversy.
While it may seem quaint and prudish today, certain subjects were mentioned only in hushed tones, if at all, in this era. When On The Spot presented a show on divorce on June 16, 1954, the guests included two divorcees who wished to be identified only as Mr. A and Mrs. B.
Americans at that time commonly regarded alcoholics as morally flawed "drunks" or "bums." Four members of Alcoholics Anonymous appeared with Max Goldberg on March 24, 1954, to dispel the myths and explain the disease and the organization. The interviewees wore masks, but in a dramatic and memorable On The Spot moment, one guest's mask fell off with the camera focused on him. He immediately covered his face with his hands and proceeded with his comments.
Live television was full of surprises.
During the anti-Communist hysteria of the 1950s, at least thirty-two states required teachers to take loyalty oaths. On July 7, 1955, On The Spot featured
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Herrick Roth, executive secretary of the Colorado Federation of Teachers and vice-president of the American Federation of Teachers. The show focused on the "faceless informers" who reported on teachers that they deemed disloyal or subversive. Max's opposition to this practice was clear from his questions: "What protection does a teacher accused of being a Communist have?. .. What can be done to end the menace of anonymous charges?... Is academic freedom limited by teachers' fears of being accused of disloyalty?"12 As a journalist and political strategist, Max was keenly aware of the dangers of anonymous accusations.
Shows such as these won critical acclaim. TV Guide said, "Max's sense of news happening, and his intimate knowledge of the people who make it happen, go a long way toward lifting the show way above the run-of the-mill panel-interview programs which inundate television."13 On The Spot elicited a large volume of mail from both viewers and guests, bearing out Governor Dan Thornton's statement,
"there is no doubt but that the public appreciates such a program."14
On November 1,1953, Denver's third television station, KLZ-Channel 7, went on the air. This marked the beginning of the end of Colorado Television Corporation. President William D. Pyle explained, "All went well the first year when we had only two stations in Denver, during which time we made a nice profit. Things changed when KLZ went on the air...as now the available business was destined to be divided three ways instead of two."15 KOA-Channel 4 took to the air seven weeks after KLZ, further diluting the available business.
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Channel 9 stockholders had reason to be nervous. On October 31, 1953, the station had a surplus of over $83,000. One year later the figure had fallen to barely $10,000.16 The station was reportedly losing $25,000 per month and needed an infusion of half a million dollars to remain competitive.17
Over the objections of Max Goldberg, CTC began soliciting offers for Channel 9. Early in 1955, Tulsa businessman John C. Mullins purchased the station for $900,000. While this was less than the $1.1 million they had hoped for, it still nearly doubled the money of the original investors. Nevertheless, according to Bob Brown, former salesman and manager at Channel 9, "Max was really upset over that. He never did get over it. He didn't want to sell. He saw the potential, the survival of television and the future of television."18 Despite his displeasure, Max remained at Channel 9 for three more years, when his health took a sudden turn for the worse.
Early in 1958, he began to experience discomfort and pain in his chest. Doctors in Denver were unable to provide an explanation. At the urging of his sister Rose Barnett and his physician Dr. Abraham J. Kauvar (son of Rabbi Charles E.H. Kauvar), Max traveled to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota. Chest x-rays there revealed the presence of a large and rapidly growing tumor, and doctors called for its immediate surgical removal. The March 4 operation was successful, but infection and other complications that would plague him for the rest of his life hampered Max’s recovery.19
The surgery and recuperation kept Max indisposed for months. Rumors had
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been circulating for some time that Channel 9 would cancel On The Spot, and Max's prolonged absence gave them an opportunity to do so. Despite her disappointment, Miriam Goldberg was actually relieved that her ailing husband would have one less demand on him when he returned to work.
Max, characteristically, was unwilling to accept the cancellation. As soon as he was able, he pitched his show to rival station KLZ-Channel 7, and in October, 1958, On The Spot found a new home there on Sunday nights at 10:30. Concerned with the effect Max's workload might have on his health, his daughter Dorothy told him, "Dad, your pace could kill a horse... We want you around for a long time; so I implore you—please slow up."20 Although Max took pride in his large vocabulary, "slowing up" was not a part of it. He quickly resumed his breakneck schedule.
He still used "the great, the near great and the obscure" as his tag line, but his guests were less frequently obscure and more frequently among the most prominent public figures of the day. The show business contacts that had served Max so well during his fundraising efforts helped him bring Jimmy Durante, George Jessel, Jerry Lewis and other stars to On The Spot. With his lifelong interest in sports, he enjoyed interviewing athletes like football legend Red Grange, golfer Gary Player, and former heavyweight champion Max Baer, who wore a Star of David on his boxing trunks. Guests from diverse walks of life were Max's stock in trade, as the following sampling illustrates.
10/26/58 Marilyn Van Derbur—Miss Colorado and Miss America 1958
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11/9/58 Palmer Hoyt—editor and publisher of The Denver Post
2/8/59 Sue Wyman—United Airlines stewardess
2/15/59 Wilbur Clark-owner of the Desert Inn in Las Vegas
3/22/59 Abba Eban-Israeli ambassador to the United States
5/31/59 Col. Gregory "Pappy" Boyington-World War II flying ace and author of Baa Baa Black Sheep
1126159 Dr. Andrew C. Ivy-cancer researcher and proponent of the controversial drug Krebiozen
9/20/59 James Cash Penney—founder of the J.C. Penney department stores
2/21/60 Abigail Van Buren-advice columnist Dear Abby
3/13/60 Rabbi Charles E.H. Kauvar-rabbi emeritus of BMH Synagogue in Denver
3/27/60 Robert Wagner—Mayor of New York City
6/5/60 Farrell Dobbs-Socialist Workers Party candidate for president
8/21/60 Tempest Storm-famed exotic dancer (i.e., stripper)
2/19/61 Isaac Aronowicz—Captain of the ship Exodus
3/19/61 Lowell Thomas-joumalist, author, and native of Victor, Colorado
4/27/62 Robert Briscoe—Jewish Lord Mayor of Dublin, Ireland
In an unfinished memoir that he began in his last year of life, Max commented on a few of the other memorable personalities he interviewed in his career:
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Adlai E. Stevenson (former Governor of Illinois and 1952 and 1956 Democratic presidential nominee)
He could have held his own with any of the world's great entertainers. He needed no script writers. Wisecracks, barbs, satire, and witty stories flowed from him as freely as water from a faucet.
Hubert H. Humphrey (Senator from Minnesota and 1964 Democratic vice-presidential candidate)
A former professor, he has a marvelous command of English and he's never lacking for a dramatic or descriptive word. He is one of those rare individuals who, when you ask him a question, gives a very rapid, distinct and well-expressed answer. All the interviewer has to do is sit back and listen.
Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon
...one of the most remarkable speakers and ad lib thinkers I've ever had the pleasure of interviewing. He comes over the microphone with utter frankness and candor.
Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts (interviewed in 1964 several months after President John F. Kennedy was assassinated)
Naturally, I wanted to get a comment from the Senator about his brother. Knowing how delicate the situation was, I asked him before the broadcast if he would mind talking about his brother. "No," he said, "If we keep it from a controversial level I may say a word or two."
But when I mentioned the late President in the interview, the Senator flared up in anger. "I'm in no mood to discuss the person. I don't want to talk about him," he said and started to leave the studio, obviously quite upset. "Look, Senator," I said, "We don't have to talk about the President. There are many other things to discuss. Let's go ahead."
We agreed and he returned to his chair. We continued for thirty minutes and I asked him about the proposed income tax increase and other matters of national interest. About two-thirds of the way through the broadcast he started to smile because I had kept my word, and he became friendlier and more at ease.
Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona
...probably the frankest and most candid of all personalities I have interviewed. You could tell by his tone, content and demeanor that he was always leveling with you—was always telling the truth , it was not long before we were talking about his Jewish ancestry, although it was well known that he had been raised an Episcopalian.
"Did you hear," he asked, "what happened when I tried to join a country club
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Full Text

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MAX GOLDBERG AND THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF DENVER by Owen P . Chariton B.A., Metropolitan State College of Denver , 1995 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History 2004

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Owen P . Chariton has been approved by ' I I , MarkS. Foster A e y; \ ;._ J... , '1. o o Lf Date

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Chariton, Owen P. (M.A., History) Max Goldberg and the Jewish Community of Denver Thesis directed by Professor Thomas J. Noel ABSTRACT Max Goldberg of Denver (1911-1972) was an important leader not only in Denver's Jewish community, but for the entire city and even statewide. In publishing, broadcasting , business, community service and politics, he left indelible impressions that are still felt decades after his death . Goldberg's life was in numerous ways representative of the Jewish experience in Denver . His boyhood as the child of immigrants in the West Colfax neighborhood typified what many of his contemporaries experienced. As an adult, Goldberg continually promoted good relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish communities of Denver. His professional life in several fields of endeavor included this ideal. Goldberg was committed to his Jewish faith and culture. As a business leader, he also was part of the broader secular community. Having firm footing in each placed Goldberg in an excellent position to try to bring them together. iii

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Unlike some children of immigrants , Goldberg was able to adhere to the traditions of his heritage and at the same time be utterly contemporary in his professional life. It is a rare combination and makes him a notable figure in the history of his community. This abstract accurately represents the contents of the candidate ' s thesis. I recommend its publicat i on . Sig ned iv

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My thanks go to the faculty and staff of the Department of History for their guidance and understanding. I owe a special debt of gratitude to the family and friends of Max Goldberg. Their encouragement, accessibility and support made this thesis possible .

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CONTENTS CHAPTER 1. GROWING UP IN WEST COLFAX ... . . . ... . . . . . . . . ... .... ..... ..... . . . ..... ...... 1 Notes to Chapter 1 ........ .................. . ...... ......... . ............................ ... .... 14 2 . THE SPORTSWRITER.......... .... . .... ...... ........... ... ...... ........ ............. ..... 17 Notes to Chapter 2 . ...... ...... .. . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . . . . . 27 3. RADIO DAYS..... . . . .... ........ ........... ... ....... . ............ . .......................... .... 29 Notes to Chapter 3 ............ . ... . ...... . . . . . ................ ... .............. . . .... .... ...... . . 45 4 . THE MAX GOLDBERG ADVERTISING AGENCY.... ................... 48 Notes to Chapter 4.......... . .... . . .... ........... . .... ..... . . ...... . .... . ........ ...... ......... 64 5 . PHILANTHROPY , FUND RAISING AND ROSE HOSPITAL . . .... . . 67 Notes to Chapter 5 . . . ............ .... . . . ......... .......... . . ........ . . . .... . ...... ... .... . . ... . . 8 2 6 . PIONEERING IN TELEVISION... ............. .............. ........ . .............. ... 85 Notes to Chapter 6 . .... ..... ........ ......................... ... .... . . . . ....... . ... . . . ............ 109 7 . THE DENVER POST COLUMNIST. ......... .... .............................. . . . . . ... 112 Notes to Chapter 7 .... ... . . . ...... . ......... . .... . . . . . .......... . ....... ....... . . .... .......... . . . 129 8 . THE INTERMOUNTAIN JEWISH NEWS. ... . . . . ....... . . ...... . ........ ........... . l32 Notes to Chapter 8 . ... ................. .... . ......... . ....... . ....... ...... . . . ... . ..... ... ........ 151 9 . FAITHANDFAMIL ........ . ......... ... ........ ........ .... ............ ...... . . ....... ..... 154 Notes to Chapter 9 ... .... ........ . ...... .......... . . . . ............ .............. ........ ......... . 175 10. MAX GOLDBERG'S SIGNIFICANCE ........ .... ................... ..... ........ . . 178 Notes to Chapter 10 . .......... ..... ....... . ............ ........... . ...... . ..... .... ....... ....... 199 BffiLIOGRAPHY ........ ....... ........... . . . ...... . ..... . ....... ............... . . ................. ............. . .... 202 vi

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CHAPTER 1 GROWING UP IN WEST COLFAX The old railroad tracks are still there. They run west through the city , crossing the South Platte River at 13th A venue and continuing out to Lakewood and Golden. Although the y have lain idle since 1953 , these tracks were for nearly five decades the route of the Denver & Intermountain Railway . As it rumbled along West Howard Street on i ts run between Denver and Golden , the D & IM passed through one of Denver's most colorful neighborhoods. West Colfax , or "Under the Viaduct , " was home to a vibrant Jewish community that was nearly as old as the c ity itself This was the neighborhood in which Max Goldberg was born and raised . Jews have been an integral part of life in Denver since its founding . Hyman Z. Salomon, a German Jew, arrived in February , 1859 , soon to be joined by his brother Fred. By fall , there were enough Jewish citizens to form a minyan, a quorum often adult males , to celebrate Rosh Hashanah , the Jewish New Year . For the small but prominent Jewish community the Denver Town Company authorized the donation of a large plot of land and "not less than $700" to the Hebrew Synagogue "provided they build a house of worship in Denver City \vithin eight months . "1 These early residents were Reform Jews who were generall y well assimilated into American life and well regarded by their neighbors for their contributions to the 1

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growth of the city . The Jewish population in Denver began to grow markedly in the 1880s . Increased persecution in Eastern Europe was driving many destitute Orthodox Jews to flee their shtetlach (singular shtetl) , the impoverished villages in which most lived during the nineteenth century. Hundreds of thousands settled in overcrowded slums in large cities of the American East Coast and Midwest . 2 There they found jobs in sweatshops and factories , but they also found squalid conditions that led to the spread of contagious diseases. The most dreaded of these was tuberculosis , called the consumption because it consumed its victims ' lungs. With its healthful climate and its reputation for opportunity , Colorado was a magnet for those seeking to escape this "white plague . " The newly arriving consumptives aroused suspicion even among other Jews. Many in the Reform community were wary of these practitioners of Orthodoxy , who came to Denver with their old world customs , their strange Yiddish language , dire poverty and poor health . 3 While the more affluent Reform Jews tended to live in East Denver , the Orthodox East Europeans settled on the west side along Colfax Avenue. As the community grew , word of its relative prosperity found its way to the eastern seaboard. In several eastern cities , meanwhile , the swelling immigrant population was becoming unmanageable, plagued by congestion, unemployment, and illness. To alleviate these, organizations such as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society in New York and the Jewish Alliance of America in Philadelphia sought to 2

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distribute immigrants throughout the country . They found Colorado one of the places appropriate for relocation . 4 Among those who undertook the long journey to Colorado, first by steamship and then by rail, was Y echiel Goldberg. Leaving his family home in Brest-Litovsk, Lithuania, Yechiel joined his brother Shimon in Denver in June, 1894 . Back in Brest-Litovsk , meanwhile , the Goldberg family was arranging with their neighbors, the Tabatchniks , for Y echiel to marry their young daughter , Anna. Such arranged marriages were not uncommon at the time , and Anna Tabatchnik, age sixteen, arrived in Denver in a boxcar late in 1894 .5 The West Colfax neighborhood to which she came was bustling with activity . Synagogues, schools, and shops lined the streets . Orthodox Jews from various areas of Europe each established their own institutions in order to remain spiritually and emotionally connected to their homelands . Despite their differences, however, the disparate groups shared a larger sense of community as they all struggled with the adjustment to life in a new country . Y echiel Goldberg soon adopted an American name , Charles. His wedding to Anna Tabatchnik was an event of note for the entire community . Some seventy-five years later, Max Goldberg wrote, "Those who saw the wedding told me that guests filled the hall and others stood outside hoping to get a glimpse through the windows of the beautiful bride who had come from the old country . "6 The following year , Charles and Anna Goldberg became parents of a 3

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daughter , Libby , the first of their nine children.7 With the birth of each child , their home became increasingly crowded and hectic . Hourly, the small frame house rocked as the D & IM train barreled past it down West Howard Street. More than just a residence , this was also where Anna delivered seven children , since hospitalization was a luxury the family simply could not afford . The home was also a workplace . Charles was a peddler of gunnysacks , and evenings would often find Anna and her daughters sitting beside the piles of sacks in their living room , sewing and patching them for sale the next day . In the morning, Charles would load the sacks and begin his rounds . The dirt streets of West Colfax saw few automobiles in those days . A more common sight was Jewish men such as Charles Goldberg peddling their wares from horse-drawn wagons . By 1910 , the Goldbergs had scraped together enough money to purchase a small home at 1420 Paul Court, just around the comer from their previous residence . Also living in the neighborhood was Dr. Morris Krohn, a young Jewish physician . Dr. Krohn eventually helped to deliver more than 2500 babies, sometimes for as little as fifty cents, often for nothing.8 Early on the morning of October 19 , 1911, Dr. Krohn assisted Anna as she gave birth to her eighth child, Max. 9 Like most of their neighbors on Paul Court , the Goldbe r gs practiced Orthodox Judaism . Preparation for their weekly observance of the Hebrew Sabbath, Shabbos, began on Friday afternoons. The process made an indelible impression on young Max, who later recalled : 4

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Poor though it was, our home took on a certain elegance each Friday as the family prepared for the celebration of Shabbos . The place was filled with the fragrance of chicken soup on the stove , chickens roasting in the big pans , and the challahs--sometimes as many as twenty of the delicious braided white breads--baking in the oven. Seldom was there anything in our home that came from a bakery . The dough for bread was laboriously kneaded by my mother's strong the taste of the final product was incomparably good. When the twilight of the Sabbath evening came, faces and hands were scrubbed , the best clothes were worn, white linen covered the table and there was an atmosphere of peace , happiness and beauty pervading the household as Mother recited the traditional prayer after lighting the Shabbos candles . 10 Charles Goldberg attended Congregation Mogen David, better known as the G/azerlach shu/, on the South Platte River at West 14th Avenue . There he prayed with his countrymen from Brest-Litovsk. He took his sons along to learn to read and write Hebrew and to learn the customs and traditions of their ancestors . Alongside his strong religious commitment, however , was an equally strong commitment to being an American. Charles became a naturalized citizen in 1900 , just six years after his arrival in this country . 11 While Yiddish was his native language, he insisted that only English be spoken in the home. His daughter Rose remembered him explaining this to his children : He wanted to learn how to read English and how to talk English and we shouldn't talk to him in Jewish . We should just talk English ... He said, "I'm dealing with goyim [non-Jews] and I want to be able to understand." So, we had to talk English . 12 Charles' income from peddling gunnysacks barely supported the family , and 5

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the children helped supplement it with jobs of their own. Daughter Libby took a job in a candy factory, where she was sometimes able to sneak out treats for her siblings . Rose, the second daughter and third child, worked sewing passbooks for local banks. Between these two girls was William, the oldest of the six Goldberg boys. At a young age , he went to work hawking The Denver Post and bringing home the pennies he earned to his mother. All five of his brothers later became newsboys as well. As it was for many of the immigrants of West Colfax , life was a struggle for the Goldbergs, especially for Anna . Her husband was a stem and demanding man, as recalled by his daughter Rose : "I remember Papa would say , when she would get through [patching his gunnysacks]. .. he would say , 'Now go and cook!"'13 Charles' strictness was one reason why William left Denver at an early age to seek his fortune in Salt Lake City . When he returned a short time later and announced that he had gotten married , he allayed his father ' s concerns by assuring him that the bride was Jewish. Charles was so pleased that he bad several of his sons sleep outside so that the newlyweds could have their own room during their visit. Max probably was glad to make the small sacrifice for his brother . He once told his future wife , "I've always said that Willie is my idol, and we are as close and fond of each other as you and [your brother] Len are of each other . " 14 The close relationship between them would later be manifested in numerous ways . By 1918 , Libby and Willie had each married and moved out, but there were 6

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still seven children in the house . _ Late in the year , the influenza epidemic that had been raging worldwide swept through Denver. In October, the city reported nearly 5000 new cases, and the daily death toll commonly exceeded twenty . 15 In the Goldberg household, only Anna and Rose escaped Even Charles , who was accustomed to physical labor and was, according to his son Harry , "as strong as an ox,"16 could not escape the dreaded disease-this flu was notorious for killing the young and the able . Charles was stricken on October 28 as the outbreak neared its peak in Denver. He. died three days later at the age of forty-four . Max Goldberg was less than two weeks past his seventh birthday when his father died. He later recalled, "I was too young to realize the full impact of the tragedy that had struck my family . I just could not believe that my father had left me forever. "17 Nearly as tragic as the loss itself was the fact that, owing to their illnesses, most of the family could not even attend the funeral . Only Anna and Rose made the trip to Rose Hill Cemetery northeast of Denver to see Charles interred. If life had been a struggle for Anna before , it would now become more so . Her husband, supporting a large family on his meager income , left her virtually penniless. For the next week following his death, the fam i ly sat shiva, the official period of mourning during which visitors pay condolence calls . When Charles' sister Edel came, she asked Anna how much money her husband had left. With a gesture toward the piles in her living room, Anna grimly replied, "He left the sacks." 18 Max and his brothers were thrust into the role of breadwinners. Like so many 7

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Jewish boys at the time , they went to work selling newspapers.1 9 Several of them worked for Jacob "Jake" Sobule (1893-1948), the circulation street manager at The Denver Post .20 William had worked for Sobule earlier and was known as Willie G, a nickname he also used as a promising young boxer. Although Max and other newsboys remembered Sobule as kind and honest, he was an extraordinarily busy and impatient man whose hunchbacked posture earned him the sobriquet "Humpy." In his haste to distribute papers and collect money , Humpy had no time to learn the names of all his newsboys . The Goldberg boys all became simply Willie G's . Nearly eighty years later , neighbors from West Colfax still remember the Goldberg brothers as the Willie G's . Max, the youngest , was Little Willie G . At the age of seven , he embarked upon what was to become a lifelong career in the media. Among them, the Goldberg brothers covered much of downtown Denver. Louis, two years older than Max, worked at Scotty's News Stand at 17th and Stout, selling out of town papers from a pushcart . Jack worked the comer of 18th and Stout Streets, shouting Denver Post headlines to attract customers. Max was assigned the comer of 15th and California, with brothers Harry and Morris also nearby. The Post sold for two cents per copy in those days, with the newsboys paying one cent each and making a profit of one cent per paper sold . Fifty cents was considered a good day's take, and Sundays, when the paper sold for five cents and the newsboys kept two cents per copy, could be especially lucrative. At day ' s end, the Goldberg boys would make their way home weighted down and jingling from the 8

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pennies filling their pockets . Young Max quickly learned about the news business . Neither television nor radio had yet arrived , so newspapers were the public's main source of information. The competition among them was fierce , with The Denver Express, The Denver Post, Denver Times and Rocky Mountain News all vying for readers . When major stories broke, Frederick G . Bonfils and Harry H. Tammen, the flamboyant owners of The Post, were quick to put out extra editions . ''Humpy" Sobule and other circulation managers would go to Cheltenham , Fairview, Villa Park and other schools, where, with the assistance of the principals , they would pluck the newsboys from class and bring them downtown to hawk the papers .21 On November 12, 1918, all the papers ran extras announcing the armistice that ended World War I. Max, just seven years old and still reeling from the death of his father less than two weeks earlier, later admittecL "I was too young to know much about the war, but the moment I hit the street with that extra I knew something very unusual had happened. "22 Aside from the joy and spontaneous celebrations he witnessed , he also noticed that papers sold incredibly fast. Many customers plunked down nickels and left without their change, providing him a veritable windfall . Even a seven-year-old could easily understand that big stories meant big money. The lesson was reinforced the following summer. On July 4, 1919, Jack Dempsey knocked out Jess Willard in Toledo, Ohio, to become the world heavyweight champion . Again, Max profited from the tremendous public interest in 9

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the story, particularly since Dempsey was a native Coloradan . More significantly, it was his first exposure to the great Manassa Mauler , a national hero who later helped Max launch his career and became a lifelong friend . Faithfully, each evening Max and his brothers emptied their pockets onto the table as their mother counted the pennies . Despite her financial struggles, Anna Goldberg was a doting mother who did whatever she could to please her children. She knew what foods each of them preferred , and usually tried to prepare individual meals to suit them. Her son Harry, however, remembered one episode when Max was not pleased with his meal. After a particularly good day , when he had brought home some seventy-five cents, Max told his mother that he wanted something special for supper . A few minutes later , seeing the plate put before him , the disappointed Max lamented, "For seventy-five cents you're making lokshen and beb e /ich?l" In those difficult times, even seventy-five cents could not get him more than a plate of noodles and beans! Still, Max appreciated his mother ' s efforts, and he was a loving son. During the summers it became his custom to withhold two pennies from each day's earnings in order to treat his mother to an ice cream cone in the evening , a kindness still remembered by Paul Court neighbors many decades later. She could afford few other pleasures, and son Harry stated, "The only relaxation she had was when we brought home enough money to feed the children . "2 3 By age twelve, Max was a veteran newsboy who had experienced both 10

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triumphs and travails on the job. Although he was forced to grow up quickly , he was still just a boy. Two men took advantage of this , and ofhis family loyalty, one day when he was selling extras . Running up to his comer, they shouted , "Willie , Little Willie G, your brother's hurt in the alley . Come with us." Max, of course , immediately ran to the alley to aid his brother , but the call for help was a ruse. One of the men held his arms while the other robbed him of his money . The i r take was about eighty-five cent s , Max 's profit from four hours of shouting and hustling . While the theft of his money was a serious blow, it was no t nearl y so painful to Max as the loss of innocence it represented. He remembered , "It was a sad day for me, and when I came home and told my mother about it I just about cried . "24 Selling papers had i ts happy moments , too . T he Po s t often ran contests for its newsboys , with Humpy Sobule calling out questions and the newsboys trying to answer correctly. Several times Max won the quarter prize , and once he even earned a free trip to the Eldorado Springs resort northwest of Denver. He also had the chance to demonstrate his leadership early on, becoming president of the " Newsboys' Club" at the age of twelve . Founded by B'nai B ' rith in 1905 , the club was an attempt to reduce the juvenile delinquency plaguing West Denver ?5 Max got to meet Post publisher Frederick G . Bonfils, who annually presented the new president with a badge. Years later , the two would meet again and Max would remind him of this first encounter . Even the gruff Humpy Sobule was remembered fondly . Max said that "Humpy was like a father to all the boys who worked for him. "2 6 11

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While he learned the newspaper business , Max was also learnin g of a fledgling young mediwn that would soon come to prominence . In a corner o f the Goldberg living room was a small table where Max sat with his schoolwork and his books. Also on the table was a crystal radio set , precursor to the vacuwn tube radio soon to become a fi x ture in millions of American homes. As he hunched over it , Max worked diligently to find a signal that was audible above the crackling static of his primitive set.27 When he did, the sound ofhwnan voices coming into his home through the airwaves affected him greatly. H e sensed the unique power of this new means of communication . In t he 194 0 s he de v eloped a similar sense about television, and he went on to a career in which his creativity and pioneering work influenced the growth and development of broadcasting in Colorado . Max atte n ded Cheltenham School at West Colfa x and Irving Street , and Villa Park School at 8th Avenue and Hazel Court , both Denver Public Schools . His schooling and his newspaper hawking were interrupted frequently by a series of childhood illnes ses including flu , scarlet fever , and chicken pox. Dr. Morris Krohn , who had delivered Anna Goldberg's children , knew of the family's poverty but graciously treated Max anyway . Sometimes he accepted one of Anna ' s delicious meals as payment , but often he received nothing more than her heartfelt gratitude. When Max contracted diphtheria , he was quarantined at Steele Hospital at West 7th A venue and Cherokee Street , Denver ' s facility for children with contagious diseases. Several times a day , in a display of kindness and devotion which Max never forgot , 12

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his mother visited him. Years later he recalled : Better than medicine were the Sunday comics ... My mother brought them to me, trudging more than two miles from our home to the hospital in order to see me through a window from the sidewalk. Diphtheria was a dreaded disease and no visitors were allowed inside the building. 28 Max' s illnesses were all followed by rapid recoveries , so despite them he had an active boyhood. As an adult , however , he would suffer from more serious health problems . This , then, was the childhood that shaped Max Goldberg . He learned the joy of belonging to a large , loving family , and the grief that the loss of a family member brings. He learned to love and to adhere to his Jewish heritage , but to respect the heritage of others. He spent many hours with his neighbors , the Ballejos family , who taught him to speak Spanish . Later in life Hispanic leaders in Denver would hail him as a friend of their community . He learned the meaning of responsibility , contributing to his family ' s income at age seven, and he learned how to hustle . He also learned that people want information , and that those able to communicate it earned both money and respect . Communication would become his profession. 13

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1 1 . Denver Town Company Minutes , December 26 , 1859, quoted in Allen D. Breck, The Centennial History of the Jews of Colorado , 1859-19 59 (Denver : The Hirschfeld Press , 1960), p. 10. 2. Irving Howe and Kenneth Libo , How We Lived (New York: Plume Books , 1981 and Neil M . and Ruth Schwartz Cowan, Our Parents' Lives (New York : Basic Books, 1989) are two of the numerous histories of Jewish immigration to America. 3 . For more on Jewish consumptives and the relations between the Reform and Orthodox communities in Denver, see Jeanne Abrams, " Chasing . the Cure: A History of the Jewish Consumptives' Relief Society of Denver," Ph.D. diss . , University of Colorado , 1983 . 4. Mark Wischnitzer , To Dwell in Safety (Philadelphia : The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1948), pp. Ida Uchill, Pioneers , Peddlers and Tsadikim (Boulder CO: Quality Line Printing, 1957) , p. 171. 5. Rose Barnett, videotape interview with Charles (Chuck) Goldberg, Denver CO , May 18, 1988, courtesy of Charles Goldberg . Hereafter cited as Rose Barnett interview. 6 . Max Goldberg, 1972 , untitled typed manuscript in possession of the Goldberg family. Max Goldberg had begun this autobiographical manuscript shortly before his death. There are two versions of it, a rough draft and a revised copy , which were discovered by his daughter, Mrs. Dorothy Goldberg Scott, in 1996 . Hereafter cited as Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript . 7. 1be nine children are , in birth order , Libby (1896-1990) , William (1897-1993) , Rose (1900-1996) , Harry (1903-1998), Morris (1904-1994) , Jack (b . 1906), Louis (19082000), Max (1911-1972) , and Florence (b. 1913). Anna Goldberg also had at least two nnscamages . 8 . Ida Uchill, Pioneers, Peddlers and Tsadikim (Boulder CO : University Press of Colorado, 2000), p . 170. This book contains a wealth of information, as well as wonderfully colorful and evocative descriptions of Jewish life in Denver and elsewhere in Colorado . 14

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9 . Years later, a fire at the home burned Max's birth certificate and for many years he was unsure of his true date ofbirth . Denver Public Schools recorded it as August 31, 1911, but his 1928 application to the University of Denver has September 5 , 1911. On a 1949 passport application, he gave it as June 14, 1910. A short time later , he discovered through Dr. Krohn ' s records that the correct date was in fact October 19, 1911. 10. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript. 11. Max Goldberg , U.S. Passport Application #154011 ( April2 , 1954), Goldberg Papers, box 12. 12. Rose Barnett interview , May 18, 1988. 13. Ibid 14. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , March 29, 1935, Goldberg papers , box 9 . 15. Rocky Mountain N ews , Nov . 4 , 1918, p . 4 . For more on the flu epidemic see Stephen J. Leonard, "The 1918 Influenza Epidemic in Denver and Colorado , " E ssays and Monographs in C olorado History No. 9 , Denver : Colorado Historical Society , (1989) , pp. 1-24. 16. Harry Goldberg , videotape interview with Charles (Chuck ) Goldberg , Denver CO, May 18, 1988, courtesy of Charles Goldberg . Hereafter cited as Harry Goldberg interview . 17. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript. 18. Rose Barnett interview , May 18, 1988. 19. Breck, C entennial History , p. 112 and p. 114, cites sources which estimate that 80% to 97% of newsboys in Denver during this era were Jewish. These seemingly high figures probably referred only to the downtown and West Colfax areas , not the entire city. 20. During Jacob Sobule's thirty-two year career at The Denver Post , he earned the respect, love and gratitude of hundreds of newsboys to whom he was a boss , a teacher and a father figure. See obituaries in The Denver Post , October 18, 1948, and the In t ermountain Jewish New s, October 21, 1948. 21. Jack Goldberg , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, April24 , 1997; Uchill , 15

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Pioneers , Peddlers and Tsadildm, pp. 154-155. 22. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript. 23. Harry Goldberg interview , May 18, 1988. 24. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. 25. Breck, Centennial History , p. 114. 26. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript. 27. Rose Barnett interview , May 18, 1988. 28. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript. 16

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CHAPTER2 THE SPORTSWRITER For many children of immigrants , sports and games were more than a mere diversion-they were a means of assimilating, of gaining acceptance into American society . For a lucky few , such as boxer Willie Goldberg , they even became a source of income . 1 Max Goldberg , his youngest brother , became involved in athletics at an early age . He and the other Jewish children of West Colfax played baseball in Bloomfield Park at West 13th A venue and Decatur Street , later renamed Rude Park .in honor of philanthropist Isadore Rude (1875-1941). Sometitnes they played on the hard-packed dirt of Paul Court . . When they traveled to other neighborhoods to play teams of Irish, Italian or German boys , anti-Semitic heckling occasionally precipitated fights , but these rarely escalated beyond youthful fisticuffs . Basketball too was popular . In 1923 , Max and some of his West Colfax friends joined the Peerless Athletic Club team , playing other amateur clubs and high school teams from throughout the area . This close-knit neighborhood team stayed together for over eleven years.2 Max enjoyed reading about sports too . Daily he perused The Denver Post to follow the exploits of his hero , the great Babe Ruth . He particularly recalled 1921 , when The Post had a big black circle on the front page in which they printed Ruth's 17

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home run total daily . Max delighted in checking the circle each day as the figure grew to an unprecedented fifty-nine by season ' s end . 3 His love of sports eventually blossomed into an early career and a lifelong avocation. Like his brothers before him, Max attended North High School at Speer and Federal Boulevards. While he did so , his work selling The Post continued to occupy a large amount of his time. He joined se v eral extracurricular groups , including the Spanish Club, the Maxwell History Club and the Commercial Club,4 but there is no indication that he was active in any of them . His name is not mentioned anywhere in The North Star , the student newspaper , during the years he attended . However , aside from selling The Post, during these years Max was also reporting the results of high school athletic contests to The Post's sports department. It is easy to understand, then, why his long career in journalism was not presaged by a stint on his high school paper . At an age when his peers were merely practicing reporting , Max was already engaged in the real thing . He tried out for the school debating team, but did not make the grade . Ironically, as an adult "Max turned out to be the most winning , convincing, undeniable advertising salesman. "5 At North High, Max developed friendships which were to last the rest of his life , such as with Robert Gamzey. They shared an interest in sports and in writing. Shortly after Max took the helm of the Intermountain Jewish News in 1943, Gamzey came aboard and they worked together for twenty-nine years . First published as the Denver Jewish News in 1913, this weekly newspaper was the official voice of the 18

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Central Jewish Council of Denver until Goldberg and Gamzey accepted the Council's offer to transform it into an independent publication (see Chapter 8) . Under their leadership it became more professional, more profitable and more widely distributed. Their formal partnership lasted until1965 and survived some serious disputes over fmances and editorial policy. Another close friend was Bernard Diamond, at whose wedding Max was later the best man. Recalling his friend as a high school student, Diamond said , "He was always in a hurry . Max walked fast. He always had something to do. He was always on the go . "6 The same could probably have been said about him at any time in his life , as his multi-faceted career and his family k ept him constantly engaged . Other omens of the future began to appear at North High . In his sophomore year , for example, Max earned an A in a typewriting class. For the rest of his life he was an inveterate and speedy typist, pounding out news stories, columns, personal letters and business correspondence at a prolific clip. As a junior, Max took a class in News . Not surprisingly, he got another A What is surprising, considering his successful career as a journalist and broadcaster , is that he often got C's and D's in English . When he graduated in June, 1928, his academic record was, on the whole, decidedly mediocre. 7 Bernard Diamond recalled that "Max was always trying to learn . He always wanted to improve himself. "8 The next logical step for such a young man was college . In September , 1928, Max entered the University of Denver. He registered 19

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for fourteen credit hours that first semester , but soon realized that he had taken on too heavy a load . He completed eleven hours , doing especially well in Law of Contracts . The knowledge he gained in this class probably served him well later in life during his many comple x business dealings . Finances forced Max to leave school after that first semester. His tuition alone came to ninety-one dollars , not including books and supplies .9 So he joined hundreds of fellow DU students who took j obs with the Denver Tramway Company. The Evans family , who founded and were ma j or supporters ofDU, also were principals in the Tramway Company and fac i litated this arrangement. The student conductors worked the trailer cars b e hind the main trolle y s primarily during rush hour, collecting fares and transfers from the passengers. "T railer hounds," as they were known, earned forty-eight cents an hour , enough to enable many , i ncluding Max Goldberg, to continue their education. 10 After several months , he had saved enough to return to school in the Fall of 1929 . Considering a career in business , he enrolled full-time in the University of Denver School of Commerce . It was his last foray into formal education, and a brief one at that. Less than two months later, still under financial pressure , he withdrew from school and never returned. Eager to re-enter the world of journalism , Max soon talked his way into a job with the Rocky Mountain News . Starting at ten dollars a week, he toiled for a year as a night police reporter , a position that surely must have exposed him to some of the seamier goings-on about town . He also did some reporting for the sports department 20

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under editor Vernon "Curle y " Grieve . Clearly , sports was more to his liking , and his brief crack at it whetted his appetite for more. Max seemed to know that his future lay in journalism. His stint at the Rocky Mountain News established him as a reporter who "showed both energy and enterprise,"11 but he was anxious to advance himself. As his brother Jack explained, Max "wanted to try something new, to see if he could map out a career."12 In the summer of 1931 he got an opportunity. Through his sportswriting , Max had become familiar with George V. Manley ( 190 1-1968 ), a nationally ranked l i ght heavyweight boxer. Manley had a reputation for being even wilder and more pugnacious outside the ring than inside . 13 He often spent his evenings carousing in downtown Denver bars, and more than once was arrested for his antics . When Max heard that Manley and a friend were driving to Salt Lake City in a Cadillac convertible , he approached them and asked if he could ride along . They assented , and Max later recalled the trip : I sat in the back seat with Manley. When we were about 300 miles from Denver, he suddenly started swinging. I could feel the wind go by when he swung , and a few times he hit me. I couldn't open the door and jump out. I was stuck. Fortunately , we stopped to respond to Mother Nature and I asked the driver if he would mind ifl sat i n the front seat. "I'm scared to death George is gonna kill me," I said . "I don't think he would mean to, but he may be a little drunk . " Fortunately , I arrived in Salt Lake safe and sound. I certainly regretted that invitation , though . 14 A subsequent ride with another famous boxer would prove to be far less harrowing . The three oldest Goldberg brothers, Willie, Harry, and Morris , were all living in Salt Lake City . Willie was the proprietor of Horseshoe Billiards at 51 E . Second 21

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South, a lucrative business but a tough one . He was equal to the challenge , however , and his boxing experience and reputation probably came in handy. Max moved in with Willie and his wife , Sarah, and their son , Charles, at the Fairmont Apartments at 50 E. 500 South . Morris Goldberg and his wife Augusta also lived in the building , an indication of the closeness of the family . With more than a year's experience at the Rocky Mountain Ne ws , Max quickly landed a job reporting sports for the Salt Lake Telegram . There he honed his journalistic skills and built a reputation as a knowledgeable sports writer . The word which best describes Max's tenure at the T e l e gram is versatility . He covered stories ranging from those of national interest to the most local and obscure, and no sport was beyond his realm. O f course , he was already well versed in the fmer points of baseball , basketball and boxing. His urban upbringing, however , had afforded him little exposure to outdoor activities . Frank K. Baker , sports editor of the Telegram , assigned him to stories that forced him to l earn. Within a few months , he was covering the Utah deer hunting season . His reportorial duties quickly expanded and he wrote about trap shooting, swim meets , handball , and even dog sled racing . Bowling was a popular pastime, and Max had a regular column, "Strikes and Spares," which covered the local scene. As autumn moved inexorably into winter, skiing came to prominence in the sports pages, and Max was there to cover it. He rapidly learned the intricacies of various forms of the sport, and began to develop his own prose style . Here he described a ski j umping 22

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competition : The beautiful picture of faultless form with body bent slightly f orward , legs outstretched and hands in a straight line , enabled Nord Nordquist to nose out Calmar Andreasen , Utah amateur champion , Friday afternoon at Ecker hill in the New Year's ski meet.. . The stance, form and daring of these semi seasoned jumpers thrilled the huge throng of 700 which came by train , auto and bus to marvel at the incredible nerve of the jumpers.15 Max covered a tremendous array of sports. He reported on professional and amateur wrestling , college football , track and field , fishing, even an annual seven-mile swim in the Great Sal t Lake . But his big break came thanks to his brother Willie . Jack Dempsey lived and trained in Salt Lake City at that time , and Willie knew him well . According to Max, the two had traveled together when they were younger, hopping freight trains throughout the West , and they remained close friends . 1 6 Willie was a l ightweight , but the heavyweight Dempsey liked to spar with him to improve his speed and timing . Dempsey was a regular at Vincent's Cafe at 48 E. Second South, just across the street from Will i e ' s billiard parlor . One day Willie took Max over and introduced him to Dempsey , which Max later called "the greatest thrill of my life . " 17 After this initial meeting , Max was easily able to arrange an interview for his paper . Even though he had by then been dethroned as champion , Dempsey was still one of the most popular and charismatic figures in the country . Max's exclusive interview was a tremendous coup for a nineteen-year-old fledgling 23

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reporter. In April, 1932 , several months after the interview , Max was visiting Los Angeles when he learned that Dempsey was also in town. Max telephoned him, and during the conversation Dempsey said that he was planning to drive to San Francisco . Casually and cleverly, Max mentioned that he had never been there , to which the gracious Dempsey responded by inviting him along. The elated young sportswriter met Dempsey at his hotel the next morning to begin the trip . Leaving Los Angeles, the ex-champ played tour guide for his impressionable guest , pointing out the homes of stars like Mabel Normand and Will Rogers . When he noticed that Max had no hat , he remarked, "Everybody in San Francisco wears a hat." They stopped at a haberdashery in Gilroy , where Dempsey picked out a new hat for each of them at fifteen dollars apiece. Handing the clerk a fifty-dollar bill, he told him , "keep the change , " and resumed their trip . That Stetson became one of Max's prized possessions , and he warned, "Anybody who touched that hat did so at his own peril ! " Just before reaching their destination, they heard a police siren behind them and pulled over. Without looking at either man, the patrolman wrote out a speeding ticket , then asked for the driver's license . When he saw the name, the surprised officer glanced from the license to the driver and back several times . Sheepishly, he told Dempsey to "kinda watch it, Jack, " as he tore up the ticket. Max later recalled, "As the officer waved good-bye, I got the feeling that there was a man who had just experienced one of the great moments in his life . " 18 24

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Max observed countless Dempsey training sessions at the Elite gym in Salt Lake City , and often visited his South Temple Street home. He wrote many subsequent articles on Dempsey for the Telegram , using his personal acquaintance with him to scoop other reporters . He even created a new nickname . Dempsey was known as the Manassa Mauler , for his hometown in southern Colorado, but Max dubbed him the Utah Mauler during his sojourn in Salt Lake City . Soon Max was rewarded with more prestigious assignments , such as previewing the upcoming 1932 major league baseball season . Using personal conn e ctions to gamer news and advance his career is a skill which Max developed and utilized to great advantage throughout his life . America in 19 32 was mired in the depths of the Great Depression. For three years it had grown progressively worse , with .an average of nearly 100 , 000 people per week losing their jobs.19 On April 23, 1932 , Max Goldberg joined their ranks . Forced into severe budgetary constraints by the failing economy , Salt L ake Telegram sports editor Frank K Baker released Max, the youngest man on his staff. Although it must have been difficult , i t gave Max something for which he probably had been longing-an opportunity to return to Denver . Max's stay in Salt Lake was not a particularly happy time for him . He did cultivate a passionate interest in golf, which he sustained the rest of his life. But despite his professional progress, he was, simply put , homesick. He missed his family and friends in Denver more than he had imagined . Several years later , he 25

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wrote, "I remember when I was in Salt Lake City I used to buy The Denver Post at the first opportunity , and enjoyed it more than I would an outstanding picture show . "20 He confided to a friend, "I was in Salt Lake for nine months, had three brothers there , and still longed for Denver. "21 Shortly after his layoff, a d i sappointed but undeterred Max returned to Denver . He brought with him a glowing letter of recommendation from his former employer which lauded him as "a good news gatherer , a hard worker and a congenial employee ... a good all around man who can be depended upon to stick on a story until he gets what he' s after . "22 At age twenty , after stints with the Rocky Mountain News and the Telegram , he had clearly established himself as a knowledgeable sports reporter and a skilled journalist. As he would demonstrate throughout his career, Max Goldberg was also an astute observer of the contemporary scene. While print journalism was, and still is , a powerful force in American society , Max sensed the rapidly increasing influence of another means of communication. It was to this new medium that he would next turn his attention . 26

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 1. Peter Levine , Ellis Island to Ebbets Field: Sport and the American Jewish Experience (New York: Oxford University Press , 1992), provides comprehensive coverage of this topic, although it focuses primarily on the East and Midwest . 2. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , October 9 , 1934, Goldberg Papers , box 9. Some of the other team members were Morris Sapper (captain) , Max Gardenschwartz, Louis Streltzer, Red Mendelsohn , Robert Gamzey, Philip Fischer and George Cooper. 3 . Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. 4. The North High School Viking v . 24, June 1928, p. 32. 5. Robert Gamzey , "A Half Century Together, " Intermountain Jewish News, November 10, 1972. 6 . Bernard Diamond, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, April 16, 1997. 7 . The following staff members at North High School provided invaluable assistance: Kathy Apodaca, records clerk, allowed access to Max Gol dberg's transcript ; Sue Nichol, librarian, helped locate several school yearbooks ; Clarese Boswell, English and journalism teacher, made back issues of the student newspaper available. 8. Bernard Diamond interview, April 16, 1997. 9. Transcripts and information on Max Goldberg's college career provided by Peggy Kranak, Office of the Registrar , University of Denver. 10. Kenton Forrest, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, June 16, 1997 ; William C. Jones, F. Hol Wagner, Jr., Gene C. McKeever and Kenton Forrest, Mile-High Trolleys (Boulder CO: Pruett Publishing, 1975), p . 38; Isadore Rosenbloom, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, July 8, 1997. 11. Letter of recommendation from managing editor C .E. Lounsbury of the Rocky Mountain News, May 18, 1931, Goldberg Papers, box 9. 12. Jack Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, CO, April24, 1997. 27

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13. For more on Manley's colorful life and career see Lee Olson, "They Still Want Me to Fight," The Denver P ost E mpire Magazine , September 6, 1959, pp. 4-5. 14. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript . 15. Salt Lake Telegram , c . early Jan., 1932. This article and dozens of others Max Goldberg wrote for the T e l e gram are in a Goldberg family scrapbook, Goldberg Papers , boxW-4 . 16. For more on Dempsey's youthful travels and the finer points of "riding the rods" see Jack Dempsey (with Barbara Piattelli Dempsey), Dempse y (New York: Harper & Row , Randy Roberts , Jack Dempsey , The Manassa Mauler (Baton Rouge : Louisiana State University Press, 1979). Willie Goldberg on several occasions recounted his adventures with Dempse y to his nephews and other relatives . 17. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript . 18. Max Goldberg , Untitled Intermountain Jewi s h N ews Lit e rary Supplement , June 26, 1992. 19. James W . Davidson, et al. Nation of Nations: A Narrativ e History of the Am e rican Republic Vol. II (New York: McGraw-Hill Inc., 1994), p. 959. 20. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , Oct. 9 , 1934, Goldberg papers, box 9 . 21. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, May 16, 1934, Goldberg papers, box 9 . 22. Letter of recommendation from sports editor Frank K. Baker of the Salt Lake Telegram , April23 , 1932, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 28

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CHAPTER3 RADIO DAYS In October , 1920 , radio station KDKA in Pittsburgh received the first commercial broadcasting license ever issued by the U.S . Department of Commerce . Just three years later , over five hundred licensed stations were operating . The number of American homes with radio sets in creased from less than 1000 in 1920 to more than 18 million by 1932, and sixty percent of all Americans were listening to the radio. 1 As the Depression deepened during the 1930s, more and more people sought solace in the familiar voices emanating from their radios. Shortly after his release from the Salt L ake Telegram , Max Goldberg returned to Denver and moved back into his mother's modest Paul Court home. He made no secret of his ambition to get behind a microphone , and with the brash confidence of youth he headed for the offices of station KFEL in the Albany Hotel at 17th and Stout Streets. When he asked station owner Eugene P . O'Fallon (1890-1963) for a job, he was flatly denied . Unwilling to accept rejection , Max refused to leave. Instead, he pleaded with O'Fallon and even offered to work without pay . Because he was living at home at the time, Max felt that he could temporarily afford such an arrangement. When he proposed a sports program, he recalled, "O'Fallon chewed on his cigar , looked me over from head to toe and finally said, slowly and I thought 29

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reluctantly , 'Well, Max , we'll give it a try ."'2 Max Goldberg made his radio debut in September , 1932 , still not twenty-one years old . On the air, however , he assumed the persona of a more experienced man . He opened his broadcasts with, "Good evening , athletic followers . This i s Max Goldberg , your old sports commentator , all set to give you the latest in sports ' hot from the kettle ."' Billing himself as "old" was a savvy move to enhance his credibility . By promising to deliver the "latest. .. hot from the kettle , " he imbued his broadcasts with a sense of immediacy . Three e v enings a week the "old sports commentator" was on the air . More than a mere recitation of scores and statistics , the broadcasts included interviews , commentary and insights into both the local and national sports scene. He took his job seriously , declaring that his purpose "is not only to provide interesting sports programs by interviewing noted athletes and coaches , but also to reveal red hot sports dope whenever it's appropriate to do so ... given from a purely impartial standpoint. "3 Two months into his broadcasting career , Max Goldberg became embroiled in a feud in which he demonstrated that , despite his youth, he was a force to be reckoned with in the Denver sports scene . Jack Carberry (1892-1962) had recently been appointed sports editor of the Rocky Mountain News. In several columns , he harshly criticized local boxing promoter Jack Kanner, claiming that Kanner cheated his fighters out of much of their money . The columns neglected to mention that 30

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NOSE. REMEMBER , I MIGHT OBJECT AND PUNCH YOU IN THE NOSE FIRST!! IF YOU HAVE ANYTHING FURTHER TO SAY, I INVITE YOU TO MEET ME IN FRONT OF THE MICROPHONE AT KFEL ON ANY NIGHT I APPEAR , AND I'LL BE GLAD TO ARGUE THE MATTER WITH YOU OVER THE AIR.4 Max spent the next several days researching Kanner's record as a promoter and his relationships with his fighters. On his broadcast of Tuesday, December 6 , he quoted from contracts and letters on file with the state boxing commission to prove that Carberry's allegations against Kanner were untrue. More importantly, he sent an unmistakable message to the Denver sports world-Max Goldberg was not about to let Jack Carberry or anyone else intimidate him. His invitation to Carberry to argue . t he issue on the air showed his reasonable and levelheaded approach to the problem . But in responding to the threat of a punch in the nose by saying that "I might object and punch you in the nose first," he also showed that he could fight fire with fire . He even began referring to the editor on the air as "Jack Carberry, F.O.B.," which, he explained, stood for Full of Baloney . There is no indication that Carberry had any further response . He and Max eventually resolved their dispute, however , for in 1960 Carberry was among the first guests on The Max Goldberg Show on television. 5 Max appreciated all sports, but, he stated, 'Td rather watch a toe-to-toe boxing match than any other sporting event." He referred to it as "the fine fistic art of massaging each other's chin. "6 Re-creations of famous prizefights were a popular feature that he particularly enjoyed airing . He re-created several fights of his friend, 32

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Jack Dempsey , including bouts with Jess Willard , Georges Carpentier, Luis "Angel" Firpo, and the famous "long count " battle with Gene Tunney . As he built his career , Max maintained the friendships he had formed during his boyhood in the West Colfax neighborhood . In fact , he sometimes enlisted the aid of old friends such as Morey Sher and Bernard Diamond . They assumed the roles of fighters , trainers or referees for these re-creations . Both men were happy to assist Max. Of course, it didn't hurt that their assistance involved an enjoyable and prestigiou s appearance on the radio! 7 Like aspiring young men in any profession , Max was eager to please and impress his boss , the formidable Gene O'Fallon . He decided to re create the 1897 heavyweight title fight between champion J ames J. " Gentleman Jim" Corbett and challenger Bob Fitzsimmons . When he learned that F rederick G. Bonfils , dynamic publisher of The Denver P o s t , had been presen t in Carson City , Nevada, for the bout , he told O'Fallon that he wanted to add some real i sm and color to his re-creation by inviting Mr. Bonfils to appear on the broadcast. O'Fallon was dumfounded . He explained to Max that Bonfils saw radio as his competition, and he refused even to run K.FEL program listings in his paper. O'Fallon, in fact , was suing The Post over this issue. "If you tell them you ' re from K.FEL, you'll get thrown down the stairs ! You better not go near him [Mr. Bonfils]," said O'Fallon. According to Max, "That was all I needed to hear." He immediately marched to The Post offices and arranged an appointment with Bonfils , whom he had first 33

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met in 1923 when he was president of the Newsboys Club . Contrary to O'Fallon's prediction, their meeting the next day was amicable and Bonfils expressed interest in appearing on the broadcast. He said he would think it over , and asked the young sportscaster to return in several days for an answer . Max never got his answer . That week Bonfils fell severely ill, and he died several days later . 8 The following week, Max got another chance to impress O'Fallon . Jack Dempsey came to Denver for a visit , and Max met him at Union Station when he arrived. He convinced Dempsey to appear on his radio show that evening at 7 : 15, and returned to the studio to tell his boss . O'Fallon was skeptical that Max could land such a big star, but nevertheless he plugged Dempsey's appearance throughout the day. By evening , a crowd of eager fight fans had gathered outside the studio to see and hear the former champ. Max waited anxiously as seven o ' clock passed with no sign of his renowned guest. "By 7 : 14 , " Max recalled, "Dempsey still had not showed [sic] up at the studio, but at 7:15 a long black Cadillac pulled up and Jack got out and said, 'Here I am' just as though there was no doubt he was going to come . I drew a deep breath of relief. 11 (Twenty-seven years later, presidential candidate John F . Kennedy elicited a similar sigh of relief, this time for a live television appearance . See Chapter 6) . The drama for the evening had not yet ended. In a prankish mood, Dempsey decided to give Max the old hot-foot on the air. He surreptitiously inserted a lit match into the bottom of Max's shoe. When it burned to the end, Max said , "I felt a 34

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sting in my shoe and I almost emitted some profanity but luckily I didn't." The show ended without further incident , and O'Fallon was quite pleased with his young sportscaster . Max ' s onl y compensation for landing such a prestigious guest , however , was two tickets to the Denham Theater at 18th and California. 9 O'Fallon had obtained the theater tickets in a trade deal , a common practice at the time . With so many businesses struggling in the Depression, few could afford to pay cash for their advertising. Instead the y pa i d in trade . O'Fallon , a well-known fashion buff, was rumored to have kept himself attired in high style through deals with tailor shops. Max Goldberg wore an expensive watch and ring he got via trade with Gensler-Lee Jewelers . He sold advertising time to the Auto Rental Service and thus was able to motor about town in fme automobiles , even though he was "running short of cold cash, something I'll be doing for a l ong , long time . " 1 0 Movie tickets , office furniture , and hotel rooms-including, ultimately, his honeymoon suite at the Park Lane Hotel-were among the other commodities he received in lieu of cash. Ambitious and enterprising , Max did not limit his efforts strictly to the radio business during this period . Greeting card sales , at which he was only marginally successful, was but one of his various endeavors . He also attempted to become a promoter. In May, 1933 , he signed a contract with Jack Seidenberg, another West Colfax product who was a "professional athlete and vaudeville performer ." Max was to arrange for "boxing contests, training exercises , vaudeville performances and otherwise" and receive a one-third share of the proceeds. With the exception of one 35

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staged wrestling match between "Kid Breakem" and "Kid Shakem, " this contract apparently bore little fruit. 1 1 Merchants Park at Broadway and Exposition Avenue hosted motorcycle races on Wednesday evenings in the summer , where Max moonlighted as the public address announcer . He did likewise for the Sunday afternoon auto races at Dupont Speedway , three miles north of the city limits on Brighton Road. Aside from his meager five-dollar stipend , Max enjoyed it "because when those cars swerve around the track, with death preceding them at every mile , it's really something worth watching and getting e x cited over . " 12 He also continued to write about sports . For several months he covered Jewish sports for the Intermountain Jewish News, a duty previously performed by Herman "Patsy" Enger (1907-1967), who was also that paper's business manager . He continued his association with The Denver Post by covering high school basketball games . Bob Gamzey , Max's high school friend and future partner, was a paid Post sports reporter who got a byline on his stories, while Max wrote anonymously and without pay to keep his skills sharp and to maintain his contacts at the paper . 13 Taking on numerous duties simultaneously would become a lifelong trademark of Max Goldberg. Another activity of Max's during this period was staging dances for the Jewish community . He rented spots such as the Coronado Club at East Colfax Avenue and Clarkson Street or Club Lido at 16th Street and Glenarm Place, hired orchestras , and arranged publicity through posters and ads in the local Jewish press. 36

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Financially, his efforts were just successful enough to encourage him to continue. Socially, they were an even bigger hit. The West End Press reported that his Spring Dance on March 24, 1935, was "an outstanding success from every point ofview ... a brilliant social event long to be remembered." 14 If Max ever encountered any anti-Semitism during these formative years of his career, he never mentioned it. He took great pride in his heritage , and frequentl y raised issues of interest to Jews in his writing and broadcasts . F or example , when he interviewed heavyweight contender Max Baer on the air in April , 1934 , Max specifically asked about his Jewish background . Baer , who spent part of his childhood in Denver, replied that he was "part J ewish, part Irish , part German , and part a lot of other things . 1115 Max interviewed 11Pats y " Enger , who discussed prominent Jewish athletes in college football and boxing . 16 In examining attempts by the American Jewish Congress to have the 1936 Olympics moved from Berlin to protest Nazi policies toward Jews , he demonstrated his ability to confront issues more substantive than sports . 17 Long before i t became fashionable, Max Goldberg publicized the accomplishments of African-American athletes . Denver product Ham Jenkins, for example , was a light heavyweight contender whose career was shortened by injuries . Max praised him not because of his race , however, but because "he never stalled--was fighting every second--and never complained against decisions . In short, he was a true sportsman, typical of that line of athletes who exemplify the fme qualities 37

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of the sport in which they excel." Max also interviewed Harry Polk, "one of t he most prominent colored men in Denver . " Polk was employed in the Governor's office and for eight years was the physical director of the downtown YMCA. In response to Max's questions, he proudly described the achievements of "the Negro " in various sports, as well as the obstacles Negro athletes faced because of their race. 18 L ater in his career , Max championed another minority . While hosting a public affairs show on television in the 1950s and 1 960 s , he was hailed by members ofDenver' s Hispanic community for publicizing their progress and problems when they had no other public forum .19 Women, too , appeared regularl y with the "old sports commentator . " Female guest s ranged from local church-sponsored basketball teams to world famous Babe Didrikson ( 1914-1956 ) , a 1932 Olympic gold medalist who, to this day, is widely regarded as the greatest woman athlete in history . Demonstrating his versatility and public awareness , Max frequently digressed from sports to explore the most pressing issues of the day , the Depression and the attempted recovery . He interviewed Herbert L . Fairall , chairman of the state Civi l Works Program that provided jobs for some 25 , 000 Coloradans . Shortly before the repeal of Prohibition in late 1933 , he had State Treasurer Homer F. Bedford discuss how the new tax revenues from alcohol sales would benefit Colorado . The most prominent civic leaders he questioned were Denver Mayor George D . Begole and Colorado Governor Edwin C. Johnson . The young sportscaster apparently made quite an impression on the Governor. Y ears later , Johnson asked Max to manage 38

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several of his campaigns , and they developed a close professional and personal relationship. Max Goldberg's star was on the rise. In the fall of 1933 he moved from KFEL to rival station KFXF , where he continued to broadcast sports and sell advertising. As he would throughout his career, he kept abreast of the activities of peers and competitors. He watched with interest when Wilford Woody and Jack Fitzpatrick began a sports interview program on KLZ , an idea which Max believed they took from him . 20 After Max left , Bill Johnson assumed the sportscasting duties at KFEL. In July, 1934 , Johnson announced that he was a personal friend of"Jumping" Joe Savoldi , All-American fullback under Knute Rockne at Notre Dame, and that Savoldi would soon be on his show . Professional football was still in its infancy , but college stars were becoming national celebrities. When Savoldi came to Denver several weeks later, however, he appeared on KFXF with Max instead. Obviously pleased at having bested his former station, Max said of Johnson, "Boy , was his face red! He and O'Fallon will be looking for me with a hatchet one of these days ." He never explained how he achieved his coup. Later that summer, KFXF obtained permission from the federal government to change its call letters to KVOD, which stood for the "voice of Denver ." Max reported that he liked the change because "it's easier to say than KFXF . "2 1 His many endeavors not withstanding, an energetic young man like Max 39

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Goldberg was not about to neglect his personal life . His familiarity with athletes taught him to value physical fitness, which he pursued in several ways. On Tuesday evenings he played forward for the Peerless Athletic Club basketball team, practicing at the Louise Gu1dman Community Center at West Colfax A venue and Irving Street. He joined the downtown YMCA at 16th A venue and Lincoln Street where he practiced his favorite participant sport, swimming. And he made it a point to walk to work each morning, even in winter , covering the two miles from his home to the KFXF studios at 18th A venue and Glenarm Pla c e in thirty minutes. 2 2 Socially, Max stayed active too, with his acquaintances from the West Colfax neighborhood his primary companions. As was customary among men of the neighborhood, he often spent Saturday evenings at Harry Hyman's Lake Steam Baths at West Colfax and Lowell Boulevard. There he enjoyed the companionship of friends along with a good shvit z . Shvit z is a Yiddish word literally meaning "sweat," or in this case a steam bath. Lake Steam Baths is one of the few businesses from that era still in existence . It is run today by Hannon Hyman, Harry's grandson , in the same location. A favorite topic of conversation among Max and his pals was "the wedding march among the Jewishjuveniles,''2 3 as the close-knit group kept tabs on the latest romantic developments among them. Max himself dated several youn g Jewish women, but never seriously enough to consider marriage-until June 3, 1934. On that Sunday, B'nai B'rith Lodge #171 of Denver held a fund-raising bazaar at its 1475 Williams Street headquarters . At a "kissing" booth there, one dollar 40

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bought a kiss-not a smooch from the young lady in charge , but a Hershey ' s Chocolate Kiss. Running the booth was Miriam Harris, a girl from a prominent East Denver Jewish family . She met Max Goldberg that afternoon, but , she said , "I didn't really remember him." Several weeks later, at a wedding at Beth Ha Medrosh Hagodol Synagogue at 16th Avenue and Gaylord Street, they met again.24 Max asked her to dance, and as they got acquainted he told her that he was on the radio . " I figured it was kind of a line , " she later recalled. She was flattered, nevertheless, that a man several years her senior was interested enough to ask for her telephone number . At 5:25 the next afternoon she tuned her radio to K.FXF-920 and heard the "old sports commentator" on the air . When the broadcas t ended, her telephone rang and the same voice asked her if she had been listening . 2 5 The courtship of Max Goldberg and Miriam Harris then began in earnest. Max was smitten. He told a friend , "Since I met her I don't know anyone else exists and have tom all the other phone numbers of girls out of my book. "2 6 Throughout the summer , the couple enjoyed picnics , dances , movies , parties and all manner of social activities . They even worshipped together, despite different religious orientations. While Max grew up in the Orthodox world of West Colfax, Miriam Harris ' family belonged to the Reform Temple Emanuel, Denver's oldest Jewish congregation ?7 She invited Max to attend services with her there on Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year. In a statement revealing the insularity of the West Colfax community 41

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and the distinctions between the Reform and Orthodox branches of Judaism , Max commented , "It'll be different as I've never been to Temple before but I've always been curious to know how their services differ from ours. "2 8 They grew steadily closer , yet all the while both knew what loomed come September . Miriam Harris , having just graduated from East High School, would be leaving Denver to attend Lindenwood College in St. Charles , Missouri . By that time , however , the bond between them would not be weakened by mere physical distance. Throughout her year at Lindenwood , Miriam and Max Goldberg corresponded daily, often two or three times a day. Alluding to the ongoing Depression, Max wrote, "We certainly are doing our part toward recovery by aiding in the production of stationery and stamps, aren't we?"29 Their relationship was well known to friends and colleagues . From her dormitory , Miriam Harris wrote , "The girls all kid me around here. Every time we get static on the radio they ask if I am trying to get my boyfriend in Denver." Max got his mail at the KFXF studios, where co-workers teased him about the importance he placed on Miriam ' s letters. One station employee remarked, "It's a good thing Max got a letter today, or he'd be absolutely useless for the rest of the day , isn't that right, Max?"3 0 Max remained busy but lonely. In November, he wrote seeking employment to three radio stations in St. Louis , less than twenty miles from Lindenwood, but found no openings in either sales or sports. 3 1 He devised several plans to visit St. 42

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Charles but his work never allowed him the opportunity. Despite their desire to be together , the young couple survived the year on letters , an occas i onal long distance telephone call , and Miriam's visits home during her Christmas and Spring breaks. June arrived and the long separation ended . Much to the disma y of Miriam ' s parents , Harry and Minnie Harris , Max persuaded Miriam not to return to school the next year . Mrs. Harris , a graduate of the Uni v ersity of Chicago , was terribly upset a t this news and felt that Max was a bad influence on her daughter. For all that she remained cordial to him , an underlying tension lingered between her and Max even after the couple announced their engagement. The highly anticipated marriage finally occurred on F ebruary 12, 1936 , at the Harris home at 625 Cook Street. Only immediate relatives attended the intimate ceremony , with Max's older brother Jack the best man . Officiating were Denver's two most preeminent rabbis, Charles E . Hillel Kauvar (1879-1971) ofBMH Synagogue and WilliamS . Friedman (1868-1944 ) of Temple Emanuel.32 After the ceremony, the families celebrated with a dinner at the Park Lane Hotel at 450 South Marion Parkway , an address that would figure prominently in the lives of the newlyweds . 33 Max Goldberg continued to work in radio long after his marriage . When World War ll ended, so too did a ban on man-in-the-street interviews . Seeking a jump on the competition , Max contacted Gene Amole , a young announcer on station KMYR , to help him do such a show . They broadcast their first program on KVOD , 43

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"Meet Me at 12:30," from in front of the Paramount Theater on 16th Street on January 2, 1946. Seven years and some 10, 000 passersby later, the program ended and Amole noted : It was my first break in broadcasting , and without Max I probably never would have received it. The program taught me how to think on my feet and how to interview strangers . Max was a great guy to work for. We never had an argument. All these years later, people still come up to me and tell me how they used to listen to my program . I shall always feel indebted to Max for his faith in me . 34 Throughout his life, even after television came to prominence, Max Goldberg's interest in radio continued. Always on the lookout for a profitable investment, he checked into stations from Pueblo, Durango, Brighton, Cheyenne and other small cities. As usual, however, he had numerous other interests. His growing family, an advertising business, publishing, writing, fundraising, television and politics were but some of the activities to which he devoted his energies. 44

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 3 1. United States Bureau of the Census, Historical Abstract of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975), p. 796. 2. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. Erik Barnouw, A Tower in Babel, A History of Broadcasting in the United States to 19 3 3 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 235-237, states that unsalaried employees were commonplace at radio stations during the Depression . He also states that scores of radio stations across the country were given studio and office space in nearly vacant hotels in return for free publicity announcements . 3 . Max Goldberg, transcript ofKFEL broadcast, Dec. 6, 1932, Goldberg papers, box 7. 4. Max Goldberg to Jack Carberry, November 27, 1932, Goldberg papers , box W-4. 5. In 1934, Carberry jumped to the rival Denver Post , where he worked as reporter , editor and columnist until his death in 1962. 6 . Max Goldberg, undated transcript ofKFEL broadcast (c. March 1933), Goldberg papers , box 7 . 7 . Undated transcript ofbroadcast ( c . Fall , 1933), Goldberg family scrapbook, Goldberg papers, box 7; Bernard Diamond interview with Owen Chariton, April 16, 1997. 8. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. Bonfils died on February 2, 1933. 9. Ibid. 10. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, May 16, 1934, Goldberg papers , box 9 . 11. Contract and transcript of this broadcast match in Goldberg papers , box 9 . 12. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, July 4, 1934, Goldberg papers, box 9. 13. Bernard Diamond interview, April16, 1997. See The Denver Post , Jan. 6 , 1935, sec . 5, p. 5 , for an example. Gamzey wrote a bylined story on the North H.S. vs. West H.S. game, while Max's coverage of the Manual vs. East game ran on the same page 45

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without a byline . 14. West E nd Press, March 29, 1935. Published by Ben Blumberg , this four-page newspaper covered the West Colfax neighborhood for approximately a year and a half before it ceased publication in August, 1935. Archival copies are in the Ira M . Beck Archives of the Rocky Mountain Jewish Historical Society, University of Denver. 15. Qtd. in the West E nd Press , April2 0 , 1934. 16. Harry Newman (Michigan), Warren Heller (Pittsburgh) and Aaron Rosenberg ( Southern Cal) were All-Americans in the early 1930s and were later inducted into the College Football Hall ofF arne. Jewish boxers such as Kingfish Levinsky, Barney Ross and "Slapsie" Maxie Rosenbloom contended for and won numerous championships in the 1930s. 17. Interm ountain Jewish News, October 13, 1933. 18. Information on Ham Jenkins and Harry Polk taken from undated transcripts of broadcasts (c. 1933), Goldberg papers , box 7 . 19. El Tiempo (Denver ) , July 12, 1962, p. 2 . 20. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher , Oct. 2 , 1934, Goldberg papers; box 9 . Jac k Fitzpatrick (1900-1982) went on to a distinguished career as a political reporter in Colorado newspapers , radio and television . See Denver Mont hl y (March 1980), pp. 55-57. 21. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, undated letter (c. late July, 1934), Goldberg papers , box9. 22. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , misc. letters , Oct. 1934-Jan. 1935, Goldberg papers, box 9. 23. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher , undated letter ( c . late July, 1934), Goldberg papers , box9 . 24. Commonly referred to as BMH, this synagogue moved to 560 South Monaco in 1969. In 1997 it merged with Beth Joseph and assumed the name BMH-BJ Congregation, A United Beth Joseph-Beth HaMedrosh Hagodol Synagogue. 25. Miriam Harris Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver , November 2 , 46

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1997. 26. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher , June 27, 1934, Goldberg papers , box 9 . 27 . M.rujorie Hombein, Temple Emanuel of Denver, A Centennial History (Denver: AB. Hirschfeld Press , 1974), is the definitive history of this institution now located at 51 Grape Street. 28. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, Sept . 4, 1934, Goldberg papers, box 9 . 29. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , March 19, 1935, Goldberg papers, box 9. 30 . Miriam Harris to Max Goldberg, Nov. 21, 1934; Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, Jan. 18, 1935; Goldberg papers, box 9 . 31. StationKWK.toMaxGoldberg ,Nov. 14, 1934; StationKSDtoMaxGoldberg, Nov. 16, 1934; Station KMOX to Max Goldberg , Nov. 19, 1934; Goldberg papers, box 9 . 32. Rabbi Friedman served Temple Emanuel for forty-nine years, 1889-1938; Rabbi Kauvar servedBMH for fifty years, 1902-1952. Each was an important leader not just in the Jewish community but in the Denver community at large. For more on their influence see William S. Friedman Scrapbook in the Denver Public Library Western History Department; Hombein, Temple Emanuel of Denver ; Michael W . Rubinoff, ''Rabbi Charles Eliezer Hillel Kauvar of Denver : The Life of a Rabbi in the American West" (Ph.D. thesis , University of Denver, 1978). 33. Miriam Goldberg interview, November 2, 1997; Intermountain Jewish News, February 14, 1936. 34. Gene Amole, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992. Amole's career as a popular broadcaster and columnist is familiar to most long-time Denverites. His Rocky Mountain News columns are anthologized in Morning (Denver: Denver Publishing Co. , 1983); Amole Again (Denver Publishing Co. , 1985); andAmole One More Time (Boulder CO: Johnson Books, 1998). 47

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CHAPTER4 THE MAX GOLDBERG ADVERTISING AGENCY One of the first decisions facing many young newlyweds is choosing where to live . Because they often have limited financial resources, their options may be limited and many temporarily accept housing smaller and seedier than they would like . Max and Miriam Goldberg faced no such dilemma. Their fmancial condition was similar to most newlyweds, but Max always seemed to have other resources at his disposal. While establishing himself as a sportscaster , Max also went to work at the Conner Advertising Agency in the RKO Orpheum Building at 1523 Welton Street. Cecil R. Conner (1884-1974) had started his agency in 1912 and by the 1930s was highly respected for his commercial work and especially for his political advertising . With his experience in broadcasting, Max Goldberg soon became the radio director for Conner . Several movie theaters were among the accounts he handled , and during the year the future Mrs . Goldberg was away at college , Max frequently availed himself of the free passes these clients provided . He confessed that his movie going was merely a way "to kill time" until his beloved Miriam returned to Denver. 1 With much of his compensation coming in the form of trade, Max's salary was a meager nineteen dollars per week. After his marriage , Conner raised it to 48

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twenty-two dollars . 2 Even during the Depression, this was barely a living wage. Fortunately , Max still had his radio show, which along with his trade deals allowed him and his new bride to scrape by. One of the more important contacts Max made was with Paul Stein, manager of the prestigious Park Lane Hotel on South Marion Street overlooking Washington Park. In exchange for announcements on the old sports commentator ' s show , Stein agreed to give Max and Miriam six month's residence in his hotel. A v i s Auto Rental also advertised on Max' s program and provided him with a car, a rare luxury for newlyweds in the 1930s . Because Max had grown up in west Denver and Miriam was from east Denver, their families knew little of each other. Their new address at the Park Lane and the fancy car they rode in led some of Max's friends and relatives to conclude that he had married a very rich girl. Likewise , people who knew Harry and Minnie Harris believed that Miriam had married into a wealthy family. Of course , neither was correct, but the young couple certainly enjoyed their stay at the Park Lane, where they met and mingled with many of the elite of Denver society.3 After six months at the hotel , with Miriam pregnant , the couple moved into a rented house at 1072 Jackson Street. There the first of their four children , Dorothy Lee Goldberg , was born . Faced with the responsibilities of a family, Max took the bold step of leaving the Conner agency , where he had gained a broad knowledge of advertising, and started his own firm at the age of twenty-five . Conner, who had 49

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always treated Max well and was something of a mentor to him, fully supported Max's decision . The Max Goldberg Advertising Agency (MGAA) was born as a one-man operation in a small room in the U.S . National Bank Building at 17th and Stout Streets in 1936 . It had few assets but an old typewriter and the energy and enterprise of its founder. Over the next thirty y ears it became a fixture on the Denver business scene as it handled campaigns for businesses, politicians , and charitable causes . Its slogan-"Our Copy Clicks"-graced its stationery , its promotional material , and the following listing in the Denver Business Directory : "Our Copy Clicks" Newspaper, radio, outdoor , direct mail , street cars, magazines , motion pictures, novelty . We give every client individual attention--the result is Results!4 . With the economy of Colorado and the nation still in the throes of the Great Depression, starting a new business was a risky venture. Ironically, Max's first big break was a result of the political climate the Depression created . The severe plight ofthe elderly in the 1930s drew muc h public attention . Few workers had a pension of any type , and most worked until they were no longer physically able. In 1934, retired California physician Dr . Francis Everett Townsend proposed a unique plan-a two percent national sales tax to provide a $200 monthly pension to those over age sixty. While his proposal was, in the words of historian David M . Kennedy, "the stuff of shoddy economic fantasy," 5 it did underscore the plight of the elderly and 50

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their need for assistance . It helped lay the groundwork for acceptance of the Social Security Act passed the following year . In November, 1936, Colorado voters approved a pension plan to pay forty five dollars per month to those over the age of sixty. The Max Goldberg Advertising Agency handled the publicity or the campaign to approve the plan , one of the most generous in the nation . With this successful start, the agency grew rapidly despite the crowded, competitive field. The Advertising Club of Denver stated, "There are an extraordinarily large number of agencies for the size of the city. "6 Yet Max had little troub l e gaining or retaining clients. He also worked comfortabl y with the numerous other agencies in town. Leonard Chesler, a prominent Denver defense attorney who worked for the MGAA for three years in the early 1960s , recalled that the atmosphere was competitive , but "I never sensed resentment from anyone . "7 As his agency and his reputation grew , Max Goldberg handled the advertising for some of Denver's best known businesses . In the late 1950s and early 1960s, he simultaneously handled the accounts of Gart Brothers and Dave Cook , the two largest sporting goods retailers in Colorado . Banks, automobile dealers, department stores, homebuilders , retail shops and more were all clients of the MGAA. The Denver Broncos football team , struggling for respectability and survival in its early years, asked the agency for help with its publicity, a task for which Max's sports experience was a definite asset. A complete listing of agency accounts reads like a 51

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condensed business history of mid-twentieth century Denver . 8 A unique assignment combining business and charity that Max and his agency tackled was publicity for the 1957 opening of the JCRS Shopping Center on West Colfax Avenue in L akewood . This retail complex was built by the adjoining American Medical Center , formerly the Jewish Consumptives Relief Soc i ety , with the stipulation that all proceeds go to patient care and research in its non-profit facilities . One month after the shopping center opened, the American Medical Center told Max, "We are deeply appreciative o f the time , effort and ingenuity you and your agency gave to make our opening one that will long be remembered . "9 On the center's fifth anniversary , store m a nagers unanimously agreed that Max's promotion had led to outstanding sales, and proceeds were already benefiting the hospital and its patients . 1 0 Max later helped to publicize another new shopping center , the V i lla Italia Mall on West Alameda Avenue and Wadsworth Boulevard . It was at the time the largest shopping center in the state , and the advertising campaign for its March, 1966, grand opening was correspondingly grand . For Max Goldberg , landing this tremendous account was a reward for the thirty years he had spent building his agency and his reputation among Denver's business leaders. While commercial advertising was challenging and often lucrative , the MGAA's specialty was political campaigns . Max' s interest in politics dated as far back as February , 1935 , when loca l politicos had asked him to run for city council 5 2

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representing District 2 , including the West Colfax neighborhood . With the election slated for May , Max took some time to ponder his decision . He considered , among other factors , Miriam Harris ' s plans. Away at Lindenwood College in Missouri , she was uncertain about returning to Denver during her Spring break in April. Max was determined to see her and vowed to travel to her if she did not come home . Such a trip out of town, however , would have precluded his running for city council since , " .. .it wouldn ' t look right for me to be out of Denver and running for a Denver office at the same time . " 1 1 His love for Miriam was clearly stronger than any desire to hold office. Max cho s e not to enter the race personally , but he did stay involved . He publicly announced his support for the incumbent , Harry Rosentha l, citing his "long hours of ceaseless toil for the good of the West E nd . " 12 Rosenthal , coincidentally , was a close friend of Max ' s older brother Willie , and Max saw it as a win-win situation. Supporting Rosenthal would please W i llie, and Rosenthal, on his part, agreed to try to get Max a political job. Max was optimistic as he wrote , "Some of those political jobs are cinches . That is , they pay good money and they wouldn ' t even interfere with my radio work." 13 While the job never materialized , Max remained interested and involved in politics. Although it is common today for candidates to employ an entire staff of media consultants , Max Goldberg was a one-man operation who helped to define the field in Colorado . In 1938, he approached gubernatorial candidate Ralph Carr 53

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(1887-1950) about purchasing radio time and quickly was given the responsibility for all his publicity. Max orchestrated a successful campaign , and the grateful governor-elect sent him the following message : As I consider the factors which influenced my election to this office I can think of none which had a greater part in the fmal result than the publicity campaign which you handled in my behalf Everything which was done was perfectly timed, and this was due entirely to your planning and foresight. I want to take this opportunity of acknowledging my appreciation of your work , and to thank you for your personal interest in my fortunes . 4 In the 1940 re-election campaign, Max personally broadcast an impassioned speech . He urged voters to ignore party affiliation and re-elect Governor Carr because of his "outstanding ability-the best that the ballot offers-and sincerity that is beyond question . "15 Throughout the years , Max followed his own advice . A lifelong Democrat, he crossed party lines numerous times to support Republican candidates, such as Carr, whom he felt were better qual ifi ed . In 1942, Carr opted to challenge popular incumbent U.S . Senator Edwin C. "Big Ed" Johnson (1884-1970). Max again ran his campaign, but in one of the closest races in Colorado history, Johnson edged Carr by a mere one percent. Historians generally attribute Carr's defeat to his resolute defense of the rights of Japanese Americans after the attack on Pearl Harbor had aroused public outrage. 16 Max Goldberg remained steadfast in his support of Carr, who afterwards expressed his gratitude: 54

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You have stood behind me so faithfully and so courageously in my three campaigns for public office that I must pause l ong enough at this time to acknowledge your good work and to tell you how muc h your efforts contributed to the success which I have enjoyed . And when I say success , I include this last campaign, where I was declared the winner . The fact that so many people voted for me in the face of the terrible opposition which was presented counts it as a successful campcugn . Your resourcefulness , your originality , your never-failing energy and your splendid support of me , whether I was right or wrong , is gratifying . There is no bitterness in the soul of any man who is being treated as well as I by friends like you . I am truly grateful. 17 Carr expressed his apprecia ti on i n practical terms as well. He helped Max secure an advertising agreement with the C olorado Department of Revenue in 194 2 that earned the MGAA n earl y a thousand dollars in less than s i x months . 1 8 The two remained close until Carr's untimel y death in 1950 . Ironically, Max's work on Carr ' s unsuccessful senate b i d won the respect and admiration of the opponent, Ed Johnson . Whe n they met shortly after the election , Johnson told Max, "I'm reall y glad to meet you. It was a tremendous campaign you put on for Carr when he ran against me." In fact , when Johnson ran for his third senate term in 1948 ( he had also served two terms as governor and would later serve a third), he asked Max to handle his publicity . Max was pleased and proud to accept. Johnson had lent much personal assistance to Max during the 1945 drive to build the General Rose Memorial Hospital (see Chapter 5) . During World War II he 55

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had been an outspoken but , unfortunately , outnumbered advocate of direct American intervention on behalf of European Jewry in its hour of unspeakable anguish. Johnson served as national chairman of the Committee for a Jewish Army, which sought to establish an independent army of stateless and Palestinian Jews to fight alongside the Allies. He also co-sponsored the 1943 Congressional Rescue Resolution. While this measure never came to a vote in the Senate, the debate it stirred was critical in President Franklin D. Roosevelt's January, 1945 decision to create the War Refugee Board, the United States government's first official commitment to aiding European Jewry .1 9 According to Max, "He [Johnson] and I became close .. .It was the warmest association I've ever had with a political figureand that includes governors, senators and representatives, mayors and councilmen . "20 The close association with Johnson, arguably the most popular and influential politician in Colorado for nearly three decades, benefited Max when he became involved in broadcasting. In 1949, Max applied for a full-time license for a radio station in Denver. Senator Johnson was the chairman of the Interstate Commerce Committee, and told Max that he "will be glad to ask chairman of the Federal Communications Commission for expeditious and favorable handling" of the application.21 Three years later , Johnson helped Max obtain a television license for the Colorado Television Corporation , which began broadcasting in Denver as KBTV -Channel 9 in October, 1952. President Dwight Eisenhower led a Republican sweep in 1956 and carried 56

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sixty percent of the vote in Colorado. With Max's expertise and guidance , however , Democrat John A. Carroll (1901-1983 ) overcame the President's tremendous popularity in the state and won election to the U.S . Senate . After taking his seat in Washington, he sent Max ' s eleven-year-old son Harold a personally inscribed book about the federal government.22 Like Ed Johnson and others , Carroll found that his professional relationship with Max had developed into a warm personal regard for the Goldberg family . Max Goldberg's lasting influence on politics in Colorado is evident from some of the prominent officeholders with whom he worked . With strong support from Ed Johnson, he helped Lee Knous win the 1946 gubernatorial race . Although he died before Richard D . Lamm won his first term as governor , Max Goldberg was important in Lamm's early political career . In his three races for the state legislature , Lamm called upon Max repeatedly for advice on matters ranging from c ivil rights to health care to campaign strategy . Max was a member of his "kitchen cabinet," and Lamm recalled , "He generally gave wise counsel. .. Max knew how the world worked-and why . "23 Others who knew and worked with Max Goldberg frequently reiterated this opinion . In Denver, too , Max was involved and influential. City Councilman Roland L. "Sonny" Mapelli hired him in his unsuccessful 1959 bid for mayor . Despite the loss , Max learned much about city politics , and his subsequent efforts in mayoral races were more satisfactory . 57

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Thomas G. Currigan hired the MGAA during his 1963 mayoral campaign. After winning a preliminary election, Currigan prepared to face incumbent Mayor Richard Y. Batterton in a runoff. A televised debate was arranged which would have exposed Currigan's major weakness. Campaign director George V. Kelly admitted that Currigan, "was not an accomplished public speaker" and that Batterton "could have cut his opponent to ribbons . " Once debate began , however, "Currigan achieved almost a stand-off with his more polished opponent, thanks to grueling and concentrated tutoring" by Max Goldberg . Kell y cal l ed Max "an accomplished veteran at getting political results from the magic tube , " and his description was borne out when Currigan easily won the runoff2 4 The campaign was over, but the association of Max and Tom Currigan continued. Mayor Currigan frequently called upon Max for opinions and advice on a variety of issues . He stated, "I had great faith in him and he never led me wrong .... He was diplomatic but he always frank. "25 Max spearheaded Currigan's triumphant 1967 re-election campaign in which the Mayor handily defeated three challengers . Although Currigan resigned before completing his second term, his administration had a tremendous impact on Denver's subsequent development.26 Without the advice ofMax Goldberg , it might not have happened . When it came to politics, Max helped shape the elections that shaped Colorado . Max was especially proud to work with Jewish candidates. For years, there 58

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was a so-called "Jewish seat" on Denver City Council, but conventional political wisdom in Colorado held that Jewish candidates could not win a wider race. Max wanted to disprove that. Edward F . Pringle was the first Jew ever to serve on the Colorado Supreme Court. In 1962, Max helped him buck another statewide Republican sweep and win a ten-year term . 27 Max told Pringle, " ... the public can become quickly disinterested in seemingly lengthy political announcements, [therefore] we propose a saturation campaign of identification announcements--ten seconds in length--throughout the state . "2 8 Utilizing Max's strategy , Pringle won the largest margin of victory of any Democrat in Colorado. Again crossing party lines , Max helped Jewish Republican Sherman G . Finesilver win two campaigns for judicial seats . Although Finesilver aspired to higher political office , Max told him that he belonged on the bench, and Finesilver heeded his advice. He served as a Municipal Judge in Denver County Court, where he earned national recognition for his innovative safety programs . Later he became Chief Justice of the United States District Court and he recalled the man who was so influential in his career: He had a sense of timing and a sense of propriety . How valuable he would be today .. .I always marveled how Max, in his down-to-earth way, was so persuasive . And he had fantastic influence. When someone speaks with sincerity, with honesty and with candor, he can have tremendous influence . . . Max Goldberg made a difference in this . 2 9 commuruty . 59

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Shortly after their victories, both Pringle and Finesilver stated that they encountered no anti-Semitism during their campaigns. 3 0 Throughout most of his years of political activity, Max also published the Intermountain Jewish News, wrote his "Side Street" column for The Denver Post, and hosted weekly television broadcasts . It might have been tempting to use these various outlets to promote his own candidates . Nowhere , however, is there any hint of impropriety in his complex career . Those who worked with him testified to his integrity, even in the sometimes unscrupulous fields of politics and journalism . Former Mayor Currigan claimed that Max "would go to extremes to make sure there was no conflict of interest. I would always consider Max most ethical. "3 1 Alexis McKinney was managing editor at The Post for seventeen years while Max wrote his "Side Street" column . He perused all the columns without ever finding anything improper, and believed, "There was not a selfish thing about him [Max] . . . He was above board, never a conniver . "3 2 For all his work in promoting growth in Denver, Max Goldberg ' s greatest contribution to the community may have been the numerous young people whose careers he helped launch . Although his agency was never among the largest in town , many employees and associates went on to success in advertising and in other fields . They were nearly unanimous in their description of Max as a man who recognized talented people and was eager to help them realize their potential. In the early 1960s , Leonard Chesler was a young law student who , like Max 60

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more than thirty years earlier , left school for financ i al reasons . He went to work as an account executive for the MGAA and for two y ears he generated substantial revenue . Nevertheless , Max told him that his real future was in law and convinced him to complete law school. Afte r stints as both a prosecutor and a defense attorney, Chesler built a thriving private practice in Denver and readily acknowledged , "I owe my career as a lawyer to Max. "33 Another former MGAA employee is Steven Letman . After graduating from the Universi ty of Denver in 1964 , he accepted an offer to work for Max Goldberg for seventy-fi v e dollars pe r week. He remembered his three years at the agency fondly, and he learned much about the business world there that helped him establish his own successful company . Max frequently took him along on business calls and introduced him t o people. The situation was ideal for a young man just starting out , and Letman said , "They were real nice to me . I was just a green kid .. .It didn't matter whether I screwed up because they [ the clients] liked Max . " He also recalled that Max frequently wore a silver tie bar inscribed with the letters YCDBSOY A. After puzzling over this for some time , Letman finally asked what it meant. Max, whose business experience dated to hustling newspapers as a seven-year-old , told Letman that he had made up the inscription himself The letters signified something he had learned early in his career : "You Can ' t Do Business Sitting On You' re A-. "3 4 Connie Gordon was highly complimentary of the treatment she received from Max . She worked at the agency as a copy director and account executive from 1956 61

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to 1963. After Max gave her a watch as a holiday gift in 1961 , she wrote to him , "I do appreciate your thoughtfulness and moreover , the countless other thoughtful gestures on the part of both you and Miriam throughout the years I have been associated with the agency. So for both the watch and a multitude of other kindnesses , I thank you . "35 Her response reveals not only how employees regarded Max, but that Miriam , as always, played a large part in his various endeavors . After running his advertising agency for more than thirty years , Max Goldberg decided in 1967 to withdraw from it. The time was right, he had concluded , to devote himself full-time to the operation of the Int e rmountain Jewish News , of which he had been publisher since 1943 . Always devoted to his Jewish heritage , his commitment had grown stronger through the years . This increased commitment, his deteriorating health , the 1965 departure of his long-time partner and editor Bob Gamzey for Israel, and his interest in the volatile situation in Israel in early 1967 were all factors in his decis i on . Max had been consulting for nearly a year with Creative Services , a company that provided writing , artwork and graphics services to his agency. He developed a close working relationship with its owner, James Bzdek. Although Bzdek was experienced in news and advertising , Creative Services was his first attempt at running his own business . Max again saw the potential in a young man and helped nurture it. He and Bzdek reached an agreement whereby Creative Services would take over the MGAA's clients while Max would continue to receive a share of the 62

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earnings from these accounts .36 Their relationship was most amicable , and even after turning his accounts over to Bzdek, Max made himself available for I . 3 7 consu tat10n . Max' s selflessness and dedi cation to the betterment o f the community are a common thread in the recollections of those who worked with him and for him. He believed that his obligation as a citizen and as a Jew was to further the Jewish goal of tikkun olam , the healing of the world . On the j ob , at home with family , or in the community , he worked tirelessly toward achieving that goa l . 63

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 4 1. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris, March 3 , 1935, Goldberg Papers , box 9 . 2. Miriam Goldberg , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, November 2, 1997. 3 . Ibid . 4 . Denver Directory (Denver: The Gazetteer Publishing & Printing Co., 1937-1947). 5. David M Kennedy, F reedom F r o m F ear (New Yortk : Oxford University Press , 1999), p . 239 . See also Abraham Holtzman, The Townsend Move ment: A Political Study (New York: Octagon Books, 1975) . 6 . Internal memo from the Policy Committee to the Board of Directors of the Advertising Club of Denver, 1946. Advertising Club of Denver Records , Box 3a, Denver Public Library Western History Department. 7. Leonard Chesler , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, March 11, 1998. 8. Client lists from various years found in the Goldberg Papers , box 9 and box 10. 9 . David W. Garlett , Chairman of the Shopping Center Committee of the American Medical Center, to Max Goldberg , March 26, 1957, Goldberg Papers , box 10. 10. The Denver Post , February 28, 1962. 11. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , February 25, 1935, Goldberg Papers , box 9 . 12. West End Press , May 3, 1935. 13. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , March 25, 1935, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 14. Ralph Carr to Max Goldberg , Jan. 5, 1939, Goldberg Papers , box 10. 15. Max Goldberg, Station KFEL, Oct. 31, 1940, and Station KlZ, Nov . 1 , 1940. Transcript of speech in the Carr Collection, box 3 , folder 196, Colorado Historical Society . 64

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16. See Richard D. Lamm and Duane A Smith, Pioneers and Politicians (Boulder CO: Pruett Publishing, 1984), pp. 137-145, for a profile ofRalph Carr . 17. Ralph Carr to Max Goldberg, Nov. 6, 1942, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 18. Letter of agreement between the Colorado Department of Revenue and the Max Goldberg Advertising Agency, Jan. 23, 1942, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 18. David S . Wyman, The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 1941-1945 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984) , pp. 84-87, 193-206. 20. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. 21. EdJohnsontoMaxGoldberg, telegram from WashingtonD.C . , April5 , 1949, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 22. The book, The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States of America is in the Goldberg Papers, bo x 3 . It is inscribed : To Harold Goldberg, April2 , 1957 Hello from Washington . John A Carroll of Colorado 23. Richard D . Lamm , telephone interview with Owen Chariton, March 4, 1998 . 24. George V. Kelly, The Old Gray Mayors of Denver (Boulder CO: Pruett Publishing, 1974), pp. 171-175 . 25. Thomas G . Currigan, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, March 18, 1998. 26. Mayor Currigan resigned on December 31, 1968, to take a job with Continental Airlines . For a recap of his administration see Kelly, The Old Gray Mayors , pp. 202also campaign literature in Goldberg Papers, Box 11, Currigan 1967 folder. 27 . Pringle's appointment to the Colorado Supreme Court in 1961 was to complete the term of a judge who had resigned. It came forty-five years after Louis D. Brandeis ( 1856-1941) became the first Jew appointed to the United States Supreme Court. In 1970, Pringle became Chief Justice of the Colorado Supreme Court, a position he held until his retirement in 1979. 28 . Max Goldberg to Edward Pringle, MGAA proposal in Goldberg Papers, box 11. 65

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29. Sherman G. Finesilver, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992. 30 . Intermountain Jewish News, November 16, 1962. 31. Currigan interview, March 18, 1998. 32. Alexis McKinney, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, March 30, 1998. 33. Leonard Chesler interview, March 11, 1998. 34. Steven Letman, interview with Owen Chariton, Englewood CO, March 18, 1998. 35. Connie Gordon to Max Goldberg, December 19, 1961, Goldberg Papers , box 8. 36. Max Goldberg to James Bzdek, June 14, 1967, Goldberg Papers, box 9. 37. James Bzdek, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, March 14, 1998. 66

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CHAPTERS PHaANTHROPY, FUNDRAJSING AND ROSE HOSPITAL In 1948, Max Goldberg declared, "My business is advertising, publicity and promotion." 1 It was both a blessing and a curse to Max and his family that he was unable to keep this business separate from his personal life. T he blessing was that Max worked hard to promote man y good causes, resulting in a legacy of great benefit to the community and tremendous pride for his family . The curse , however, was that these efforts took Max away from home for weeks or months at a time , and left his advertising agency neglected. Many times he took a financial hit while travelling and working for causes he believed in. His family missed him too , although his daughter Dorothy claimed , "He tried to spend a lot of time with us kids even though he was so busy . I don't remember him being gone that much ... So eith e r my mother made up for it fantastically , or he made up for it when he got back. I never felt deprived of a parent." Instead , she remembered a strict but devoted father who drove his children to scout meetings , attended birthday parties and encouraged them both athletically and academically.2 With his words and his deeds , he taught his children the importance of charity and service to community . These are essentia l principles ofB' nai B ' rith [Sons of the Covenant], the Jewish fraternal organization founded in New York in 1843 . 67

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Max joined Denver Lodge # 171, and in 1942 he became chairman of its War Bond Campaign. The initial goal was a seemingly unattainable one million dollars . After quickly achieving it , Max , rather than being satisfied , set a new goal of two million . This ambitious undertaking earned him congratulations from Colorado Senator "Big " Ed Johnson in Washington , who lauded Max for his "good old American spirit."3 One aspect of that spirit was Max's flair for unique promotions . While B'nai B'rith chapters nationwide were holding war bond rallies , Max planned a more exciting fundraiser. He contacted Hollywood movie mogul Samuel Goldwyn, who graciously agreed to premiere his newest film in Denver . On January 26 , 1943 , Denverites who had purchased a $1,000 war bond saw Bob Hope and Dorothy Lamour in T h ey Got M e C overed at the Orpheum Theater . The sold out show climaxed the drive . Total bond sales came to $2 , 715 , 000 , exceeding the amount B'nai B'rith raised in larger cities such as Chicago and St. Louis . The U.S . Treasury Department awarded Max a citation "For distinguished service in behalf of the War Savings Program " and recommended that his Denver techniques be used throughout the country .4 Max's reputation as an effective and innovative fundraiser was growmg. Not all of his efforts , however , were without controversy . In 1948 , for example, officials of the Denver March of Dimes agreed to pay Max $2000 to handle their annual drive. 5 Max employed his by then customary method of getting national celebrities to donate their services . For other campaigns he had brought stars such as 68

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Edgar Bergen, Eddie Cantor , Jimmy Durante , Bob Hope , AI Jolson , Danny Kaye , and Sophie Tucker to Denver . This time , he lured Jack Benny , Mary Livingstone and Phil Harris , stars of the top rated radio program in the country . Although they received no compensation for their appearances , the March of Dimes Committee agreed to pay all travel expenses for them and their troupe to broadcast nationally from Denver. Benny , contrary to his carefully cultivated reputation for stinginess , was in fact most generous with hi s time and s ervices . According to Max , "Benny is the first star I have ever met who, after knocking himself out for a week, said, ' Where else can I go to raise money for the March ofDimes? "'6 The answer was Pueblo , where his appearance raised nearly $10 , 000 in one night. The campaign totaled over $105 , 000 , with Max's fee being less than two percent. Nevertheless , several Denver Post and Rocky Mountain News articles questioned the fee and the amount spent to bring Benny and company to Colorado. Max was irate . He responded , "I make no apologies for my $2000 fee .. .I have been actively engaged in at least twenty-five drives in the last three years and received compensation for three . "7 As for the $10 , 000 travel bill for Benny and company , March of Dimes State Chairman Roy Erickson claimed, "Colorado received one of the biggest bargains in its history," and cited the huge increase in donations attributable to Benny . 8 The Post then changed its stance , vindicating Max in an article that stated "Goldberg's associates in the 1948 campaign said they considered his bill a modest one for the work he did and the time he contributed ... the 69

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importation of Hollywood stars and other expensive fund-raising technics [sic] have been accompanied by a great increase in total proceeds of the drive . "9 Max's greatest fundraising effort came on behalf of the General Rose Memorial Hospital.10 The story began in 1944 , when some Jewish leaders in Denver questioned whether the aging Beth Israel Hospital at 16th Avenue and Lowell Boulevard could continue to meet the community's needs . Bitter debate ensued between those wanting to enlarge Beth Israel and those who favored building a new facility , with the latter group fmally prevailing. The so-called New Jewish Hospital was to be located in East Denver , reflecting the shift of the city's Jewish population from the West Side to the East. Its founders wanted a facil ity where Jewish doctors had some real authority, since in other hospitals in Denver , "Jewish doctors didn't really have a fair shake . . . They couldn't open their mouths . " 11 They also envisioned a facility where young physicians returning from military duty could obtain staff JX>Sitions. Most importantly , it would be non-sectarian and welcome both patients and staff of any race or creed . The fundraising drive had not yet begun when Major General Maurice B. Rose was killed in action near Paderbom, Germany, on March 30, 1945 . Rose was a Denver native, the son of an Orthodox rabbi , and the highest-ranking Jewish officer in World War ll.1 2 His valiant but tragic death made headlines nationwide . In his hometown it became a rallying JX>int for those involved in building the new hospital. ResJX>nding to a groundswell of popular support among both Jews and 70

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Gentiles , the recentl y organized Committee for a New Jewish Hospital accepted the suggestion of Louis K. Sigman and i ncorporated under the name General Rose Memorial Hospital Association . 13 In addition to ministering to the sick and conducting research, the hospital would stand as a lasting tribute to General Rose and all others who had sacrificed in their nation's service . The main obstacle facing the Association was raising the estimated $750 , 000 necessary to make the dream a reality. Association President Maurice B . Shwayder resigned his position with Samsonite L uggage to devote himself to the new hospital. He commissioned Max Goldberg to publicize the project and to bring a major star to Denver for a fundrais ing dinner. Max and Maurice went downtown to Union Station and boarded a train for New Y orlc. Max had already begun mapping his strategy . Armed with a stack of photos and articles on General Rose , his first order of business was to have Life magazine , the nation ' s most popular and prestigious, run a big spread . The train had just pulled out of Chicago on April12, 1945 , when a porter informed the passengers of the death ofPresident Roosevelt. Max recalled , " A lump came into my throat and I could see that Maurice Shwayder was touched just as deeply . Both of us felt a deep sense of personal loss a good friend and a great president had passed away . "1 4 Tens of millions of Americans shared that feeling of personal loss . Roosevelt's death pushed the General Rose story off the front page , and Max realized that his mission had just become more challenging . 71

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He stayed with his plan. The editors at Life received him cordially, but their extensive coverage of Roosevelt's death prevented them from including anything on General Rose. Still, Max had his assignment to attract a star to Denver, and he intended to fulfill it by whatever means were necessary. Through mutual friends, he met Emil Friedlander, owner of a company that supplied costumes for Broadway and Hollywood productions . When Max explained the purpose of his trip , Friedlander listened with interest. He had numerous show business friends, and he introduced Max to Billy Rose, the great theatrical impresario and producer (no relation to the late General) . Rose volunteered to chair the nationwide campaign and got the project its first national publicity by contacting Paul Whiteman . Whiteman hosted the Philco Hall of Fame Hour, the leading musical radio program of its day . A Denver native, he made his broadcast of Sunday , May 20, a tribute to General Rose and a national plug for the Hospital campatgn . Billy Rose also contacted other stars. He telegraphed Irving Berlin, Humphrey Bogart , James Cagney, Spencer Tracy and Orson Welles , asking each to appear at a fundraising dinner in Denver . Unfortunately, none were available. Perusing the New York papers for the comings and goings of celebrities whom he might contact, Max noted that his old friend Jack Dempsey had just returned from Coast Guard duty in the Pacific . Always gracious to Max, the former heavyweight champ invited him to a luncheon of boxing writers and promoters. The contacts he 72

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made there set the stage for a series of meetings, telephone calls and telegrams that finally enabled Max to land a star for Denver. At the luncheon Max met Irwin Rossee , a publicity man for Madison Square Garden. He told Rossee that the Association most wanted Eddie Cantor, the versatile star of stage , screen and radio , for its $1 000-a-plate dinner . Cantor was almost as well known for his generous nature as for his musical and comedic talents . To reward his interest , the Hospital Association announced that it would award him the first annual General Rose Memorial Medal for Humanitarian Service , recognizing his efforts in entertaining troops at home and abroad. With Rossee's help, Max wired Cantor his request, then returned to his hotel to await a reply . He soon got a call from Matt Millar, Cantor's agent , accepting the invitation . Millar handed the phone to Cantor. "Max," he said, "I have read about General Rose in the newspapers and I think it's a great idea to name a hospital in his honor . You can count on my coming to Denver and I'll be glad to accept the medal." Max recalled his delight , writing, "I was palpitating with joy when I heard my name in that beautiful high-pitched , animated voice that all America knew and loved . He spoke to me as if we had known each other for years." 15 Still not satisfied, however , Max contacted NBC, Cantor's radio network. He convinced executives there to broadcast the May 27 Denver dinner nationwide, a move designed to attract both publicity and money on a large scale . While in New York, Max made several side trips to Washington to meet with Senator Ed Johnson . As 73

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chairman of the powerful Military Affairs Committee , Johnson was in a position to lend valuable assistance to the drive . He personally invited General George C . Marshall of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the dinner . Although unable to attend, Marshall sent a telegram of tribute to General Rose to be read during the national broadcast. General Courtney H. Hodges, Rose ' s commanding officer , promised to read a statement live from Washington during the network hookup. Max knew that airing the statements of these two heroes would bring much prestige to the event, but he still felt it necessary to get more advance publicity . Through his new friendship with Irwin Rossee , he met Damon Runyon, the celebrated sportswriter , raconteur and syndicated columnist. Also a Colorado native, Runyon listened to Max' s story and then wrote a column praising the Hospital project as "one of the most commendable undertakings of the day . " Adding some kind words for Max personally, Runyon called him "a good looking chap with alert eyes," and noted his diligent efforts on behalf of the Hospital. 16 Walter Winchell was even more popular and influential than Runyon. His weekly radio show reached 25 million listeners . After receiving a letter from Max about the Hospital campaign, Winchell gave it a ringing endorsement on his next broadcast. Aware of the tremendous impact that a plug from Winchell carried, Max thanked him profusely for "the biggest break and finest approval our hospital project can receive."17 Max returned to Denver to finalize arrangements for Cantor's appearance . 74

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On Sunday evening, May 27, the Silver Glade Room in the Cosmopolitan Hotel at 1760 Broadway overflowed with contributors to the Hospital drive . Technicians from KOA Radio in Denver and from NBC were there to arrange the national broadcast . From Washington, Senator Johnson read General Marshall ' s tribute to General Rose, after which General Hodges spoke . Hospital Association President Maurice Shwayder thanked Max Goldberg for being "a dynamo in making this dinner what it is ... helping to stimulate national interest thru radio and newspapers and magazines from coast to coast." Max then introduced Governor John C. Vivian, who presented Eddie Cantor with the General Rose Medal for Humanitarian Service. In his acceptance speech, Cantor was humble yet forceful in explaining the need for continued contributions . 18 He not only donated his services and paid his own expenses , but also gave $500 of his own money to the drive. His appearance was a popular success, but it brought in only half of the estimated $1, 000,000 needed to build Rose Hospital. Max returned to New York in June to help raise the rest. Although he was later paid for his services, he had received no compensation thus far, and was feeling the financial pinch . He wrote to Maurice Shwayder: You realize , Maurice , that I am not a man of independent means . While this cause is very, very close to my heart, it has and will continue to take all of my time away from my business, which, as you know, is my only means oflivelihood .. .I leave the matter of compensation for all past services entirely in your hands . I also want you to know, Maurice, my principal interest is still to do everything in my power to make this hospital drive a success.19 75

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Three months later, he reiterated the same sentiment in another letter to Shwayder : As far as compensation for my personal services are concerned, I leave that entirely in the hands of your committee. In fact , I don't even wish to discuss this point anymore . First, let's get the job done and raise the money we need to build the hospital and even establish a reserve if we can. I'm confident we can do it. 20 Even without the assurance of compensation , Max Goldberg was clearly a man on a mission . Jack Dempsey provided a big boost when he personally handed Max a $1,000 check for the Hospital Association.2 1 Contributions poured in from across the country . Businessmen, housewives, Gls , and war widows sent donations as small as one dollar .22 Word of the proposed hospital even reached Europe, where the men of General Rose's Third Armored "Spearhead" Division spontaneously raised $30 , 000 in one day . When two division officers flew to New York to present the check, Max was there to greet them. Through Max's efforts, they met with Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, who in a City Hall ceremony urged all New Yorkers to support the cause. They also appeared on the CBS program "We the People , " where Max gratefully accepted the check from Rose's top aide. By May, 1946, the Hospital Association remained $164 , 000 short of its million dollar goal. 23 They dispatched Max Goldberg to Hollywood to bring actorcomedian Danny Kaye to Denver for a benefit. Max met Kaye for lunch at the Goldwyn studios and pitched the fundraiser. Just as Kaye was accepting the invitation, a sudden and inexplicable nosebleed struck Max . It was so serious that he 76

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had to rush to a studio first-aid station to stanch the flow. When he returned to the table, Kaye told him , "Maybe I shouldn't come to Denver-! might get a bloody nose!"24 Fortunately , he was only kidding the embarrassed Max. At the August dinner and show at the Shirley-Savoy Hotel on 17th Street and Broadway , Kaye regaled the audience with music and comedy. He then received the second General Rose Medal for Humanitarian Service . Max had notched another star in his belt, and the drive neared completion. In 1948, with construction of the Hospital underway, the directors asked Max to produce yet another star for another fundraiser. This time, they wanted the great singer and entertainer AI Jolson . Max reminisced years later: AI Jolson by that time had amassed a fortune in excess often million dollars and he was known as a temperamental star ; just how temperamental I was soon to learn . First I sent him a telegram asking for an appointment. There was no reply . Next I went to Hollywood, only to learn that he had gone to Palm Springs . I went there and saw him lounging on the patio, but his wife wouldn't let me get near him . . For several minutes I debated the matter with her , explaining that I had come all the way from Denver just to talk to him, but she was adamant. I was about to leave , deeply disappointed, when the telephone rang inside the house and she went to answer it. That was my opportunity and I wasted no time in seizing it. In a moment I was at AI Jolson's side, introducing myself and describing my mission. "General Rose Memorial Hospital is an important project," I told him , "and it needs your help . We're trying to get General Dwight Eisenhower to come for the cornerstone laying ... " Jolson cut me off sharply with the comment, "You get the General and I'll be there . " That ended the interview. From the comer of my eye I could see his wife, telephone conversation ended , descending on the scene with less than friendly mien . I excused myself and beat a hasty retreat. 77

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Max had once more shown his c hut z pah--a quality he would need to bring General Eisenhower to Denver. In the mids t of writing his memoirs , the General was for the time being declining all speaking engagements . After dozens of phone calls and letters , Max arranged a private meeting in Eisenhower's Pentagon office . The General consented to come , and Jolson kept his promise to come-but he almost didn't stay . Max remembered meeting him as his train arrived at Denver's Union Station : I got m y taste of the Jolson temperament. There he was on the steps o f the Pullman car and was about to alight on the pavement below , when he suddenly stopped , looked straight at me and said , "You know , I'm lonesome for my little boy Asa." He had adopted the child only a short time before, later bequeathed him a huge sum of money . "I think I'll just go on to Los Angeles to be with him . " The shock I felt gave me courage . "Look , " I said, "you just can ' t do that , AI. You'd better come off those steps because there are a lot o f people who have paid a thousand dollars a couple to see and hear you . This is a great cause and if you don ' t show up tonight , maybe we'd both better take the next plane to Israel. " He eyed me for a few seconds with a J?7Culiar stare , then came down the steps and I heaved a sigh of relief ""5 Like Cantor and Kaye before him, Jolson wowed his audience with a performance that inspired thousands of dollars in additional contributions. Max Goldberg later accompanied Eisenhower as he met with board members and dedicated the hospital cornerstone in a ceremony honoring General Rose . Finally , on March 1 , 1949 , years of hard work came to fruition as the General Rose Memorial Hospital admitted its first patients . In 1976 the name was changed to Rose 78

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Medical Center , and in 1996 it became the Columbia Rose Medical Center . Under any name , it is a major healthcare institution . From its original 150 beds it grew to 420 and has added such specialty units as prenatal care, coronary care , arthritis , ophthalmology and rehabilitation. When Columbia!HCA Healthcare purchased Rose Medical Center in 1995 , the Board of Trustees stipulated in the final agreement that the new owners maintain the community service, educational , spiritual and cultural traditions and values that Rose has always embraced . Without the dedicated work of countless individuals , this living tribute to General Rose could not have happened .26 T h e Denver Post recognized Max's efforts , most of which were behind the scenes and unknown to the public , stating that he ... contributed more than most realize . It was Goldberg who traveled to New York to bring back Eddie Cantor and other great stars who raised much of the money to build the hospital. Robert Gamzey , one of the editors of the Intermoun t ain Jew is h N e ws , took the campaign to the Jewish people of Denver. Then Max Goldberg too k it outside the city and to leaders all over the nation . 27 Max's commitment to the Hospital did not end with its completion . He served on the Board of Trustees fo r over twenty years , and in both his D e nver Post and his Intermountain Jewish News columns he frequently ga v e it favorable mention . He also continued to bring big name stars to Denver for the annual fundraiser. 2 8 While his initial contacts with these celebrities were strictly business , they often developed into personal relationships . Eddie Cantor and J i mmy Durante were among those who maintained a friendship with Max through years of 79

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correspondence. Max first met Bob Hope when he brought him to Denver for a Community Chest campaign in 1948 . He introduced himself, then added , "My real name is George O'Connor , but I use Goldberg for business reasons." According to Max, Hope "broke into a peal oflaughter , " and with the ice broken the two became close friends . Afterwards, when in Denver, Hope would play golf with Max and sometimes visit his family to enjoy one of Miriam ' s delicious home cooked meals .29 The late comedian Renny Youngman appeared at many charity events, and he too befriended Max . Youngman recalled , "He showed me the town every time I was in Denver back in those days, and that was pretty often ... He was so damned nice every time I came to town. We got very intimate . He knew all about m y family , I knew all about his. "30 When they crossed paths again in Chicago and New York , they visited nightclubs where Youngman introduced Max to other celebrities . While hobnobbing with celebrities, Max did not forget General Rose's widowed mother, Katy. The Hebrew word t z edakah literally means righteousness or justice, although it is frequently translated as charity. Performing acts of t z edakah is one of the most important obligations placed upon Jews . Max Goldberg learned this at a young age . He watched as his mother , despite her own family's marginal circumstances , often provided hot meals for the elderly widower who lived next door. 31 Max's son Hillel told how his father imparted the same lessons about t z edakah to his own children : 80

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I remember many, many times in my youth when Mom and Dad took us with them to visit the old Mrs . Rose. She lived in a changing neighborhood, was confined to home because of ill health, and was generally forgotten . I learned from Mom and Dad that some of the best conversation is among simple folk , that visiting the lonely is no less important than dealing with "important" people--that life with movers and shakers cannot transcend life with the moved and the shaken .32 As the years passed , Max found new charitable causes to support, such as the American Cancer Society and the United Jewish Appeal. After becoming involved in television, he used it s power in pioneering telethons for United Cerebral Palsy and the Leukemia Society . One viewer who watched the Leukemia Society telethon wrote to Max, " It was apparent that your activity was not being performed as a perfunctory responsibi l ity but , more so, it was being performed as a labor of love , recognizing that each of us has a responsibility to our less fortunate neighbors . "33 Max was pleased to acknowledge this spirit in others . While the elite of Denver society received credit in the local media for their good works , Max liked to recognize the many humble people whose good deeds went unnoticed by most. For example, when long-time Denver barber Harry Freeman died, Max wrote of his willingness to call on his customers at home if they were ill , and of his "warm smile and understanding heart . "34 Max shared with his readers small , everyday kindnesses . Max Goldberg picked his causes judiciously. His work on their behalf sometimes earned him a commission , sometimes not , but he approached i t with passion and with devotion. This is the true spirit of t z edakah. 81

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N01ES TO CHAPTER 5 1. Max Goldberg to Rocky Mountain News editor Jack Foster , March 5 , 1948, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 2. Dorothy Goldberg Scott, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO , Feb. 26, 1997 . 3. Senator Edwin C. Johnson to Max Goldberg , Jan . 28, 1943, Goldberg Papers , box 5 . 4. Citation of Feb . 15, 1943 in B'nai B'rith Scrapbook IT, Goldberg Papers, box 5 ; Robert Lurie (National Director ofB' nai B ' rith War Service Activities) to Ralph Nicholas (Treasury Department War Savings Staff), March 1 , 1943, B'nai B'rith Scrapbook II, Goldberg Papers , box 5. 5. Letter of Agreement , February 17, 1948 , Goldberg Papers, box 9. 6 . Max Goldberg to Palmer Hoyt, January 28, 1948, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 7 . Max Goldberg to Jack Foster , c. March 1948, Goldberg Papers , box 9 . 8. Roy Erickson, ''March ofDimes Drive Declared a Bargain," The Denver Post, March 8 , 1948. 9 . The Denver Post, March 14, 1948 . 10. Much of the ensuing information is based on an untitled, unattributed typed manuscript (c. 1946) in the Goldberg Papers, box 7. Hereafter referred to as the Rose Hospital Manuscript, family members believe it was written by Max Goldberg. 11. Jess R. Kortz, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver CO, May 11, 1998. 12. For more on General Rose's life and career , see RobertS . Gamzey's four part series inthelntermountainJewishNews ,Aprill9-May 10,1945 . 13. Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The Denver Post , April12, 1955; Allan D . Breck, The Centennial History oft he Jew s ofColorado, 1859-19 59 (Denver : The Hirschfeld Press, 1960), p . 257 . 14. Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript. 82

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15. Ibid 16. New York Journal-American, May 21, 1945. 17 . Max Goldberg to Walter Winchell , c. late May 1947 , General Rose Scrapbook I, Goldberg Papers , box 16. 18. Transcript ofbroadcast is in General Rose Scrapbook L Goldberg Papers , box 16. 19. Max Goldberg to Maurice Shwayder, June 5 , 1945, Goldberg Papers , box 10. 20 . Max Goldberg to Maurice Shwayder , Sept. 1, 1945, General Rose Scrapbook IlL Goldberg Papers, box 3. 21. The Denver Post, June 25, 1945 . A photocopy of the check from Dempsey is on display in Heritage Hall at Columbia Rose Medical Center . 22. Numerous letters from contributors , and the letters of thanks they received in return, are in the General Rose Scrapbook ill, Goldberg Papers, box 3. 23. Intermountain Jewish News , May 10, 1946 . 24. Robert S. Gamzey, "Big Names Are Where He Finds 'em," The Quill (February 1947), p . 7, 10. 25. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. 26. It is impossible here to name all those who contributed to the creation of the Hospital . Sol H. Bassow, M.D . , The First Twenty-Five Years ofthe General Rose Memorial Hospital (Denver : s . n., 1970) contains a wealth of information on the subject , as does Heritage Hall in the Columbia Rose Medical Center . 27 . Robert M . Cour, "Memorial to a Hero," The Denver Post Empire Magazine, July 27, 1947 , p . 2. 28. Among other stars who donated their services to Rose Hospital through the years are Debbie Reynolds, Sammy Davis Jr., Steve Allen, Errol Flynn, Harry Belafonte, Steve Lawrence and Eydie Gorme, Lucille Ball, Jerry Lewis and Alan King . 29. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript . 30 . Renny Youngman, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992. 83

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31. Rose Barnett, videotaped interview with Charles Goldberg, Denver CO, May 18, 1988 . The neighbor was Joseph Waxman, whose grandsons founded the Robert Waxman Camera and Video stores. 32 . Rabbi Hillel Goldberg, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992 . 33. Judge Sherman G . Finesilverto Max Goldberg, December4, 1961, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 34. Max Goldberg, Intermountain Jewish News , May 21, 1965 . 84

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CHAPTER6 PIONEERING IN TELEVISION Cable TV .. . digital TV ... satellite dishes ... high definition TV. Television has become a ubiquitous presence in American life , but it was not so in the 1 940s. Taken for granted today , television was a long time in coming , especially to Denver , and Max Goldberg was there to help usher it in. In 1940 , before World War II curtailed equipment production and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) ceased granting new licenses , more than twenty commercial television stations were on the air throughout the country.1 After the war , as the electronics industry shifted from military applications to meeting pent up consumer demands , the FCC made up for lost time by issuing I 08 new television licenses in three years . This created unanticipated problems when the new stations began experiencing interference in the suddenly crowded airwaves . To sort out this and other technical problems , the FCC ordered a temporary freeze on new applications in September, 1948 .2 This "temporary" freeze lasted nearly four years . Applications for Denver's five commercial channels had begun before the freeze was implemented, but no action was taken . Among the more notable applicants was Alfred M . "Alf' Landon, former governor of Kansas and the 1936 Republican presidential candidate . Others 85

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included the owners of Denver radio stations KFEL , KLZ and KMYR, as well as Denver Mayor Quigg Newton in partnership with comedian Bob Hope . Meanwhile , dozens of stations whose applications had already been approved went on the air in other cities. When the freeze finally ended in April , 1952, Denver and Portland , Oregon , were the last two major American cities without television . FCC chairman Wayne Coy promised that applicants there would get priority .3 During the freeze years , Max Goldberg traveled frequently to c i ties with operating television stations . These trips exposed him to Milton Berle , Howdy Doody , Ed Sullivan , and other "video" stars unfamiliar in his hometown . During a 1950 visit to New York , he reported : Whither radio? N .Y. is TV crazy . Every day is filled with television advertisements . Loads of space devoted to TV programming ... Sets still seJling like hotcakes . Talent exodus from H'wood increasing hourly ... Cinema stars , who barely caused a ripple in the streets , are now stopped dead in their tracks by idoliz i ng video fans. "The only way we can explain it," remark the TV heroes, "is the intimacy created by this new medium . "4 Clearly impressed by the impact television was making in New York and elsewhere , Goldberg became fascinated with the idea of bringing it to Denver . Typically , he had little money to invest in such a project. He had four young children and had recently purchased his first home. Despite his various enterprises , amassing money was never one of his strengths . Rather , his forte was his easy and convincing manner , and the invaluable contacts he had with those who did have money to invest. 86

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Max got together with Thomas C . Ekrem and William D . Pyle , co-owners o f radio station KVOD, where he had worked for y ears. They incorporated the Colorado Television Corporation ( CTC ) in late 1951 , and applied for an FCC license . A consummate salesman , Max brought fourteen prominent local businessmen into the organization . He convinced them to invest a tota l of $575 , 000 ,5 despite a 1949 D e nv e r Post report that nearb y television stations in Albuquerque and Salt Lake City were each losing thousands of dollars a month. 6 Max's efforts were deemed to be worth $46 , 000 , the value of CTC stock that he was "allocated for services rendered or to be rendered . "7 After organizing the investment group , the most important service Max rendered was serving as the CTC liaison . Shuttli n g between Denver and Washington, Max attended FCC hearings and meetings o f CTC i nvestors . Competition for licenses in Denver was fierce . CTC needed an edge , and Max provided it. He called upon his good friend , U. S . Senator Ed Johnson . In his third term , Colorado's senior senator chaired the Interstate Commerce Commi ttee and had important contacts throughout Washington. He helped Max negotiate the federal bureaucracy and expedited the application process . On July 1 2 , 1952 , the FCC announced the approval of two new licenses in Denver. Gene O ' Fallon , owner of KFEL radio , was given Channel2 for KFEL-TV , and CTC was awarded Channel9 for KVOD-TV. KFEL began broadcasting within a week , but construction delays and 87

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technical problems kept Channel 9 off the air for three months . In the meantime , the FCC approved a change in its call letters from KVOD ( "Voice ofDenver") to KBTV ("Bette r Television") , its identity for the next thirty-two y ears . When i t finally began broadcasting , The Den ve r Post reported, " The debut of the city's second station , KBTV, with test patterns on Channel9, was enthusiasticall y received . "8 Actual programming began on October 1 2, giv i ng Denverites a viewing option for the first time and sparking a boom in television sales . Between July and November, 1952 , the number of TV sets in Denver homes jumped from 4000 to 40 , 000 .9 KBTV affiliated with the ABC network, which quickly fell behind ri v als NBC and CBS in providing quali ty programming and advert is ing support for its member stations. Despite limited resources , KBTV was compelled to produce more local programs . In response to this need , Max Goldberg introduced a weekly public affairs show called On The Spot . Although i t moved from time slot to time slot and station to station, i t ran from 195 2 until 1966 and was Denver's longest running sponsored program . On The Spot featured interviews and panel discussions of local , national and international issues. With his extensive background in newspapers and radio , Max was an ideal choice to host a new show in this new medium . Beginning on November 5 , 1952 , the station announcer each week welcomed viewers to "On The Spot , a series of unrehearsed interviews with the great , the near great, and the obscure. " This accurately described the guests , and it became the 88

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signature line identified with the show for years . Much of the nation had already seen the 1948 Democratic and Republican National Conventions on TV. Federal hearings on organized crime led by Senator Estes Kefauver aired in 1951 , as the nation watched in fascination and horror . Denver, however, had still been in the pre-television era . When Max Goldberg put guests such as Senator Eugene Millikin (Nov . 17, 1952), Governor Dan Thornton (Jan . 27, 1953) , and Denver Mayor Quigg Newton (April 7 , 1953 ) On The Spot , it was the first time most Denverites had seen major public figures in their living rooms. Mayor Newton was one of the many early guests who made his television debut on On The Spot , and Max strove to make them comfortable in the new medium . This did not mean, however , that he shied away from tough questions or issues . For example, he confronted Governor Thornton with this query: Governor, yesterday we noticed you gave new hope to three men sentenced for life in Canon City ... This , I understand, makes them eligible to come before the parole board in February ... Can you tell us in a nutshell , if possible , what motivated these reductions in sentences? 10 The early 1950s were the era ofMcCarthyism, blacklisting, and the frequent, often voluntary , imposition of censorship in America. The phrase "banned in Boston" became part of the American vernacular. Many state and local governments had censorship boards to monitor the content of books, movies and music in their jurisdiction. 11 Against this backdrop of suppression , Max Goldberg presented 89

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controversial issues seldom seen on television or discussed publicly. Early in 1953, for example, a group of Denver citizens produced a list of fifty-five "obscene" books whose sale they wanted banned . Max brought together a panel of Denver District Attorney Bert Keating; Joe Morton, head of the largest book and magazine distributorship in the area ; Thomas Hornsby Ferrill, noted author and poet; Marshall Quiat, an attorney and state legislator; and an Episcopal priest, Father Leon King . Their diverse viewpoints exposed Denverites to all sides of the controversy. While it may seem quaint and prudish today, certain subjects were mentioned only in hushed tones, if at all, in this era. When On The Spot presented a show on divorce on June 16, 1954, the guests included two divorcees who wished to be identified only as Mr. A and Mrs. B. Americans at that time commonly regarded alcoholics as morally flawed "drunks" or "burns." Four members of Alcoholics Anonymous appeared with Max Goldberg on March 24, 1954, to dispel the myths and explain the disease and the organization . The interviewees wore masks, but in a dramatic and memorable On The Spot moment, one guest's mask fell off with the camera focused on him. He immediately covered his face with his hands and proceeded with his comments . Live television was full of surprises . During the anti-Communist hysteria of the 1950s , at least thirty-two states required teachers to take loyalty oaths . On July 7 , 1955, On The Spot featured 90

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Herrick Roth, executive secretary of the Colorado Federation of Teachers and vice president of the American Federation of Teachers . The show focused on the "faceless informers" who reported on teachers that they deemed disloyal or subversive . Max's opposition to this practice was clear from his questions : "What protection does a teacher accused of being a Communist have? ... What can be done to end the menace of anonymous charges? .. .Is academic freedom limited by teachers' fears of being accused of disloyalty?" 12 As a journalist and political strategist, Max was keenly aware of the dangers of anonymous accusations . Shows such as these won critical acclaim . TV Guide said, "Max's sense of news happening, and his intimate knowledge o f the people who make it happen, go a long way toward lifting the show way above the run-of the-mill panel-interview programs which inundate television . " 13 On The Spot elicited a large volume of mail from both viewers and guests, bearing out Governor Dan Thornton's statement, "there is no doubt but that the public appreciates such a program . " 14 On November 1 , 1953, Denver's third television station , KLZ-Channel 7 , went on the air . This marked the beginning of the end of Colorado Television Corporation. President William D. Pyle explained, "All went well the first year when we had only two stations in Denver , during which time we made a nice profit. Things changed when KLZ went on the air ... as now the available business was destined to be divided three ways instead of two . "15 KOA-Channel4 took to the air seven weeks after KLZ , further diluting the available business . 91

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Channel9 stockholders had reason to be nervous . On October 3 1 , 1953, the station had a surplus of over $83 , 000 . One year later the figure had fallen to barely $10 , 000 .1 6 The station was reportedly losing $ 2 5 , 000 per month and needed an infusion of half a million dollars to remain competitive . 17 Over the objections of Max Goldberg , CTC began soliciting offers for Channel 9 . Early in 1955 , Tulsa businessman John C . Mullins purchased the station for $900 , 000 . While this was Jess than the $1.1 million the y had hoped for , it still nearly doubled the money of the original investors . Nevertheless, according to Bob Brown, former salesman and manager at Channel 9, "Max was really upset over that. He never did get over it. He d i dn't want to sell. He saw the potential , the survival o f television and the future of television." 18 Despite his displeasure , Max remained at Channel 9 for three more years , when his health took a sudden turn for the worse . Early in 1958 , he began to experience discomfort and pain in his chest. Doctors in Denver were unable to provide an explanation . At the urging of his sister Rose Barnett and his physician Dr. Abraham J . Kauvar (son of Rabbi Charles E.H. Kauvar), Max traveled to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester , Minnesota. Chest x-rays there revealed the presence of a large and rapidly growing tumor, and doctors called for its immediate surgical removal . The March 4 operation was successful, but infection and other complications that would plague him for the rest of his life hampered Max' s recovery . 19 The surgery and recuperation kept Max indisposed for months. Rumors had 92

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been circulating for some time that Channel 9 would cancel On The Spot , and Max' s prolonged absence gave them an opportunity to do so . Despite her disappointment , Miriam Goldberg was actually relieved that her ailing husband would have one less demand on him when he returned to work. Max, characteristically , was unwilling to accept the cancellation . As soon as he was able, he pitched his show to rival station KLZ-Channel 7, and in October , 1958, On The Spot found a new home there on Sunday nights at 10:30 . Concerned with the effect Max's workload might have on his health, his daughter Dorothy told him, "Dad , your pace could kill a horse ... We want you around for a long time ; so I implore you--please slow up . "20 Although Max took pride in his large vocabulary , "slowing up" was not a part of it. He quickly resumed his breakneck schedule . He still used "the great, the near great and the obscure" as his tag line , but his guests were less frequently obscure and more frequently among the most prominent public figures of the day . The show business contacts that had served Max so well during his fundraising efforts helped him bring Jimmy Durante, George Jessel, Jerry Lewis and other stars to On The Spot . With his lifelong interest in sports, he enjoyed interviewing athletes like football legend Red Grange, golfer Gary Player , and former heavyweight champion Max Baer , who wore a Star of David on his boxing trunks. Guests from diverse walks of life were Max' s stock in trade , as the following sampling illustrates. 10/26/58 Marilyn Van Derbur--Miss Colorado and Miss America 1958 93

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11/9/58 2/8/59 2 / 15/59 3 / 22/59 5 / 31/59 7 / 26/59 9/20/59 2/21/60 3 /13/ 60 3 /2 7/60 6/5/60 8 / 21/60 2/19/61 3 / 19/61 4/27/62 Palmer Hoyt--editor and publisher of The Denver Post Sue Wyman--United Airlines stewardess Wilbur Clark--owner of the Desert Inn in Las Vegas Abba Eban-Israeli ambassador to the United States Col. Gregory "Pappy" Boyington-World War II flying ace and author of Baa Baa Black Sheep Dr. Andrew C . Ivy--cancer researcher and proponent of the controversial drug Krebiozen James Cash Penney--founder of the J.C . Penney department stores Abigail Van Buren--advice columnist Dear Abby Rabbi Charles E . H. Kauvar--rabbi emeritus of BMH Synagogue in Denver Robert Wagner--Mayor ofNew York City Farrell Dobbs--Socialist Workers Party candidate for president Tempest Storm--famed exotic dancer (i .e., stripper) Isaac Aronowicz--Captain of the ship Exodus Lowell Thomas-j ournalist , author , and native of Victor , Colorado Robert Briscoe--Jewish Lord Mayor of Dublin, Ireland In an unfinished memoir that he began in his last year of life , Max commented on a few of the other memorable personalities he interviewed in his career : 94

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Adlai E. Stevenson (former Governor of Illinois and 1952 and 1956 Democratic presidential nominee) He could have held his own with any of the world's great entertainers. He needed no script writers . Wisecracks, barbs , satire , and witty stories flowed from him as freely as water from a faucet. Hubert H. Humphrey (Senator from Minnesota and 1964 Democratic vice presidential candidate) A former professor , he has a marvelous command ofEnglish and he's never lacking for a dramatic or descriptive word. He is one of those rare individuals who , when you ask him a question, gives a very rapid , distinct and well-expressed answer. All the interviewer has to do is sit back and listen . Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon ... one o f the most remarkable speakers and ad lib thinkers I've ever had the pleasure of interviewing . He comes over the microphone with utter frankness and candor . Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts (interviewed in 1964 several months after President John F . Kennedy was assassinated) Naturally, I wanted to get a comment from the Senator about his brother. Knowing how delicate the situation was, I asked him before the broadcast if he would mind talking about his brother . " No," he said, "If we keep it from a controversial level I may say a word or two. " But when I mentioned the late President in the interview , the Senator flared up in anger . "I'm in no mood to discuss the person . I don't want to talk about him , " he said and started to leave the studio , obviously quite upset. "Look, Senator , " I said, "We don ' t have to talk about the Pres ident. There are many other things to discuss . Let's go ahead. " We agreed and he returned to his chair. We continued for thirty minutes and I asked him about the proposed income tax increase and other matters of national interest. About two-thirds of the way through the broadcast he started to smile because I had kept my word, and he became friendlier and more at ease. Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona ... probably the frankest and most candid of all personalities I have interviewed. You could tell by his tone , content and demeanor that he was always leveling with you--was always telling the truth .. .it was not long before we were talking about his Jewish ancestry , although it was well known that he had been raised an Episcopalian. "Did you hear , " he asked, "what happened when I tried to join a country club 95

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in Phoenix where there was discrimination against Jews? I told them , 'I'm only hal f Jewish; at least let me play nine holes!"' James R. "Jimmy" Hoffa President of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters Considering the fact that [he] was facing two federal prison sentences at the time, he was the most fearless and outspoken person ever to appear On The Spot . At the time, his vendetta with [Attorney General] Bobby Kennedy was at its peak . "Bob Kennedy is turning this country into a police state," he said . He proceeded to ridicule President Kennedy for playing golf so much. I was shocked by his boldness . Sonny Liston heavyweight boxing champion If ever there was a man who was sparing with words , it was Sonny Liston on television. To him one sentence was like the Gettysburg address . "Are you training?" I asked. "Yes . " No elaboration. "Do you feel good?" "I sure do." "Are you going to beat Cassius Clay?" "Yes . " I had prepared more than a hundred questions, but ran out with ten minutes to go .. .I ad libbed something about heavyweight fighters . Ali Bey Turkish wrestler who appeared on an early On The Spot program I wanted to project the impact of sight more than sound, and I said to Ali Bey , "I know the great hold in your wrestling arsenal is the headlock you give people. Give me a headlock, but please don't squeeze too hard because if you do that's the end of me. " So I thrust my head in his muscular , brawny arms and he put his headlock around me and I feigned like I was being squeezed to death. For a moment there he did put a little pressure on and I thought it was all over for me. People who saw the broadcast thought maybe he had cracked my skull. Jerry Lewis actor and comedian During the show , out of the clear blue sky , he said to me, "You know, Max, I'm going to punch you right in the nose." I had said nothing to provoke him . To me, the remark was just a big joke. But the reaction after the program was appalling . People told me for days they'd never go see a Jerry Lewis movie again . Drew Pearson syndicated Washington columnist Among other things, the outspoken writer is remembered for calling Harry 96

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Truman an S . O . B. ... In person , however, Pearson was nothing like his writing . There was none of that irascibility , none o f the vitriol...On the air he was more like a soft spoken bookkeeper than a vituperative columnist. His words still had their compelling meaning , though . Victor Borge pianist and comedian I don't know what happened to Victor Borge the afternoon I interviewed him. He tried to be witty and, I must say , he failed miserably . He said things that just didn't make any sense . People told me they were terribly disappointed in his performance. Jimmy Durante entertainer People in show business told me he was the best-loved b y other stars , and I could see why . He doesn't have a streak of envy in his bod y and he always radiates that warmth you see on stage . Lome Greene star of the TV western Bonan za An overpowering person with huge shoulders , he's the kind of man you'd expect to be a football star . But his voice is somniatic, almos t sweet . I've heard announcers say they wish they had his voice . I don't know how we got on the s ubject, but I found out that Lome Greene is Jewish . Somehow it had never occurred to me, since he has the cowboy image. Joan Blondell actress As she walked into the studios , I could see she had the same bounce and vigor , the same bright eyes, the same vibrant vo i ce that had always characterized her. But she was loaded down with makeup. The closer she got, the better I could see the heavy cakes of makeup all over her face and eyes. On the air, Joan spoke about her motion picture career with great ease and vigor . Despite her passing years , she had lost none of the zest and ebulliency that marked her screen career . Robert Taylor actor An event fortunate enough to book him was assured of a tum-away crowd with wild , scram bling autograph fans, especially women. He was tall and magnetic when I interviewed him on K.LZ television . All the secretaries at the station quit their work , went into the studio and stood agape at Robert Taylor. Zsa Zsa Gabor actress ZsaZsa Gabor is one of the tew women rve met who looks just as scintillating off camera as she does [on camera]. .. She was charming and luscious 97

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looking . I wouldn't call her a . flirt , but as she walked around the set, her naturally fetching manner sparked conversation with total strangers . Whether it was the unique array of guests or Max's probing questions or some other factor, ratings for the show climbed . In early 1959 , it took second place in its 10:30-11 : 00 PM time period, garnering higher ratings than the now classic shows I Love Lucy and Dragnet . Two years later , when On The Spot captured first place in the period , KLZ sales manager Bob Hart told Max, "we are confident with the outstanding guests you are getting on the Sunday night program [that] you will not only maintain the leading position , but will also increase audience in future surveys. Again, congratulations . "21 Live television brought many tense moments , of course, and Max recalled his anxiety on November 29 , 1959, as he awaited the arrival of his scheduled guest: It was 10 o'clock in the evening at the KLZ Channel 7 studio . John F . Kennedy , then seeking the 1960 presidential nomination, was scheduled to go On The Spot with me at 10 : 30 . The telephone rang as the minute hand on the studio clock pointed to 12. My heart skipped a beat; I feared something must have gone wrong . "Is this Max Goldberg?" The voice at the other end of the line was nonchalant. "Yes . " "This is Pierre Salinger. We have a date to be on your show tonight at 10 : 30 . " "Where are you?" I asked . "In Cheyenne . . . Wyoming . " For a moment I thought he was joking. Cheyenne is 110 miles north of Denver, and here the spokesman for Kennedy was talking as if they were across the street. "How's the weather in Denver?" Salinger asked . "It's snowing." 98

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"Don't worry , " he said , "We 'll be there . " The next twenty minutes seemed like half a lifetime . I told the engineers in the control booth we'd better get ready to put on some kind of tape . Outside it was snowing heavily . In the distance we heard the faint sounds of motorcycle sirens , growing louder until they came to a screaming halt as a limousine pulled up to the curb . Out stepped John Kennedy ... The candidate for the presidency was all business--polite, incisive, articulate . There was no nonsense and no levity . Until then very little had been said on television about his being a Catholic and I didn ' t know whether or not to mention it. Midway in the telecast he brought up the subject himself and dwelt on it at considerable length. I tried to be as tactful as possible, but tried to elicit answers to questions the American people were asking. He was most accommodating . Reaction the next day was overwhelming . Kennedy had made a lot of friends with his frankness and charm in front of the television cameras. 22 Kennedy demonstrated his television savvy again the following year in his three debates with Republican opponent Richard M . Nixon. Many observers attributed his narrow v i ctory to the poised and confident manner he exuded on camera. Though he did not always agree with his guests' opinions , Max tried to be an objective host. On one occasion, however , his views clashed so harshly with his guest's that the program took a confrontational and belligerent turn . It was early January , 1964 , when Alabama Governor George C. Wallace appeared On The Spot . "We almost came to blows several times during the interview," Max recalled . Wallace had earned a national reputation in 1963 by defying a federal court order and personally blocking the doorway to the University 99

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of Alabama to prevent Negro students from enrolling . He was an unabashed believer in "Segr e gation now , segregation forever , " a policy that appalled Max Goldberg . When the Governor presented himself as an upholder of law and order , Max asked, "Didn't you violate the law in blocking the school in Alabama?" Later , Wallace claimed that segregation was good for both races . Max responded, "If you think it is so wonderful for the Negro , why doesn't the Negro go along with you on this?" As the interview progressed and their differences became clear , both men grew agitated . When Wallace attempted to launch into a diatribe on the proposed Civil Rights bill pending in Congress, Max stopped him cold. "Governor," he interrupted, "this is an interview , but I ask a question and you are making a thirty minute speech to the camera." Wallace's face reddened with anger, but he answered Max's question . ending: This contentious interview was an exception, and Max recalled its unusual After the telecast, I fully expected him [Wallace] to leave in a hurry or to say something to me that he couldn't say on television . I was sure I had made an enemy . "That was a great interview , " he said. "I liked the way you handled it." I was flabbergasted . 23 Max's support for the civil rights movement of the early 1960s was evident i n his interviews with prominent black guests . Singer Harry Belafonte, comedian Dick Gregory, and actor Sidney Poirier each appeared separately On The Spot . Although each achieved fame in the entertainment field , Max questioned them about their 100

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encounters with discrimination and their personal involvement in the civil rights movement. When Jackie Robinson appeared on July 14, 1963, the conversation was less about baseball than about Robinson ' s experiences as the first African-American in the major leagues , and the current state of race relations in America . Three times Max interviewed the most renowned civil rights leader in the nation, the Rev . Dr. Martin Luther King Jr . The late Rev . M . C . Williams , pastor of Denver's New Hope Baptist-Church, arranged the first one , which took place in April , 1962. Max drove Dr . King from his hotel to the KLZ studios , where: ... we discussed many delicate issues , including in t erracial marriage. He summed up his feelings on that subject with a clever and obviously sincere response . "Max , " he said, giving me a penetrating glance , "we don't want to be the white man's we want to be his brother." I believe that was the first time he used that afterward I heard it repeated . Dr. King was not easily flustered despite my rather sharp probing . He spoke slowly and softly , carefully planning his replies in a vocabulary that would have done cred i t to a Winston Churchill .. .It was one of the television treats of my life .24 On the lighter side , comedian Buddy Hackett had Max in stitches during his On The Spot appearance. Max could scarcely keep up with Hackett's rapid-fire ad libs and repartee. As he struggled to maintain his composure , Hackett asked him, "What are you trying not to laugh for?" Replied Max, "I'm trying to be your straight man. " Hackett immediately shot back, "You gotta be a straight man , because you're not gonna be a comedian, Max . "2 5 101

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Generally , Max wanted his guests to feel at ease so that the conversation would be natural and their answers candid. He could, however, be disarmingly direct. He once had as his guest Edward Lamb, whose holdings in manufacturing, broadcasting and publishing made him one of the wealthiest men in America . Max asked him bluntly, "What effect does today's fierce competition have upon a man's integrity and personality?"2 6 On another occasion his guest was famed personal injury attorney Melvin Belli (pronounced with a long i) . Expressive and outspoken , Belli eloquently answered all questions until Max silenced him by asking, "What do you estimate are your earnings in a year?" Belli hesitated for fifteen or twenty seconds before fmally responding, "I don't know whether to answer that. You never can tell about the Internal Revenue Service . " Max frequently invited friends or family members to the studio to meet his guests , and sons Harold and Richard , who were twelve and ten at the time, remember the Belli interview for a special reason. During the program, Max slipped and referred to his guest as "Belly." For years the boys ribbed their father by asking , "Hows Mr. Belly today?"27 Max became adept at departing from his script to query a guest about an earlier response, or about topics not usually associated with that guest. He asked the Reverend Billy Graham to discuss his exercise routine, for example, and queried 102

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entertainer Harry Belafonte on his opinions on U.S . -Soviet relations . His style earned him kudos from many quarters , such as S e nator Wayne Morse o f Oregon , who sai d, "I have been interviewed by a great many radio , television , and newspape r men during my fifteen years in the Senate and I hav e no hesitancy in sa ying that Max Goldberg demonstrated to me that he rates among the best who have ever d n 28 mterv1ewe me. Originally , On The Spot was broadcast live , and Max often missed out on important guests whose schedules precluded them from appearing in stud i o at the appointed hour . A tremendous break came when Channel 7 purchased a videotape machine in 1959. According to TV Guide : Channel 7 ' s videotape machine (cost : about $60 ,000 ) has proved to be worth its wei ght in gold to interviewer Max Goldberg . The erstwhile D enver P ost columnist has in recent weeks man aged to catch on tape for his Sunday night show some of the big gest names in the nation. Max's recent guests have included Elliott Roosevelt , Cong. James Roosevelt (D-Cal. ), author Harry Golden, singer Harry Belafonte , George J essel and Senator Stuart Symington ofMissouri.29 The new machine was espe c ially useful w hen actor Robert Mitchum appeared On The Spot . Max related what transpired after the initial taping of their interview: The program was over and I thanked Mitchum profusely. The engineer motioned to me and said very softly , as if it were routine , "You know, Max, I didn't have the sound on. " For a moment the full impact of his statement did not register . "What do you mean?'' I asked , apprehensive . "You don ' t have a show . " 103

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That's about as close as I ever came to fainting . Mitchum had done the interview free, without compensation. I had enough experience with performers to know that thirty minutes of their time is not without value. Luckily, he had not yet left the studio . I explained the situation and asked if he would repeat the show . Surprise is hardly a strong enough word to describe my reaction when he said, "Sure, Max." He was a great sport . We ad lib bed the whole show again . 30 Working in a young and constantly changing medium meant dealing with the unexpected. Max thrived on such challenges , and sought them out. If he found none, he created his own. In 1960 , he was publisher of the Inte rmountain Jewish News, head of the Max Goldberg Advertising Agency , ''Side Street" columnist for The Denver Post, and host of On The Spot. He was also a husband and father of four , on the Rose Hospital Board of Trustees , on the BMH Synagogue Board of Trustees, and involved in a myriad of civic and charitable activities . He had not slowed down despite his major chest surgery two years earlier . On top of all this, he had an idea for a new television show not to replace On The Spot but to run concurrently with it. He envisioned a panel of four or more guests seated in a roundtable forum to discuss issues of local and national concern . Max's role as host was to keep the conversation lively and flowing, and the announcer introduced him as "master of the provocative question, elicitor of the surprise retort . " The Max Goldberg Show debuted on Channel? on Saturday, July 16, 1960 . According to the station, "The program starts at 11 :00 PM, and it ends---who knows when? If Max's guests really get involved in a discussion the program may run until 104

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2 : 00 in the moming . "3 1 Max tried to engage his viewers , too , soliciting their telephone calls and questions for the panel years before Phil Donahue or Oprah Winfrey popularized the practice. The format was unique in Denver television and among the first of its kind anywhere in the nation. The first program featured Dr. C. Henry Kempe, Professor of Pediatrics at the University of Colorado Medical Center ; Jack Carberry, former Denver Post sports editor and columnist ; Mrs . J . Ramsa y Harris , prominent Denver Republican activist and civic leader ; Captain Lloyd J. Jamerson of the Denver Police Department's Morals Bureau ; and State Rep . Joseph F. Dolan, a confidant of John F . Kennedy who had just returned from the Democratic convention in Los Angeles. Despite the late hour, the freewheeling conversation prompted more than one hundred viewers to phone in questions for the panel. This initial show set the precedent for the diverse guests and topics that followed . Experts and laymen from many walks o f l ife gathered weekly as Max guided their discussions , covering everything from international relations to the weather. While the program sometimes lasted as long as three-and-a-half hours , two to two-and-a-half was more common . After one year , Channel 7 decided to economize by replacing The Max Goldberg Show with old movies . With a few telephone calls, Max simply arranged for the program to switch to KTVR-Channel2 . There it moved to Thursdays at 9 : 30 , but Max insisted, "the policy will still be that if we have something to discuss we'll 105

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remain on the air until we are finished. "32 Two years later Max saw history repeat itself when Channel2 replaced his show with movie reruns . Denver Post TV critic Del Carnes spoke for the many disappointed viewers : With the departure of The Max Goldberg Show from Channel 2, Denver is left without a single local show in prime time devoted to intelligent discussion ... There weren ' t--and still aren't--any shows like it on the four commercial stations ... Channel 2 has filled the Goldberg spot with old, old movies ... Because it is an independent station, it is in a position to accomplish many local things which the network stations are unable to do. But it is always easier, of course, and more expedient to prof[amjeaturejilms than shows oflocal interest. [original italics] One constituency was part i cularl y upset. On December 30, 1961, The Max Goldberg Show presented a panel composed entirely of Hispanic guests, a first for Denver television. Another such panel appeared eight months later. El Tiempo, a newspaper serving the Hispanic community, called Max "'Un Buen Amigo' to Denver's 80,000 Hispanos . " The Denver Catholic Register wrote , "The opportunity Mr . Goldberg has given Hispanic American representatives in Denver to speak their mind on issues that concern them has won their widely felt loyalty. "34 That loyalty led El Tiempo editor Carlos G . Mendoza to push for the return of The Max Goldberg Show . He initiated a letter writing campaign to Channel2, personally phoned other TV stations , and sought the support of everyone from his own readers to City Hall. Although his efforts to revive The Max Goldberg Show were unsuccessful , On The Spot remained on the air on Channel 7 through 1966 . 106

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Introducing prominent guests and provocative topics were only part of Max' s contribution to Denver television . In the mid-1950s he hosted election night coverage of city and statewide races , and participated in telethons to raise money for a variety of charitable causes. He pioneered off camera , too . He participated in one of the earliest attempts to bring payTV to Denver, a 1963 plan by the MacfaddenTeleglobe Pay-TV Corporation. Through mass mailings and newspaper advertisements , Max publicized the call for advance subscribers to the system , which would broadcast high quality , non-commercial programming on a pay-per-view basis . . The video was to air over Channel2 and be available to all Denver viewers , while the audio would come over telephone lines only to subscribers. A negative publicity campaign by the National Association of Broadcasters and the three major networks led to resistance from viewers and quashed MacfaddenTeleglobe ' s Denver experiment before it could begin . Max contacted Bill Daniels ( 1920-2000), who had just brought cable television to Casper, Wyoming , and who came to be widely regarded as the father of cable television . Their business associa t ion was short lived, limited by Max ' s diverse interests and activities in fields other than television . Nevertheless , he and Daniels became close friends, perhaps because they shared a belief in the feasibility of cable television at a time when most people ridiculed the idea. Even Max's own son said, " I thought my dad was nuts" when he predicted that people would pay for individual programs, and that 400 channels would eventually exist. 35 Max would certainly be 107

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pleased to know that his predictions have come to pass , albeit several decades later than he thought. Max Goldberg was a professional communicator who saw the potential of television as an effective new tool. Never content to wait for opportunities , he chose instead to create his own. After his behind-the-scenes role in founding Channel 9 , Max broke new ground on the air with On T he Spot and The Max Goldberg Show . These programs were the first in Denver to present sensitive issues and major newsmakers in an intelligent manner, in stark contrast to FCC chairman Newton Minow's famous 1961 description of television as "a vast wasteland . " In his comprehensive history of the station , Tim Ryan called Max Goldberg "the father of Channel 9 . "3 6 On or off the air , few people in Denver had greater impact on the early development of television. In September 1966, Max signed off for the final time the same way he had for nearly fourteen years-"Thanks for watching and thanks for listening. Good night." 108

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 6 I. Tim Ryan, "Rocky Mountain Air: Denver's Channel 9, 1952-1996" (Master's thesis , University of Colorado at Denver , 1997), p . 11. 2. J. Fred MacDonald, One Nation Under Television (Chicago: Nelson-Hall Publishers , 1994), pp. 57-58 . 3. Cheri de Ia Garza, "Television Invades 1952 /53 Denver: Origins of the Video Revolution" (Master's thesis, University of Colorado at Denver, 1995) , p . 8 . 4 . Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The Denver Post, Nov . 23, 1950 . 5. Investors who put up $25,000 each were : Steve Russell, president of Athmar Investment Co. and a director of Union National Bank; Harry Goldberg, president of Colorado Metal Products ; Robert A Gal basin , manager and comptroller of The May Co.; Gail L. Ireland, former Colorado Attorney General and director of Denver Industrial Bank; Maurice Robineau, president of Centennial Racetrack; A.J. Harris , head of Harris Auto Parts and director ofUnion National Bank; William F. Robinson, president of Denver-Chicago Trucking Co. Those investing $50,000 each were: Joe G. Dyer , drilling contractor and oil producer; Morris Miller, bear of Miller Sooper Markets; William D. Pyle, president of Colorado Radio Corp.; Aksel Nielsen, president of Denver Chamber of Commerce and bead of Title Guaranty Co.; Charles C. Winocur , general manager ofMellwin Construction Co.; Edward Hirschfeld , head of Hirschfeld Press; John D. McEwen, president of Garden Farm Dairy ; Joe Sunshine, vice-president of Miller Sooper Markets. 6. de la Garza, "Television Invades Denver," p. 7 . 7 . Subscription Agreements for Purchase of Stock in the Colorado Television Corporation, Goldberg Papers , box 9. 8. The Denver Post, October 3, 1952. 9 . Ryan, "Rocky Mountain Air," p. 26; de Ia Garza, "Television Invades Denver," pp. 35-36. 10. Max Goldberg to Governor Dan Thornton, January 27, 1953, typescript of On The Spot broadcast, Goldberg Papers , box 4. 109

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11. McDonald, One Nation Under Television, p . 98. 12. Max Goldberg to Herrick Roth, July 7 , 1955, typescript of On The Spot broadcast, Goldberg Papers , box 16. 13. Sid Levin , "On The Spot! Max Goldberg's Guest Seat Is UsualJy The Hottest In Town," TV Guide , June 4, 1953, p . A-2 . 14. Governor Dan Thornton to Max Goldberg , February 3, 1953. This and dozens more letters and postcards about the program are in an On The Spot scrapbook in the Goldberg Papers, box 4 . 15. Report to the Stockholders of Television Station KBTV, Jan. 21, 1955, Goldberg Papers, box 1 0 : 16. Colorado Television Corporation Financial Statements, October 31, 1954 , Goldberg Papers , box 10. The exact figures were $83,849 . 82 and $10 , 043 .11. 17. Ryan, "Rocky Mountain Air," p . 53 ; Caro l Flexer, "The Man and the Idea, KBTV Denver," unpublished paper, Denver , 1974, Goldberg Papers , box 8 . 18. Quoted in Ryan, "Rocky Mountain Air," p . 53 . 19. Dr. Dwight C . McGoon to Dr. John B. Grow, May 12, 1958, Goldberg Papers, box W-6 . The tumor was an encapsulated lymphocytic thymoma weighing 315 grams. 20. Dorothy "Dotty" Scott to Max Goldberg, December 15, 1958, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 21. Bob Hart to Max Goldberg, February 4, 1959 and March 13, 1961, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 22 . Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. 23 . Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. Videotape of this program provided courtesy of Miriam Goldberg. 24 . Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. No audiotapes or videotapes of any of Max's interviews with Dr. King are known to exist. 25. Videotape provided courtesy of Miriam Goldberg. 110

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26 . Max Goldberg to Edward Lamb, from typescript in Goldberg Papers , box 11. This and other typescripts in the Goldberg Papers contain only Max's questions, and not the guests' answers . 27 . Max Goldberg , Untitled Manuscript. 28 . Senator Wayne Morse to Senator Stuart Symington, April9, 1959, Goldberg Papers, box 14. 29. Undated TV Guid e clipping , c . September , 1959 , Goldberg Papers , box 1 . 30. Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. 31. KLZ Television News v . 7 no . 12, (July-August 1960) , p . 3 . 32. Quoted in Del Carnes, "On the Air," T h e Denver Post , July 19, 1961. 33. Del Carnes, "On the Air," The Denver Post , August 30 , 1963 . 34 . El Tiempo, July 12, 1962 ; Denver C atholic Reg iste r , January 2, 1964. 35. Rabbi Hillel Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton , Denver, July 9 , 1998 . 36 . Ryan , "Rocky Mountain Air," p . 21. 111

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CHAPTER 7 THE DENVER POST COLUMNIST Max Goldberg's relationship with The Derrver Post began when he became a newsboy at age seven. During his North High years he reported high school scores to the Post sports department. In his twenties , he wrote for the sports department, receiving neither pay nor a byline , but gaining valuable experience and contacts. Then other enterprises beckoned-marriage and family, his own advertising business, publishing the Intermountain Jewish News . For several years Max's main connection to The Post consisted of reading it daily . That changed on Sunday, August 11, 1946, with his first "Side Street" . column. For nearly a quarter of a century thereafter, Post readers turned to "Side Street" for business news, inside political information, human interest stories, stock tips, travel notes , hwnor and more. The addition of this column was just one of many changes at the paper in 1946 . In 1895 , Frederick G . Bonfils and Harry H. Tammen purchased The Denver Evening Post for $12 ,500.1 Neither had any experience in the news business , but they were extraordinary promoters. Under their dynamic and often controversial stewardship, serious journalism took a back seat to sensationalism , contests, and entertainment . Although their outrageous tactics offended some , The Post emerged 112

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from Denver•s tumultuous newspaper wars of the early 1900s, during which the Post, the Rocky Mountain News, The Denver Times and the Denver Express competed for readers, as the city•s circulation leader . Historians Stephen J. Leonard and Thomas J. Noel surmised, 11Many hated the Post , but practically everyone read it.112 Tammen died in 1924. After Bonfils died nine years later , William C. Shepherd, a longtime employee and friend , succeeded him as editor and publisher. Bill Hosokawa, a former Post editor and author of its history, accurately labeled Shepherd•s tenure 11the years of profitable hibernation . n3 Despite the paper•s provincial outlook and dubious journalistic standards, stockholders continued to reap large dividends. Shepherd saw little reason to stray from the policies of his predecessors . Nationally, The Post was a laughingstock. According to Mort Stem, former managing editor and retired journalism dean at the University of Colorado and the University of Northern Colorado, nThere was a considerable body of published literature about it-all or almost all of it critical. n Indeed, author and journalist John Gunther once deemed it nthe crudest newspaper in the United States . 114 Few were disappointed when the seventy-one-year-old Shepherd announced his retirement in late 1945 . The Posts board of directors selected Edwin Palmer 11Epn Hoyt (1897-1979) as the new editor and publisher. Former associate editor Larry Martin stated, nWhen Hoyt arrived in Denver, The Post was not exactly in a coma, but it was very sleepy . ns 113

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Hoyt came from Portland, where his guidance had revitalized that state ' s leading paper , the Oregonian . He accepted his new position only after the board of directors granted him the authority to implement changes that could do the same for The Denver Post . Staunch conservatism , vindictiveness , and narrow-mindedness characterized the old Denv e r Post . Hoyt wanted to erase that legacy . Changes at The Pos t happened quickl y as many new staffers came aboard . Max Goldberg watched with inte r est as Hoyt "opened the columns of the paper for the first time to all schools of opinion from readers an d guest commentators . "6 Having conceived of a general interest column for some time , Goldberg now saw an opportunity and seized it. He submitted his idea and a sample column to The Post . Hoyt liked it immediately, and Max Goldberg was in business as a columnist. The new editor and publisher made a clean break from the paper ' s racist policies of the past. In 1950 he hi r ed George L. Brown , T he Post' s first black reporter. Brown was later the first African-American elec t ed to the Colorado Senate . As Richard Lamm ' s running mate in 1974 , he added the distinction of becoming the first African-American in the nation elected to a lieutenant governor's post. Throughout the war years, The Post had been virulently anti-Japanese . Hoyt countered this by hiring Bill Hosokawa and Larry Tajiri, both American-born sons o f Japanese immigrants . Hosokawa moved up the ranks from reporter to hold a number of editorial positions , including editorial page and Sunday magazine editor. Tajiri became a nationally renowned drama critic and editor . To his credit , Hoyt employed 114

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Brown, Hosokawa, and Tajiri for their abilities, not their ethnicity. In a similar vein, Hoyt took on Max Goldberg's "Side Street" because of its appeal to a broad spectrum of readers, not merely Jewish ones . The column quickly became a fixture. Within two months it appeared in the table of contents on the front page of the Sunday paper . Within seven months Max's picture ran atop the column alongside his byline . . Palmer Hoyt became an enthusiastic fan of "Side Street." He realized it included stories not covered elsewhere in The Post . He also liked how Max mentioned many noteworthy names that were otherwise missing from the paper's daily news coverage . Because they each published a newspaper, Hoyt saw Max more as an equal than an employee. In addition, he appreciated Max delivering his column to The Post personally, frequently taking time to visit with Hoyt . Still new in town and struggling to win acceptance, Hoyt , according to Mort Stem, "responded to people who went out of their way to be friendly to him ... Also, there may have been a pragmatism in Hoyt's view." Anyone who could build friendships with advertisers he regarded as an asset, including Max with the contacts he had through his advertising agency. 7 Yet Hoyt also managed to uphold the paper's reputability. It was a delicate situation that he handled deftly . He had, as Bill Hosokawa noted, "much ofBonfils' flamboyance, flair, and instincts for what interested people in combination with rock-solid editorial integrity . "8 115

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Max Goldberg also had a reputation for integrity . Hoyt had brought a new concern about ethics to The Post and made it a priority among his staff Aware of Goldberg's advertising and political activities, they perused "Side Street" vigilantly for any potential conflict of interest. They found none . Mort Stem claimed , "Max was the kind of guy who would not let it happen . He was a man of principle. "9 At least one person in town seemed troubled by Max's success as a columnist and by his friendship with Hoyt . Eugene S . Cervi ( 1906-1970) was a former Post and Rocky Mountain News reporter who went on to edit and publish his own weekly business newspaper, Cervi's Rocky Mountain Journal, from 1945 to his death in 1970 . Cervi has been described as brilliant , but also as volatile, a gadfly, a curmudgeon, and as having "a reputation for the hottest temper in town. " 10 One typically rancorous comment from him read: Goldberg has no employee status as such at the Post . He has a preferred position that infuriates almost everybody who has to handle his copy . The arrangemen t between Goldberg and Post publisher Palmer Hoyt has most o f the staff baffled . 11 This pronouncement sharpl y contradicts the recollections of former Post managing editors Alexis McKinney and Mort Stem. Both spoke of the high personal regard in which they and Palmer Hoyt held Max Goldberg. Editorial page assistant Isabelle T . Holmes concurred, saying, "It was always a pleasure to have him come in . . .I never heard a discouraging word about Max" in her thirty-four years at The Post.12 116

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Yet there was some truth in Cervi's statement. Despite its popularity, "Side Street" failed to win Max acceptance among other Post reporters. Some envied h i s close relationship with Palmer Hoyt . Others regarded him as strictly an advertising man; they begrudged him his success as a columnist without his having "paid his dues . " They were likely unaware of Max' s youthful stint as a police reporter for the Rocky Mountain News , his sportswriting days at the Salt La k e Telegram , and the numerous Post articles he wrote without pay in the 1930s . Certainly they could not envy his salary. In 1962 , after sixteen years as "Side Street " columnist , his compensation came to less than twenty-five dollars per week. 13 Aside from his irascible nature , Cervi had personal reasons for disparaging Max Goldberg . Some believed that Cervi secretly coveted Hoyt's position as Post editor, and his envy manifested itself in continual criticism of Hoyt and his staff. Because "Side Street" often covered the same business news as his paper , Cervi considered Goldberg a rival. They did compete for scoops and exclusives, and each clearly enjoyed besting the other. They competed politicall y, too . A longtime Democratic party activist, Cervi challenged incumbent "Big" Ed Johnson for his U.S . Senate seat in 1948 , but lost by a wide margin in the primary election . As one of Johnson ' s top strategists in that campaign, Max Goldberg bore the brunt of Cervi's resentment for years . Max, however , shared little of Cervi's combativeness and saw their rivalry in a more lighthearted vein. A brief bit of verse he once composed reveals his attitude : 117

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There was a young editor named Cervi Whose prose style was often called scurvy, No good could he find In anyone's mind But we love him It's nice to be kind! 1 4 "Side Street" began as a weekly column . Its popularity grew until by 1956 i t appeared four times per week. This demanded enormous time and effort , however , and Max had too many irons i n the fire to maintain such a pace . He gradually scaled back to the original once-a-week schedule that he continued through 1970. All told , he wrote some 2000 "Side Street " columns . U nlike "The Publisher ' s Desk , " his weekly Intermountain Jewish News column, "Side Street" seldom ruminated on the great issues of the day . More often it was a compendium of brief news items rather than serious reflections . Gathering so much information was a real challenge, and key to Max's success was his seemingly endless supply of sources. From newsboys who hustled papers on the street-like he himself once had-to the inner sanctums of mayors , senators, and governors, Max found information that eluded others. He was first to report on plans to convert the vacant Remington Arms plant west of Denver to what has become the Denver Federal Center. He broke the news that former state legislator Abraham B. Hirschfeld would run for the U.S . House of Representatives in 1950 . Four years before Congress even authorized the creation of an Air Force Academy , Max reported on efforts to locate it in Colorado. 15 118

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Cab drivers and ex-cons, shoeshine boys and captains of industry, doctors, lawyers and laborers-nearly everyone Max knew was a potential source of news. And he seemed to know nearly everyone. Friends and relatives recall striding along downtown streets with Max as acquaintances repeatedly stopped him to exchange greetings. Ever the reporter, Max would whip out his pencil and notepad and ask, "Have you got anything for me?" Max might have been heading for a bite at Joe "Awful" Coffee's Ringside Lounge at 1120 17th Street. A widely known and successful boxer in his youth, Coffee (1905-1994) had been a friend of Max ever since appearing on his 1930s radio broadcasts. Max once wrote him from New York: "Have sampled all the best restaurants in Manhattan . None can compare with Joe Coffee's." 16 Another favorite haunt was Richman's Restaurant, opposite Joe Coffee's on 17th near Arapahoe Street. This eatery was a popular lunch spot for many downtowners, including a group that came to be known as Richman's Roundtable . Their daily gatherings centered not on lunch itself, but on their lively conversations . Max loved to sit in as they discussed happenings around the comer or around the world. Oftentimes he picked up useful information for "Side Street." More often, however, he simply enjoyed the camaraderie of this colorful crew .17 Roundtable members did not merely tolerate controversy, they encouraged it. The main perpetrator was Phil Francis (1894-1974), a self-educated businessman who, like Max and several other regulars, hailed from the West Colfax 119

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neighborhood. Max reminisced about their lunches : Phil was the main attraction. He held court in a small booth that could seat four comfortably, six or seven when crowded . The booths were quickly occupied; late arrivals grabbed chairs nearby. Phil was the catalyst. Those who had met him only once or twice didn't know how to take him. He was a real pro in initiating explosive discussions. No subject was barred . When he wished , he could rib a person unmercifully. Afterwards , like a fighter standing over his felled opponent , he would taper off. Barbs diminished, emphasis subsided and warm smiles dissolved the heated exchanges .1 8 So spirited and compelling were these lunchtime debates that restaurant owner Carl Richman frequently joined in. Of course, the wags of the Roundtable had a lighter side, too . Before leaving their waitress a tip, they liked to put a penny on the table just to see her startled expression upon finding it. Occasionally Max used "Side Street" to indulge his personal interests . Always fascinated by penitentiaries, he visited the Colorado State Penitentiary in Canon City in the 1930s. As warden Roy Best escorted him through the facility, Max recalled, "a number of inmates called out, ' Hi, Willie! How are you?' Sad to say , these were the boys who had sold newspapers with me. "19 ' Willie' referred to the Max's oldest brother, William, whose nickname had been Willie G . In their newsboy days and around the West Colfax neighborhood , the five younger Goldberg brothers were all known as the Willie Gs. Max toured the federal penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas, too. No place intrigued him like Alcatraz , the notorious island prison known as The Rock . 120

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Characteristically , he described the intimidating physical setting , then revealed his real interest-the lives of the inmates : The prisoners ' greatest punishment? It can be summed up in one word--"loneliness , " that monotonous wa y of life wh i ch must mark every day of their stretch ... Does the monotony of life on the rock ever drive the prisoners stark mad or insane ? . . . New arriva l s sulk and growl at the strict code of conduct and lack of prison sociability. But after a short time most inmates adjust and resign themselves to their new confinement. 20 Nowadays millions of travelers rout i nel y accumulate frequent flier miles--Max Goldberg belonged to the United Airlines 1 00 , 0 0 0 Mile Club in 1948. In an era when airline travel and trips abroad were rarities , he gave Denverites glimpses of life elsewhere in the nation and the world . "Side Street" featured datelines from Hollywood to New Yor k and beyond . Max even reported from the high seas with a 1956 column from the fli ght deck of the aircraft carrier U S S Saipan .2 1 In November , 1962 , Max and Miriam Goldberg embarked on a tour of Europe . They visited Amsterdam , Paris , and Rome , with Max penning "Side Street " reports from each . 22 Their vis i t to Berlin, however , carried too much significance to be limited to a 500-word column . Just fifteen months earlier the Soviet Union had erected the infamous Berlin Wall , a structure that came to symbolize decades of Cold War tension . The Denver Post carried Max's Berlin reports in a five part series . Dutifully, they discussed the philosophical and political differences between East and West. Max's main concern , however, lay with the average Berliners whose lives 1 2 1

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were disrupted and families divided by the Wall . He wrote of dining in a restaurant in communist East Berlin, "While we waited to be served , we observed the other guests . The countenances were serious. No smiles , no laughter. Missing was the carefree manner of the West Berlin waiters and waitresses . "23 Max put a human face on an inhuman situation. His Post reports from Europe touched only briefly upon the Holocaust and the Jewish communities he visited . He saved those topics for his Intermountain Jewish News columns , where he covered them i n detail. 24 As a professional journalist, Max recognized the need to write for two distinct readerships . In 1965, Max again stepped ou t of his familiar columnist role to conduct several lengthy interviews for The Post . One was with author and broadcaster Bob Considine (April 1, 1965 ), another with his old friend, boxer Jack Dempsey (April 28 , 1965). Most noteworthy was the March 22 , 1965 , interview with British historian Dr. Arnold Toynbee , a widely reputed anti-Zionist and anti-Semite . Max received some harsh criticism for providing T oynbee this outlet. An angry letter from a California chapter ofHadassah, the largest Jewish organization in the United States , accused Goldberg of helping to "spread Toynbee's poison." Hadassah asked, "We have enough enemies-God knows! Do we need 'friends' like you?"2 5 From the Denver Council of Zionist Organizations came this reaction : We are at a total loss to understand why you , an experienced journalist , and , as we assumed, a loyal Jew and true friend of Israel , stooped to give this man the perfect opening to repeat his slanderous attacks on Jews and Israel...26 122

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It is a valid question, and one can only speculate as to its answer . Surely Max knew ofToynbee's reputation . Perhaps he was naive in granting this interview . He may have underestimated his readership or the reaction it would generate . Perhaps he felt that printing Toynbee's views would expose them to public repudiation, or he may have felt obligated as a journalist to report even those opinions he personally found repugnant. Whatever his reasons , Max probably received more negative response from this interview than from any other piece he ever wrote for The Post. Columnists who receive a large volume of mail are often deliberately provocative or antagonistic . Max was the opposite. He complimented people, recognized their achievements, noted their milestones . He reported items like, "Back from Pensacola, Fla., is Gail Ireland who saw his son, Dr. Roger Ireland, receive his flight surgeon's wings while preparing for marine duty in the Pacific ." Or "Ray Jenkins working zealously behind the scenes arranging for Rotary International's convention which will be held in Denver next summer . "2 7 Instead of angry letters, Max was more apt to get mail such as , "It is a pleasant experience to find one's name in your column. I read it regularly and was just racing thru it Wednesday evening when my own name popped out at me. Thank you , Max. "28 Other letters illustrate the column's sizable readership . Max once mistakenly reported that District Judge Neil Horan would not run for re-election. Horan wrote Max a letter stating that he was indeed running and added , "In view of the large 123

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number of calls that I have received since your column appeared, it would be a distinct favor to me if you would mention in your column the gist of my remarks herein." Several days later, Max reprinted Horan's letter with his own correction: "Well, at least one thing is now clear: Horan will definitely be a candidate for the district bench next year. "29 On another occasion, "Side Street" noted that State Parole Board chief Wayne Patterson was recuperating from surgery . Patterson wrote to Max, " ... this item resulted in many letters, phone calls, flowers, and other calls at home by friends . Not to give you the ' swell head,' but I will have to admit that your column is certainly widely read. "30 Although he belonged to the Denver Press Club at 1330 Glenarm Place, Max seldom went there . He had little time to spare, and unlike the stereotypical newspapermen of old, he seldom drank liquor. In addition , the Post reporters who frequented the Press Club were a tightly knit clique who regarded Max Goldberg as an outsider . A gregarious and sociable man , Max felt deeply hurt at being excluded . Yet neither that nor the low pay deterred him . He loved his work, even the long hours spent digging up news. His most fertile source was his address book, crammed with hundreds of names from business, politics, entertainment and elsewhere. It contained the private phone numbers of Colorado governors Dan Thornton and Steven L.R. McNichols, U.S . Senator John Carroll, former governor and U.S . Senator "Big" Ed Johnson, ex-heavyweight champ Jack Dempsey, and 124

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entertainers like Jack Benny, Eddie Cantor , Jimmy Durante and Bob Hope. Max himself may not have referred to the book very often-he reportedly could reel off nearly every phone number in it from memory-but his son Chuck recalled using it on several occasions . As a youngster Chuck sometimes accompanied his father to the office. On a slow news day, as he pounded out copy on an old Royal manual typewriter, Max would hand the book to Chuck and have him call likely prospects for stories . 3 1 Years later he did the same with his son Harold . The process worked in reverse, too . Sources called to feed Max information, hoping to get their names into the paper . Green Gables Country Club in suburban Lakewood was another rich source of news . Founded at a time when Jews were excluded from many prestigious social clubs, Green Gables "has been the country club of choice for Denver Jews since 1928 . "32 There Max Goldberg combined two of his favorite pastimes-golf and schmoozing. Max had first learned to play golf with his brothers Willie and Morris in Salt Lake City in the early 1930s, and remained an avid golfer the rest of his life . When his schedule allowed, he loved to slip away in the late afternoon and head out to Green Gables . He golfed with some of the prominent business and community leaders who played there. As they walked the links, Max would pump them for any news he might include in his column. I.J. Shore, a friend and business associate, noted, "Max was a good schmoozer . .. He had a way of approaching anybody. He had 125

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a good personality . . . He kept asking questions and listening . "33 When there was no breaking news to be found, Max used other i tems . H e delighted in sharing jokes or humorous anecdotes with his readers . He was not known, however , to have told off color jokes. "Here's Hany Schnibbe ' s definition o f an economist," he related , "He's an expert who tells you what to do with your money after you ' ve done something else with it ! "34 T rue stories also provided " S i de Street " fodder . Max enjoyed the iron y of this one : When Dale T ooley threw his hat into the ring fo r the Denver may or's race , he also threw in hi s coat and lost it. Tooley ' s coat was taken from the Broadway Arms Room of the Cosmopolitan Hotel during his announcement speech, in which he spoke of Denver's soaring crime rate and the need for a more modem crime control system . 35 Most of all , Max enjoyed writing about people . Like his televis i on show On The Spot, "Side Street" featured "the great , the near great, and the obscure." While i t covered presidents , movie stars , and mayor s, Max was just as apt to include people like the 57-year-old Denverite who had spent thirteen years working on a bachelor's degree . Max called it "a story of human determinat i on [and] inspiration. "3 6 In another instance , he revealed an uncommon response to a common fear . At a t ime of grave concern over nuclear attack by the Soviet Union, Max reported , "J. Gordon Roberts, who owns milk dairies in Denver , Lincoln, Omaha and Sioux City, is building a fallout shelter for cows ... There will be a gate two feet thick especially constructed to keep out rays from nuclear blasts . "37 1 2 6

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The following excerpt exemplifies both Max's writing style and his enthusiasm for people: I've been in London, Paris, Tel Aviv, Honolulu, New York. .. I've met movie stars, governors, cons and ex-cons ... But I have never met anyone as fascinating as Nat Boas of San Francisco. Nat is 78 years old. But any similarity between him and his age ends right there. Tall and straight as a West Pointer, Nat can still make a feminine heart tingle as he merrily strides to his office, dressed like a man of distinction. Nat could rightfully claim the title of "Mr . San Francisco" with few authentic challengers . He was born and raised in the Golden Gate city ... His mind is as sharp as it was over sixty years ago when he made his first European voyage as a boy of 10. Since then, he has been around the world twice and in Europe twelve different times ... Boas, a financier and real estate owner , is on first-name terms with the hoi polloi of San Francisco . He has never let his business interfere with his zest for fishing, hunting, golfing. He has a house full of trophies (big game and several times led expeditions into the heart of the African jungle. 8 For all the column's out-of-town datelines and celebrity notes, local news and local people remained Max's main focus . "He just felt such a part of this community , " stated his wife Miriam .39 A lifelong Denverite (except for one youthful year in Salt Lake City), Max's advertising agency, television programs, the Intermountain Jewish News, and his newspaper column all gave him a personal stake in promoting growth . Palmer Hoyt shared that interest, clamoring for civic progress in editorials and public appearances. In doing so, claimed former managing editor Alexis McKinney, "Hoyt bent over backwards to use Max's ideas. "40 Not by accident did Max's tenure at The Post coincide almost precisely with Hoyt's . While his 127

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deteriorating health was one reason for discontinuing the column, Hoyt's retirement at the end of 1970 was also a major factor. Writing "Side Street" became more taxing than Max had probably anticipated . With his other ventures occupying his weekdays , composing the column consumed many an evening and weekend . Although he found the hard work rewarding, it eventually sapped his flagging physical energy and diverted his attention from the Intermountain Jewish News. The final "Side Street" ran on December 28, 1970 . In his r emaining two years of life, when not waging a stout but futile battle to regain his health, Max Goldberg focused his journalistic efforts on the paper he was to edit and publish for twenty-nine years , the Intermountain Jewish News . 128

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 7 1 . Bill Hosokawa, Thunder in the Rockies: The Incredible Denver Post (New York: William Morrow & Co., 1976), pp. 17-18. This book provided much of the background information for this chapter. Other sources include William H. Hornby, Voice of Empire: A Centennial History of The Denver Post (Denver: Colorado Historical Society , 1992); Lawrence C. Martin, So the People May Know (Denver : The Denver Post, Inc. , 1950); Mort P. Stern, " Palmer Hoyt and The Denver Post: A Field Study of Organizational Change in the Mass Media of Communication" (Ph.D. thesis, University ofDenver, 1969) . Gene Fowler, Timberline: A Story ofBonfils and Tammen (New York: Covici, Friede, 1933) is an entertaining but highly fictionalized account. Former Denver Post employees Isabelle T. Holmes , William H. Hornby, Bill Hosokawa, Alexis McKinney and Mort P . Stem all shared their memories of Max Goldberg . 2. Stephen J. Leonard and Thomas J. Noel, Denver : Mining Camp to Metropolis (Niwot CO: University Press of Colorado, 1990), p.164 . 3. Hosokawa, Thunder in the Rockies, pp. 183-199. 4. Stern, "Palmer HoytandTheDenverPost," pp. 212-213; John Gunther , Inside U.S.A. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), pp. 910-911. 5 . Martin, So the People May Know, p . 50. 6. Stern, "Palmer Hoyt and The Denver Post , " p . 271. 7 . Mort P . Stern, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, Sept. 22, 1998. 8. Hosokawa, Thunder in the Rockies, p . 220 . 9. Stem interview, Sept . 22, 1998. Alexis McKinney , also a former managing editor, expressed a nearly identical opinion in an interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, March 30, 1998. 10. Lyle W . Dorsett and Michael McCarthy, The Queen City: A History of Denver (Boulder CO: Pruett Publishing, 1977), p. 255. See also Lee Olson, "The Annoying Gene Cervi: A Terror of Colorado Journalism," Colorado Heritage (Spring 2000), pp. 129

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33-38 ; Margaret P. Picher, "Eugene Cetvi and Cervi's Rocky Mountain Journal: A Study ofPost-World War II Colorado," Ph . D . diss., University ofDenver , 1986. 11. Cervi's Rocky Mountain Journal , August 12, 1959. 12. Isabelle T. Holmes, telephone intetview with Owen Chariton, March 24, 1998; McKinney interview , March 30, 1998; Stem intetview , Sept. 22, 1998. 13. 1962 Internal Revenue Setvice Form 1099, Goldberg Papers , box 8 , shows that Max earned $1250 .00 from The Denve r Post in 1962. 14. From an undated page of typed and handwritten notes , none of which apparently appeared in print, Goldberg Papers, bo x 10. 15. Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The Denver P ost , October 2 7 , 1946; February 23, 1950; March 16, 1950. 16. Postcard from Max Goldberg to Joe Coffee , May 31, 1950, Goldberg Papers , box W-4. 17. Some of the Richman ' s Roundtable members were brother s Mandel and Joseph Berenbaum, Lou Bernstein, Bernard Diamond, Phil Francis , Jack Galantiere , Mel Greenberg, Sam Horwitz, Harold (P ip) Kay, Seymour Katsen, Jerry Metzger , Bernie Rabicoff, Joe S h eftel , brothers Herman and I.J. Shore , Izzy Waxman and Harry Zelinger. 18. Max Goldberg , "The Publishers Desk , " In te rmountain Jewi s h News , September 8, 1972. 19. Max Goldbe r g , Untitled Manuscript. 20. Max Goldberg, " Side Street," The Denver Post , Dec . 8 , 1954. 21. Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The Denver Post , Jan . 29, 1956. 22. "Side Street " from Amsterdam appeared in The Denver Post on Dec . 2 and Dec. 9 , 1962; from Paris on Dec. 10, 1962; from Rome on Dec. 24 and Dec . 26, 1962. 23. The Denver Post, Jan. 15, 1963. The five part series on Berlin ran Jan . 13-17, 1963. 24. Nearly every issue of the Intermountain Jewish News from December , 1962 through March, 1963, includes a Max Goldberg column on European Jewry . 130

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25. Mrs. Norman Rogers, Hadassah Central Pacific Coast Region, to Max Goldberg, March 25, 1965, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 26 . Dr. Lilli Rahn, President of the Denver Council of Zionist Organizations , to Max Goldberg, March 24 , 1965, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 27 . Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The DerTVer Post , Dec . 28, 1952; Dec . 20 , 1965. 28 . Francis Van Derbur to Max Goldberg , September 23, 1957, Goldberg Papers , box 9 . 29. District Judge Neil Horan to Max Goldberg, August 2 , 1957 , Goldberg Papers, box 9 ; Max Goldberg, " Side Street," The DerTVer Post, August 6 , 1957 . 30 . Wayne K Patterson to Max Goldberg , May 3, 1956, Goldberg Papers , box 9 . 31. Charles "Chuck" Goldberg , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver , Sept. 2 , 1998. 32 . Int e rmountain Jewish News, August 28, 1998. 33. I.J. Shore, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, June 16, 1998 . 34 . Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The DerTVer Post , Oct. 1 , 1962. 35. Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The DerTVer Post , Dec. 7, 1970 . 36. Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The DerTVer Post , Nov . 30, 1970 . 37 . Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The DerTVer Post , August 8 , 1962. 38. Max Goldberg, "Side Street," The DerTVer Post , Dec . 28, 1952. 39 . Miriam Goldberg , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver , July 9 , 1998 . 40 . McKinney interview , March 30 , 1998. 131

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CHAPTERS THE INTERMOUNTAIN JEWISH NEWS At the time of Max Goldberg ' s birth in 1911, Denver ' s Jewish population was approximately 10,000 and growing. 1 No less than thirty-four separate organizations served the community , leading to much divisiveness and duplication of effort . Some Jewish leaders sought a solution based on the E uropean mode l of a kehillah, or community council , as a centralized forum to plan communi ty needs and to discuss and resolve important issues . 2 In 1912, delegates from the disparate groups organized the Central Jewish Council ofDenver.3 Three Council officers , Milton Anfenger , Dr. Charles D . Spivak and Rabbi Charles E. Hillel Kauvar, decided that the Council needed a newspaper and in 1913 the y founded the Denver Jewi s h New s as its official organ . According to Rabbi Kauvar , its purpose was : ... to record and report Jewish activities in Denver and in the Rocky Mountain region ; to inform, and to interpret to the readers the events and activities of American and world Jewry ; and to act as an unbiased guide to our growing Jewish community in its public re l ations with the non-Jewish population . 4 The Denver Jewish News was not the city's first Jewish publication. The weekly Jewish Outlook , founded in 1903 , had been the voice of the Reform community of Denver , with Rabbi WilliamS. Friedman of Temple Emanuel a major contributor . Rather than unifying the community , however , the Outloo/Cs strong 132

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anti-Zionist and anti-Orthodox stance exacerbated divisions. A succession of publishers and editors failed to make a go of it , and it succumbed to financial difficulties in 1913 . The Denver Jewish News also struggled for survival despite the efforts of Dr. Spivak (1861-1927), founder of the Jewish Consumptives Relief Society, as editor and chief reporter. Frequent mention of the paper's financial plight peppered the early issues, and management passed through numerous hands . Aside from Dr. Spivak, at least eight other editors served during its first twenty years-the names of William R. Blumenthal, Hattie S . Friedenthal , Phoebe Sommer, Professor Abraham D. Kaplan , Mil t on Schayer, Ben Blumberg, Arthur Kirchstein and Carl Mandell all appear in the masthead at various times . In 1925 , editor Abraham D. Kaplan, an economics professor at the University of Denver, changed the name of the paper to the Intermountain J e wish News (IJN) in an attempt to broaden its appeal and its financial base. Even this tactic failed to turn the tide for the foundering weekly . Abraham B. Hirschfeld ( 18881 958), owner of a successful printing business and a state senator for fourteen year s, took over as publisher in 1929, but only the infusion of his own money kept the paper alive. He soon tired of the drain, and in 1933 the Council granted publication rights to news editor Carl Mandell and business manager Herman "Patsy" Enger . One of their first moves was to hire Max Goldberg as sports and feature writer, the beginning of an association with the IJN that ended only with his death in 1972. 133

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Carl Mandell was a talented newspaperman, but his business skills could not match his journalistic ones. While he and Enger brought stability and respect to the JJN, fmanciaJly it continued to languish. By 1943, the Central Jewish Council realized the need for a change. Hirschfeld no longer had a financial stake in the paper, but he was on the Council and he recommended that they ask Max Goldberg to take the reins . . Like many in Denver ' s Jewish community , Hirschfeld knew of Max's background in radio and newspapers , his business experience, and his record of community activism . In accepting the challenge placed before him, Max could not foresee that the Intermountain Jewish New s would eventually dominate his career and become both his passion and his greatest legacy . His first issue as publisher was March 26, 1943 . In a front page article, Council President Dr. Jacob M . Morris announced , "We are confident that the new publisher will put the paper over . We are sure he will publish such a fine paper that it will merit the support of the entire Jewish community." Max spelled out his intentions and his desire for community support : We have a Jot of ideas for making this newspaper the champion, the leader, the spokesman of the Jewish people of Denver and the Intermountain West. .. With its readers' good-will, a newspaper is a powerful community force worthy of its protection as the free press in the Bill of Rights . Together, the Jewish people and their journalistic standard-bearer can awaken a community spirit to accomplish great thi 5 ngs . One of Max's best ideas was enlisting the aid of his old friend, RobertS. 134

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"Bob" Gamzey (191 1 -1975). Born in New Jersey (coincidentally on the same day that Max was born) , Gamzey came to Denver at age five and had been friends with Max since their days together at North High School. A 1932 graduate of the University of Colorado , Gamzey was the only journalism major that year to land a job in his chosen field .6 He spent eleven years at The Derrver Post as a sports writer and copy editor before Max asked him to join the JJN. The team of Gamzey and Goldberg transformed the paper into a fmancial and journalistic success and earned a national reputation for excellence. Although their partnership was at times stormy , they did not allow it to affect the quality of their work or their longstanding friendship . Gamzey did not officially become the managing edito r until December 3 , 1943, owing to contractual obligations to The Denver P o st. His name appears with Max Go l dberg's, however , on a March 26 , 1943 , contract in which the Council agreed to "give and grant unto the Publishers [Max Goldberg and Robert Gamzey] the sole and exclusive right , privilege and authority to publish a newspaper under said name." No money was involved, but Goldberg and Gamzey agreed to assume full financ i al responsibi l ity and to serve the best interests of the Council and the Intermountain Jewish community. 7 Under its new management , JJN circulation promptly leaped from less than 800 to 5000 paid subscribers. 8 Max sought to fulfill the "Intermountain " in the paper's name by providing coverage of Jewish communities in Salt Lake City , 135

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Ogden , Cheyenne, Pueblo, and Colorado Springs . He stated, "With Rocky Mountain Jewry scattered over a vast area , they can be unified only through the medium of this newspaper , which can counter their geographical dispersion with a spiritual unity . "9 In August, 1943, Max traveled to Salt Lake City , where he visited his brothers Willie and Morris and their families . His main purpose, however, was to drum up business for the IJN by soliciting subscriptions and selling advertising to local Jewish merchants. The trip was a success , and by the end of September he was sending nearly 200 papers to Salt Lake City weekly. 1 0 Letters from readers and improving circulation during 1943 indicated that community reaction to the "new'' IJN was highly favorable . Having nursed the ailing paper back from its deathbed with their own toil and money , Goldberg and Gamzey felt that they had earned the right to unrestricted ownership of the paper and its name. They wrote : ... as long as the Intermountain Jewish News receives no financial aid from the Central Jewish Council, no help in procuring organizational, advertising and subscription support, as long as we are making a heavy investment and taking all the risks , that the only fair and equitable arrangement would be for the Central Jewish Council to relinquish ownership of the name of the paper to the present management. 11 Council members, like most of the Jewish community , were pleased with the new management's operation and, furthermore, wished to be free of any obligation regarding the paper. Bureaucracies , however, even small ones like the Central 136

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Jewish Council , move notoriously slowly. Seven months passed before it finally approved the request , granting Goldberg and Gamzey complete title to the name and operation of the IJN for the sum of one dollar ! 12 During Max's first years as publisher , World War IT totally dominated the news . IJN coverage was both global and local . It reported on the Nazi atrocities against the Jews of Europe , as it had since 1933 . It also covered developments in Palestine and other stories of particular concern to Jews . On the homefront, a weekly column called "Vital Servistics" reported on the activities of local Jews in the armed forces . Too often, the front page carried stories of Jewish casualties and the reactions of their families in Denver.13 T hose who remember the war years frequently speak of the sense of unity and purpose that preva i led. Phyllis Hindlemap.n ( formerly Phyllis Bernstein Brill) , who worked at the IJN for four years beginning in 1943, recalled that atmosphere at the paper. "All of us that were wo r king there during the war were so close," she said, "We pulled together like family . "14 In that same spirit of unity , the /JN encouraged Denver Jews to invite Jewish servicemen stationed in the area into their homes. Proud of his hometown's contribut i ons to the war effort , Max wrote from New York, "Denver is as war-concious as any city in the United States .' '15 Max believed that an important aspect of his position as publisher of an American-Jewish newspaper was to encourage better relations between Jews and non-Jews. Typical of his outlook on this, and most other subjects, was the posit i ve 137

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approach he chose . In his v ery first issue as publisher , the IJN focused not on ant i Semitism , but what he termed "pro-semitism . " It told the Jewish community: You can foster pro-semitism every day in your daily contacts with your Christian friends, neighbors , customers and dealers .. .interfaith collaboration can and should be furthered by you , and you , and you-. da' l 16 m your 1 y contacts . In the following months , so many messages of this nature appeared that management felt compelled to acknowledge them . In his weekly column , "MileHigh View," Bob Gamzey wrote , "You've probably been fed up with 'unity' stories and editorials in this paper."17 Yet the IJNs commitment to this ideal never flagged. Gamzey particularly promoted Jewish-Catholic relations during t he earl y 1960s when the Vatican was embracing ecumenism. Goldberg used his platform as publisher to praise those who furthered interfaith cooperation locally , such as Rabbi Charles E.H. Kauvar. Kauvar had retired as leader ofBMH Synagogue in 1952 after fifty years on the pulpit , but he remained active in community affairs. Max wrote, "One of Rabbi Kauvar's sparkling achievements has been the manner in which he has improved relations between Christians and the Jewish people." In his classes in rabbinic literature at the University of Denver , which began in 1920, non-Jews usually outnumbered Jews . "He made such a hit with Christian students , " Max reported, " that many came to the BMH Sabbath services to hear him speak." 18 As the paper's circulation , profits, and reputation grew, so too did the problems between Max and his partner . Even their personalities differed 138

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dramatically. Max was an exuberant and outgoing man who enjoyed people and had an innate feel for what made them tick. He lacked the college education of Gamzey , but made up for it with his instincts and enthusiasm. Gamzey, for his part, was a widely respected scholar and intellect, a college journalism instructor , and the recipient of numerous honors for professional excellence . In contrast to Max, he was subdued and introspective. For many years, Max focused on the business operations of the paper while Gamzey concentrated on editorial content. These complementary roles suited both their personalities and the needs of their paper. Four years of steady growth enabled the partners to move into new headquarters at 1951 Champa Street in April, 1947 . Their success was the talk of the Jewish community and beyond . Eugene S . Cervi (1906-1970) was a well-known newspaperman and political activist who published a popular business weekly, Cervi's Rocky Mountain Journal, precursor to the Denver Bus mess Journal. Notorious for his curmudgeonly ways, even he was impressed enough to comment , ''Expanded publication activities of Max Goldberg and Bob Gamzey , youthful products of Denver reportorial beats , merit congratulations. They started with nothing. Now they have something . Reason? They are not afraid ofWORK. "1 9 Nor were they afraid to disagree, sometimes fiercely. Frequently it was over money . When Max told his friend Morey Sher in 1934, "I'in still paying bills and running short of cold cash, something I'll be doing for a long, long time , "2 0 he was probably joking. He turned out to be prophetic . Despite his various endeavors, Max 139

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spent much of his life struggling financially . He and Gamzey began their collaboration at the IJN as equal partners . Several years later , personal financial problems beset Max. He went into debt in 1948 to purchase a house at 915 Monaco Parkway for his growing family . Another major expense was the health of his son Charles , who suffered from severe asthma and allergies . For four years, beginning in 1947 when he entered the third grade , Charles attended the Brandes School in Tucson, Arizona, a private boarding school where he found relief from his respiratory problems . This came at no small financial sacrifice to Max and Miriam . Annual tuition in 1948 was $1825, the equivalent of more than $13,000 in 2001. Max sold part of his interest to Gamzey so that beginning in 1950 , Gamzey owned eighty percent to Max's twenty percent. Being in a minority position was terribly frustrating for Max. After one especially profitable year , he wrote to Gamzey, "I thought you would send me a bonus of$1, 000 or $2 , 000 for old times sake . However, I suppose I should know better." He also objected to members of Gamzey's family drawing a salary "for contributing nothing to the paper . " Gamzey , for his part, felt underpaid compared with his counterparts in town, and claimed that his $9360 salary in 1955 did not even cover his living expenses . In 1960 , they agreed to a new contract that, while not eliminating their fmancial disputes, certainly . . d h 21 mttigate t em. New areas of contention then arose . Max took exception to some of 140

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Gamzeys editorial decisions , particularly when they affected his own work. After one of his columns had been cut he told his partner : I don't delete your material . You run whatever you wish unhampered . Outside of an obvious error in punctuation or fact , I don't want m y material cut. I work hard to gather it. And I work hard in writing it. . .I don' t think this is asking too much. 22 Another dispute occurred in 1964 when the Republican Party selected as its presidential nominee Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona , a personal acquaintance of Max. In 1957 the Senator had appeared on Max's weekl y television interview program , On The Spot . Several years later in Washington, Goldwater helped :tv1ax secure an interview with Arthur J. Goldberg ( no r elation to Max ), the Secretary of Labor and later a Supreme Court justice. In a scathing front page article , Gamzey blasted Goldwater a s "a reckless , irresponsible opportunist who openly shares the Nazi-Fascist-Communist doctrine that the end justifies the means . "23 Thi s upset Max for two reasons . F irstly , he strongly objected to Goldwater's being likened to Nazis , and to other intimations o f ant i -Semitism. He wrote a column in which he recalled that after his On The Spot interview with Goldwater , the two had a personal conversation about the Senator's Jewish father and grandfather . Although raised in his mother's Episcopalian faith, Goldwater "spoke at length , and proudly , of his many Jewish friends in Phoenix and elsewhere . It was easy to see that he harbored no anti-Semitism , and that his Jewish ancestry had indeed struck a warm, responsive chord within him." Gamzey , exercising his editorial prerogat i ve , withheld the 141

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24 column. The second reason for Max's displeasure was that Gamzey had violated IJN policy. Max reminded him that although they both favored the re-election of President Johnson the policy of the IJN has been to stay and keep hands off from taking a stand in an election-any election . . .It has proven to be sound practice ever since we took over the paper in 1943 .. .1 would like to see you refrain from any further editorial positions in this election as we have all of these years . 25 The paper's campaign coverage soon became noticeably more objective. While the partners continued to have disagreements, they knew that their newspaper and their friendship were too important to be jeopardized by such quarrels . They remained close personally and professionally . In a 1961 column marking Gamzey's eighteenth anniversary as IJN editor, Goldberg had nothing but praise for his partner . He said that Gamzey: . . . has proven, without ever missing a SINGLE edition in 18 years, that he possesses the many qualities required to handle this immense undertaking ... he has brought the Jewish News, the community and himself many honors ... May we wish Editor Gamzey a hearty "Mazel T ov" on his 18th anniversary as editor and the strength to keep out his thoughts on the typewriter for thousands of Fridays to come. Upon Max's death in 1972, Gamzey wrote to his widow Miriam, "He [Max] was the closest I ever had to a brother. As you know, like some brothers we tangled at times, but our relationship lasted from North Denver High School until now. " In 142

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an editorial tribute to his late partner, Gamzey wrote, "Our partnership survived many a crisis, and while it changed its character and ratio, we remained a team and we were both dedicated to the Jewish News for three decades. "27 An inveterate traveler, Gamzey's weekly column, "Mile-High View," often featured datelines from across the nation and the world . By the early 1960s, he was spending much time in Israel and sending back lengthy reports to the paper.28 To compensate for his frequent and prolonged absences, Gamzey in 1962 hired a new editor. She was Minot, North Dakota native Doris Sky . As a child Sky had often accompanied her travelling salesman father on trips throughout the region . Her husband Arnold hailed from Cheyenne, Wyoming. Thus in addition to her journalistic credentials, Sky brought to the IJN a strong feel for Western Jewry. A guiding force of the paper for nearly three decades , she served as managing editor until her untimely death in 1990 . Of her relationship with Max Goldberg she said, ''For eight years we worked together in respect , harmony and a bond of love for the Jewish News ... We only knew how to work one way-together."29 With Sky assuming much of Gamzey's editorial responsibility, Max was again free to put his efforts into the business operations. His work paid off, as net profits jumped from just over $3000 in 1962 to more than $18,000 in 1963 .30 By 1967, the paper was profitable enough to allow Max to sell his advertising agency and focus on journalism . In 1966, Bob Gamzey made aliyah, the Hebrew word for emigration to Israel. 143

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He sold his interest in the paper to Max, who as usual was short of cash and paid it off over several years . Upon shedding his subordinate status and regaining ownership, Max proclaimed, "This is the best business transaction I've ever made . "3 1 Gamzey continued to send reports to the IJN, making it the first American-Jewish newspaper with a full-time correspondent in Israel. He remained in this position until his death in 1975 . Max, too, wrote dispatches from Israel during his several trips there. The first came in February , 1949 , when he reported , "This is the thrill of a lifetime to set foot on the holy soil . "32 He was there to arrange a Passover tour for Denverites, who paid $1600 apiece to spend seventeen days abroad and realize the Jewish dream of celebrating Passover in Jerusalem . In typical fashion, Max made his trip serve several purposes. He took advantage of a stopover in Paris to visit with Rabbi Manual Laderman and report on his activities for the IJN. Leader of Denver ' s Hebrew Educational Alliance since 1932, Rabbi L aderman was on a year ' s leave of absence serving as director of the Central Orthodox Committee-the religious arm of the Joint Distribution Committee-and assisting the war-ravaged Jewish communities of Europe and North Africa . In Israel , Max was the only Colorado journalist to attend the inauguration of Dr. Chaim Weizmann as the nation's first President. He also met with Minister of Labor Goldie Myerson. As Golda Meir, she was later Prime Minister from 19691974. Meir spent part of her adolescence in Denver , where, like Max, she attended 144

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North High School. Max reported, "Goldie told us to send her love and appreciation to the people ofDenver," and he quoted her as saying, "You have a great community and great leaders . "33 In 1913-1914, Meir lived at 1606 Julian Street, just a few blocks from the Goldbergs' Paul Court home. In this small duplex she first learned about Zionism and Israel and formulated her political philosophy . She later wrote of this period, "It was in Denver that my real education began and that I started to grow up. ' '34 Her former home is preserved today as a museum and conference center on the Auraria campus in downtown Denver. For several weeks in 1949, Max's reports from Israel, covering everything from politics to restaurant prices, appeared in the JJN. For many Denverites , it was their first eyewitness account of l i fe in the Jewish state . Bob Gamzey , Doris Sky, Rabbi Hillel Goldberg , Temima Goldberg Shulman , Rabbi Mattis Goldberg, and others through the years have continued to provide readers with firsthand reports . Robert Pattridge, executive city editor of The D e nver Post , recognized these efforts when he wrote to Max, "You and Doris [Sky] have certainly made the Denver Jewish community aware of the Middle East and its problems. "35 The paper attracted non-Jewish readers , too, such as Aimee Heavirland of Billings, Montana . She wrote, "I am a gentile but am interested in the progress Israel has made as a nation . . . Thank you for the information so well written about a people I'd like to know so much more about. "36 145

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One IJN hallmar k is continuity . Max Goldberg was the publisher for twentynine years , Bob Garnzey its editor and Israeli correspondent for thirty-two , Doris Sky the managing editor for twenty-eight years . Lottie Simmonds served the paper in several capacities during her twenty-six years ( 1962-1988) on the staff. Lengthy tenures like those of advertising managers Harry Kronsberg ( 1 954-1963 ) and Alan Robison (1966-1981) and bookkeeper Paul Kol i tz ( 1980-1997 ) are the norm . More unusual is the case o f Gerald N . "Gerry" Mellman . In the late 1940s, Mellman, a University of Colorado student , was the IJNs Boulder correspondent. After an absence of nearly thirty years , he returned as sports editor and photographer in 1977 and has remained with the paper since . Kronsberg and Mellman explain some of the reasons for staff loyalty . Mellman termed Max Goldberg " upbeat, positive , " and said, "He gave you the idea that he was in charge , yet he was always willing to listen to your arguments . "3 7 Kronsberg , i n his resignation letter , had the following words for his employers : . . . the time has arrived when the best of friends must part. My association with you has been most pleasant , likewise educational , and I shall always remember the mutual cooperation and friendliness in our endeavors to build the J e wish New s and give the public the best . d . 3 8 m news an servtce . Nearly thirty years after Max Goldberg's death, the IJN still inspires loyalty among its staff Associate editor Larry Hankin has been with the UN since 1975 , assistant editor Chris Leppek since 1978 , and office manager Judy Waldren since 146

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1983 . Most notable among the staff is Max's wife , Miriam . Miriam officially joined the paper in 1965. Beginning as a secretary , she learned the overall operation and her role grew rapidly , especially after Gamzey's departure in 1966 . Her expanding duties coincided with Max's deteriorating health . Suffering from diabetes and a recurrence of the cancer that first struck him in 1958 , Max was bedridden for much of the last two years of his l ife. Miriam became the d e facto editor and publisher. While physically debilitated , Max remained mentally alert and insisted on being kept apprised of developments at the paper . Frequently Miriam would leave the office , dash home to make Max's lunch or to see him in the hospital , exchange news and ideas with him, then dash back to the office to resume working . 39 Max's work ethic and dedication remained strong even as his body weakened . He continued writing his weekly column, "The Publisher's Desk," throughout his illness . The last one , written two days before he died , appeared on October 27 , 1972 , two days after h is death . "The Publisher's Desk" was Max's forum for whatever was on his mind, with topics ranging from the personal to the international and everything in between . Again and again, the "upbeat, positive " attitude of which Gerry Mellman and others spoke is apparent in these columns . Two e x amples bear this out. Umest and rebellion swept across the nation's college campuses in the 1960s , with Jewish students frequently playing a prominent part. This led to cries of alarm from leaders of the Jewish "establishment , " who feared that Jewish youth were 147

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abandoning their religion en masse . Max had a different perspective . He reminded people that the college years are a time for " searching , e x amining and probing . " Some feared the loss of a generation of Jewish youth. Max saw their questions as healthy , and felt confident that most would return to their faith . "While the minus signs always make good reading," he stated, "the plus signs still loom large , promising and bright. "40 In the early 1970s , several columns discussed Rabbi Meir Kahane's militan t Jewish Defense League. Max opposed Kahane's extremist views and his violent tactics . The JDL ' s original purpose , he explained , had been to halt the increasingly common muggings of elderly Jews in New York City . "Fortunately," Max wrote , "Denver doesn't need a Jewish Defense League. Its 31, 000-33 , 000 Jewish population enjoys excellent relations with the Christ i an community. "4 1 In the last years of his life , Max clearly regarded the Int e rmountain Jewish News as the most important of his multiple careers . He discontinued his television work in 1966 after fourteen years on the air . Then he sold the advertising agency that he had spent three decades bui l ding to James Bzdek. In 1970 he stopped writ i ng "Side Street," his Denver Post column which had run for twenty-four years . His failing health was one factor in these decisions. Another was his growing concern for and commitment to the state of Israel. Perhaps most important was his desire to fulfill Rabbi Kauvar's original goals for the paper-reporting and interpreting Jewish news and serving as a bridge 148

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between the Jewish and non-Jewish communities. The awards and praises he and Gamzey earned bespeak the national reputation they achieved. A few examples: 1945: Maurice Kesner , editor of the Jewish Herald of San Francisco: " ... you are considered among the frrst in the English-Jewish newspaper field . I have been a keen observer of your splendid work for the past few years." (Intermountain Jewish News, October 18, 1945) 1952: Max Goldberg initiated as an honorary member of Sigma Delta Chi, Professional Journalistic Society 1954: Rabbi Abraham L. Feinberg of Toronto : "I read the IJN regularly and regard it as the leading Anglo-Jewish newspaper on the continent. You have done a tremendous job and I congratulate you." (Intermountain Jewish News, May 13, 1954) 1957: Robert Gamzey honored by the University of Colorado as its outstanding journalism graduate 1962: Gabriel M Cohen, editor and publisher of the National Jewish Post and Opinion : "Intermountain Jewish News is far and away the best Anglo-Jewish paper in the U.S." (National Jewish Post and Opinion, September 21, 1962) 1963-Allied Jewish Community Council honors Goldberg and Gamzey on the IJNs 50th anniversary and their 20th as publisher and editor 1968: Max Goldberg receives American Jewish Press Association's DistinFshed Service Award "For lasting contributions to American Jewish Journalism"4 The Intermountain Jewish News can boast of more than ninety years of continuous publication since 1913 . Its estimated weekly readership of approximately 50,000, out of Colorado's Jewish population of approximately 64,000, is evidence of its ongoing importance to the community. Rabbi Daniel Goldberger, former leader of Congregation Beth Joseph and the Hebrew Educational Alliance, 149

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became an IJN reader immediately upon arriving in Denver in 1951. "I t was very much a part of the community," he stated . 4 3 Max ' s indelible imprint on the IJN remains through the work of his family. His wife Miriam took over as editor and publisher upon his death , and she has won her own share of awards while maintaining the paper's tradition of excellence. His son, Rabbi Hillel Goldberg , began writing for the IJN as a college student in 1966 . For eleven years he was its Israeli correspondent before becoming executive editor. Sons Charles and Richard, both attorneys , serve as legal consultants . Among Max's grandchildren, Shana and Riki Goldberg have worked in the Denver office while Temima Shulman has reported from New York and Israel. Rabbi Mattis Goldberg , named for the grandfather he never met , is a frequent contributor from his home in Israel. Max Goldberg was deeply committed to his faith and his community, and through the Intermountain Jewish New s he served them both. More than thirty years after his death, it remains his greatest legacy. 150

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 8 1. Population figure is from estimates in the American Jewish Yearbook vols . 8-18 (Philadelphia : Jewish Publication Society of America, 1907 -1917). 2 . Jewish communities elsewhere in the country were facing similar issues at this time. See Arthur A Goren, New York Jews and the Quest for Community: The Kehil/ah Experiment, 1908-1922 (New York: Columbia University Press , 1970). 3. Allan D . Breck, The C entennial History of the Jews of Colorado, 1859-1959 (Denver : Hirschfeld Press, 1960), p . 308 n .99, lists the following congregations and organizations as participants : Temple Emanuel , Beth Ha Medrosh Hagadol, Sherith Israel, Ohave Zedek, Zera Abraham, Mogen Abraham , Tifereth Israel, Y ad Achas, Beth Jacob, B'nai Zion, Agudath Achim, Kneseth Israel, Dorshe Zion, Jewish Consumptives Relief Society , National Jewish Hospital , Jewish Free Loan Society, Amity Society Club , Denver Hebrew School, Hebrew Free School, Jewish Alliance, and "the several Lodges and Fraternal Associations . " 4. Rabbi Charles E. Hillel K.auvar, handwritten text of article that ran in the Intermountain Jewish News 50th anniversary edition on January 25, 1963, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 5 . Intermountain Jewish News, March 26, 1943. 6. "A Voice for the Jews," Colorad o Editor v. 36 n. 3 , p. 3 . 7. A copy of this contract is in the Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 8. "A Voice for the Jews," Colorad o Editor v . 36 n. 3, p . 3 . 9 . Intermountain Jewish News, May 28, 1943. 10. Max Goldberg to James L. White, Sept. 7 and 28, 1943, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 11. Max Goldberg and Robert Gamzey to Council President Dr. J.M Morris, December 17, 1943, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 12. Minutes of the Publication Committee Meeting of the Central Jewish Council, July 151

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1944, provided courtesy of Rabbi Hillel Goldberg . 13. Fifty-six Jewish servicemen from Denver were killed in World War ll, scores were wounded or taken prisoner . See Breck, Centennial History, p . 238; Uchill , Pioneers, Peddlers, and Tsadikim, pp. 307-308 . For more on the American Jewish military experience in World War IT see Isidor Kaufman, American Jews in World War II (New York: Dial Press, 1947) ; Deborah Dash Moore, When Jews Were Gis (Ann Arbor MI: Jean and Samuel Frankel Center for Judaic Studies, University of Michigan, 1994). 14. Phyllis Bernstein Hindlemann, interview with Owen Chariton, Aurora CO, July 15, 1998 . 15. Intermountain Jewish News, March 10, 1944 . 16 . Intermountain Jewish News, March 26, 1943 . 17. Intermountain Jewish News, January 21, 1944 . 18 . Intermountain Jewish News, March 20, 1964; August 20 , 1971. 19 . Cervi'sNewsService,April17, 1947. FormoreonCerviseeMargaretPicher, ''Eugene Cervi and Cervi's Rocky Mountain Journal : A Study of Post-World War IT Colorado," Ph.D . thesis, University ofDenver , 1986 . 20. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, May 16, 1934 , Goldberg Papers , box 9. 21. Information in this paragraph is taken from numerous documents in the Goldberg Papers, box 8 , which chronicle the protracted financial disputes between Goldberg and Gamzey. 22. Max Goldberg to Bob Gamzey, undated memo , Goldberg Papers, box 10. 23 . Intermountain Jewish News, July 24 , 1964. 24. Typescript of unpublished column, August 21, 1964, Goldberg Papers , box 10. 25 . Max Goldberg to Bob Gamzey, August 9 , 1964, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 26. Intermountain Jewish News, March 30, 1961. 27. Bob Gamzey to Miriam Goldberg , October 30 , 1972, Goldberg Papers, box 1; 152

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Intermountain Jewish News, November 10, 1972. 28 . These reports are anthologized in three books , Ingathering: The Story of C ontemporary Israel (Denver : Golden Bell Press, 1961 ); Miracle of Israel (New York: Herzl Press, 1965); and Covenant (South Brunswick NJ: T . Y oseloff , 1967). 29. Intermountain Jewish News, November 3, 1972. 30. Intermountain Jewish News Profit & Loss Statements, Goldberg Papers, box 8. 31. Charles Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver , September 2, 1998. 32. Intermountain Jewish News, March 3, 1949. 33. Ibid 34. Golda Meir, .My Life (New York: G.P. Putnam ' s Sons, 1975), p . 21. 35. Robert Pattridge to Max Goldberg, February 8 , 1969, Goldberg Papers , box 9. 36. Letter to the Editor , Intermountain Jewish News, February 1 , 1963. 37 . Gerald N . Mellman, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver , August 5 , 1998. 38. Harry Kronsberg to Robert Gamzey and Max Goldberg, May 20, 1963, Goldberg Papers, box 8 . 39 . Richard R Goldberg , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, August 18, 1998; Eileen Barnett Mayer, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver , August 10, 1998. 40. Intermountain Jewish News, December 6, 1968. See also February 26, 1971. 41. IntermountainJewishNews,January8, 1971. SeealsoJan.15 , Jan.29 , March 19, and June 11, 1971. 42. These and dozens of other awards grace the walls of the IJN offices at 1275 Sherman Street, Denver . The paper's 50th, 75th, and 85th anniversary issues include dozens of letters of tribute from local and national leaders . 43. Rabbi Daniel Goldberger, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, November 18, 1998. 153

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CHAPTER9 FAITH AND FAMILY Max Goldberg was perpetually involved in a host of business, political, and civic activities. Yet his priorities in life, learned early on, were clearly his family and his Judaism . He saw his immigrant father Charles , even as he struggled with American customs and language, adhere to his Orthodox Judaism and take his sons to synagogue . In the confines of their crowded Paul Court home , Charles and Anna Goldberg taught their nine children to cherish and maintain the traditions of their faith . Anna's faith was tested by the loss of her husband to the 1918 influenza epidemic, and her struggle to raise her family intensified. She never held a paying job. With seven of her nine children still at home , she devoted herself to them. Her devotion forged a strong sense of family unity and close bonds that linked Anna and her children, and the children to each other . Max once wrote : My mother had a very profound influence on my life . She was a onderful person ... There was no limit to her energy and compassion ... She had not had the opportunity for much schooling and it was not until she had passed her seventieth birthday that she was able to satisfy her ambition to read and write in the English language. It was my privilege to take her to the classes offered by a community center , where she grew familiar with some of the intricacies of the American tongue . One of the greatest satisfactions of her lifetime came when finally she was able to sit down and write a letter in response to one from her son in a distant city . 1 154

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Her children did not forget the kindness and love that Anna bestowed upon them. They helped her even after they left home. Willie and Morris regularly sent her money from Salt Lake City. Harry sent Anna cash whenever he could. When she wished to see her brother David Tabatchnik in New York, Harry gave her $300 to make the trip? The oldest girls , Libby and Rose, remained in the West Colfax neighborhood after they married . They frequently visited their mother to help with chores and care for the younger children. In 1939 , Anna's youngest child , Florence, became the last to marry . Rather than see her mother live alone , Florence and her husband David Goodman had Anna move in with them . She stayed with them for the remaining twenty-five years of her life. For many of those years, their east Denver home was just three blocks from where Max, Miriam, and their four children lived at 915 Monaco Parkway . Even with his hectic schedule, Max called on his mother nearly every morning. Sometimes it was just a quick hello or a cup of coffee. When time permitted, it was a more leisurely visit with his mother, his sister Florence , and his niece Carol. These visits meant so much to Anna because , according to Florence, " Max was always my mother's favorite . "3 Despite the fourteen-year gap in their ages, Max felt especially close to his oldest brother, Willie . Perhaps because his own father died when he was just seven, Max admired Willie and looked up to him as something of a father figure. It was Willie and his wife Sarah who took in the nineteen year old Max when he was 155

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launching his career as a reporter for the Salt Lake Telegram . During his courtship of Miriam Harris , Max sought, and received, Willie ' s approval. Wi1lie visited Denver in March, 1935 , and Max introduced him to Miriam ' s parents , Harry and Minnie Harris. He then wrote of the meeting to Miriam , who was away at Lindenwood College in Missouri: WiUie sure looks fme , big and husky. And he certainly remembers that short meeting with you, doll , last summer. He asked about you and told me to send you his best regards . I simply raved about you to him and he does think you ' re swell! .. .! took him over to meet your folks at your house this noon ... Willie, after w e left , complimented me and said your folks are wonderful ... [the y) had a nice long chat and they got along fme. 4 Years later , when Max' s advertising business was struggling, Willie readily lent him $5000 . Max offered to repay it with interest , but Willie told him, "Forget about the interest on the $5000 . As I told you before, there would be no charge on that." In 1948 , when Max and Miriam purchased their home at 915 Monaco Parkway, Willie again helped out, lending them $5500 to close the deal. Max included an additional five-percent for interest when he repaid it. Again, Willie refused it , saying, "I never did intend to charge you interest , so I am sending you a check for same. "5 As in many large families , the older siblings often helped the younger ones . In the 1920s , Rose, the third child , and her husband Louis Barnett , owned a small grocery store at 2201 Lawrence Street. Needing a driver for their delivery truck, they hired Morris, the fifth Goldberg child . Morris, like Willie, eventually settled in 156

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Salt Lake City . Over sixty years later , Rose still expressed surprise and amusement when she recalled how he got there : " One day the truck is gone and Morris is gone-and he' s still gone.'.6 With two older brothers in Salt Lake City ( another , Harry , also lived there for a brief time ) , Max returned often . He enjoyed golfmg with Willie and Morris especially one afternoon when, after nearly three and a half decades , he finally shot a hole-in-one . He was so proud of his achievement that he announced it i n the Intermountain Jewish N ews, and used his connections to hav e it printed i n The Denver Post sports section .7 His v i sits w ere also professional opportunit i es . Max wrote several IJN columns about the Salt Lake Jewish community and at least one " Side Street " about its business community . 8 Willie and Morris traveled too , frequently coming to Denver to see their many relatives . Family gatherings were a source of joy to Max, which he eagerly shared with others. His IJN columns regularly recounted stories of the simchas , Hebrew for joyous occasions, which the far-flung Goldberg clan celebrated . A bar mitzvah in Arizona , a wedding in New York, or a birth i n Texas could inspire a column . Max' s niece, Carol Ann (Goodman) Flexer , daughter o f his sister F lorence, said her Uncle Max " always brought energy and joy and laughter " to family events . On such occasions , she recalled, she and her young cousins " could hardly wait until Uncle Max stood up " to propose a toast , conduct a Passover seder , or amuse them with a story .9 157

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Major holidays and events were by no means the only times when the family socialized . Informal , unannounced calls were common . Max ' s niece E i leen (Barnett) Mayer , daughter of his sister Rose, remembered his stopping b y many times late in the evening at the end of his busy workday . She enjoyed a particularly close relationship with Max . Recalling his influence on her life , she said , "He was everything to me. He was my mentor. He was my friend. He was my uncle . I just really admired him. "1 0 During Max' s 1931-1932 stay in Salt Lake City , she received a letter from him nearly every day. She later worked for him at both the Intermountain Jewish News and the Max Goldberg Advertising Agency . There she met her husband , the late Adolph "Bud" Mayer ( 1919-1999). As a young account executive, Mayer learned from Max " to believe in the advertising business and to respect it by being honest, truthful and ethical. "11 He went on to a forty-year career as head of public relations at the University of Denver , during which he helped publicize several important new Jewish organizations . The University established its Center for Judaic Studies , including the Holocaust Awareness Institute , in 1972 under the auspices of Rabbi Stanley M . Wagner of BMH Synagogue . In 1976, it opened the Rocky Mountain Jewish Historical Society and its attendant Ira M . Beck Memorial Archives . Under the leadership of Dr. Jeanne Abrams, these are the foremost repositories of information on the Jewish experience in the Rocky Mountain West. Ironically , all this is at an institution originally founded as a Methodist school. Territorial Governor John Evans, already 158

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the founder of Northwestern University in Illinois , built it on land he donated and opened it in 1864 as the Colorado Seminary . Its Jewish religious and historical programs can be traced to the influence of Rabb i Charles E.H. Kauvar , who taught rabbinic literature there from 1919 to 1963. Weekly poker games with his brothers Jack and Louis were another aspect of Max' s family life. The nickels and dimes that changed hands were strictly incidental to the opportunity to visit and schmooze . Often Sam Berman, a former Paul Court neighbor , joined them. Orphaned at age eight, Berman spent the rest of his childhood in the National Home for Jewish Children . First opened in 1908 as the Denver Sheltering Home at 3247 West 19th Avenue, it housed hundreds of Jewish children whose parents were deceased or incapacitated by tuberculosis . Jewish activists Fannie Lorber and Bessie Willens, noting the lack of a Jewish orphanage in Denver , founded the Sheltering Home to provide for the religious, as well as the medical and educational needs, of its residents. Before its establishment, many Jewish children whose parents were deceased or hospitalized had turned to juvenile delinquency and crime. The "Home" provided an alternative for people like Sam Berman. It even afforded him a college education . He lived there for eleven years until he graduated from the University of Denver in 1930 , the longest residency in the Home's history. He and Max "were like brothers," Berman stated, and remained so until Max' s death.12 For years, Max attended weekly Shabbat services with Jack and Louis at the 159

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former Beth Joseph Synagogue at 8th Avenue and Holly Street , where they would dovin (Hebrew for pray ) and don the tefillin . Tejillin are two small black boxes wi t h straps attached that contain hand-written verses from the Torah. Each weekday morning , observant Jewish men recite a blessing as they place one box on their head and wrap the other around an ann. Max began this practice as an adult as part of his growing religious commitment. His mentor was his brother-in-law David Steinberg , whom he respected and admired fo r his religious knowledge and devotion. Upon hi s son Harold ' s bar mitzvah, Max told him , " There is no better example than your Uncle Dave Steinberg, who strives to obey the precepts of his tradition ."13 Max drew little distinction between in-laws and blood relatives . He wrote with heartfelt grief upon the sudden death of his brother-in-law Louis Barnett , "He was quiet , unassuming and possessed a sharp ready wit that made him a delight to be around. He seldom asked anything for himself He was interested only in the comforts of others ." He eulogized Willie ' s wife Sarah, " When she laughed , she made others laugh. She was gay , vivacious and had the energy and zest of five people . Sarah treated me like the devoted sister she was. "14 When his mother-in law , Minnie Harris, was elderly and alone , Max helped support her and had her move into his family ' s home for several years. Non-relatives, too, shared Max ' s tremendous warmth and affection . Doris Sky joined the Intermountain Jew i sh News in 1962 . While Max Goldberg was technically her boss , their relationship was not the typical one between employer and 160

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employee. She recalled, "He became part of our family just as we became part of his ... We shared Shabbos and Seder tables together , and as often as his own children, he had mine sit at the head of the table with him , leading the services. He became as dear to them as a favorite uncle . "15 On December 31, 1964, Anna Goldberg died at age eighty-six. She left nine children, fifteen grandchildren, and twenty-two great-grandchildren . Max was " stricken nwnb" with grief, and turned for solace to his faith . With his family he sat shiva, the seven day mourning period during which the y received condolence calls . They also recited the daily Kaddi s h , the mourner ' s prayer. Jewish law requires a minyan , a group of at least ten adult males , for reciting the Kaddish. Max reported , "15 to 20 members (all friends ofUncle Dave ) came from the Beth Joseph each morning so we could davin [pray] and sa y Kadd i sh. . . For the next 11 months, my life will I plan to get up each day at 6 a.m . to go t o shul to say Kaddish and also every aftemoon . "16 Max took comfort in the eulogies of Rabbi Daniel Goldberger of Beth Joseph and Rabbi Emeritus Charles E.H. Kauvar ofBMH Synagogue , both of whom knew Anna Goldberg. He also used his newspaper columns as outlets for his grief He wrote in " Side Street " that his mother " . . . managed to enjoy her life fully and to give joy to so many others by using God ' s greatest gifts : Loving kindness and faith. " Rather than despair of his loss, Max reaffirmed his faith. He declared that the Kaddish reminded him , " ... how proper and fitting it is to express filial love and to 161

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acknowledge the wisdom of God even in death. "17 Although he mourned his mother's passing at Beth Joseph and often attended its services , Max was a longtime member of the BMH Synagogue . Rabbi Kauvar , its leader from 1902 to 1952, is a preeminent figure in Denver religious history whose influence on Max was strong, and whose influence in the greater Denver community extended far beyond his own congregation . Born in Vilna, Lithuania, and educated in New York, he was a founder of the Jewish Consumptives Relief Society (JCRS) , a sanitarium for tuberculosis patients. Opened in 1904 at West Colfax and Piece Street, it was an alternative to the National Jewish Hospital in east Denver, built by Reform Jews and alleged to discriminate against the Orthodox . Part of the JCRS property was developed as a shopping center in the 1950s when, with the diminution of the tuberculosis problem, the institution shifted its focus to combating cancer. It is known today as the AMC Cancer Research Center.18 Rabbi Kauvar was also a founder of the Denver Jewish News, predecessor to the Intermountain Jewish News , and helped organize the Denver Community Chest, now the United Way . For some forty-four years he taught rabbinic literature at the University of Denver , which honored him by establishing a chair in his name. His two sons became physicians and made their own imprint on Denver. Dr. Solomon S. Kauvar was a former president of the staff at Denver General Hospital (re-named Denver Health Medical Center in 1996) and later Denver's first manager 162

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of Health and Hospitals. Former Mayor Quigg Newton credited him with " completely re-organizing and modernizing Denver General Hospital and Denver's health services."19 His younger brother , Dr. Abraham J. Kauvar, also headed the Department of Health and Hospitals , presided over the staff at Colorado General Hospital , and was president of the Denver Medical Soci ety. As one of Max Goldberg ' s personal physicians , he collabora ted with doctors from the Mayo Clinic on Max's care. He recalled Max taking an active interest i n his own treatment , and engaging in lengthy discussions with his doct ors . "He did everything in a thorough manner," Dr. Kauvar stated .20 Concerned about juvenile del i nquency among Jewish youths , Rabbi Kauvar made special efforts to befriend young boys who, like Max Goldberg , were left fatherless at a young age. Their relationship became exceedingly close . Rabbi Kauvar and Rabbi WilliamS. Friedman of Temple Emanuel helped establish a Denver tradition of Jews reaching out to the non-Jewish community. Max Goldberg was one of many who followed their example . Michael W . Rubinoff wrote in his study of the Rabbi ' s l i fe that Kauvar demonstrated "how a r abbi could combine scholarship and ministerial duties with unqualified community leadership . . . Kauvar is unique in that he changed his local Jewish community , his general secular community , and the direction of Judaism in the United States . "2 1 Throughout his professional life , Max Goldberg promoted interfaith understanding and served as a bridge between the Jewish and non-Jewish 163

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communities. His access to media made him the most prominent Jew in Denver in the eyes of many non-Jews. His straightforward manner and respect for all people did much to promote good will . In 1942, the BMH SynagogueBoard of Trustees invited Max to become a board member . It was a rare instance when he declined a request for his services . He was running an advertising agency, broadcasting sports on KVOD radio , had two young children, and had just become a B'nai B ' rith officer . He expressed gratitude at the offer , but considered that his other obligations would not allow him " to render the service and work that would be expected of me ... it is wiser to do a few things well than many things poorly .. .I ferventl y hope that ifl can see my way clear to take on this desired responsibility, you will again afford me the opportunity. "22 Max did get another opportunity. He served on the BMH board during the 1950s and 1960s when the congregation wrestled with two critical issues . First was the contentious search for a successor to Rabbi Kauvar. He retired from his BMH post in 1952, although he remained active in the Jewish and secular communities. Following a procession of four rabbis in less than five years , the hiring ofRabbi Samuel Adelman in March, 1957 , restored stability to the BMH pulpit. The second issue was the congregation's move from its longtime Capitol Hill home at 16th Avenue and Gaylord Street to 560 South Monaco Parkway. 23 Prompted by the post war shift of the city ' s Jewish population to east Denver , it followed similar moves by Temple Emanuel and Beth Joseph . Emanuel moved from 1595 Pearl Street in 1957 164

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to a new home at 1st A venue and Grape Street in the Hilltop neighborhood. Beth Joseph left its original home at 2400 Curtis Street, previously occupied by both Temple Emanuel and BMH, in 1950 . It held services at several east Denver sites before its synagogue at 8th Avenue and Holly Street was dedicated in 1958 . In 1996 , Beth Joseph and BMH merged to form Congregation BMH-BJ. Its location at 560 South Monaco is also the site of another major institution of Denver Jewry , the Mizel Museum of Judaica . Founded in 1982 under the direction of Rabbi Stanley M . Wagner , it preserves and interprets the Jewish experience in Colorado and around the world. Part of its mission is conducting many bridge-building programs with religious and secular groups in the non-Jewish community . Its exhibits have featured Jewish history, art, culture and religion . All four ofMax and Miriam Goldberg ' s children received their religious education at BMH. For Max, serving on the Board was a way o f paying homage to the synagogue and particularly to Rabbi Kauvar. He had turned to the Rabbi repeatedly for advice or comfort-upon learning he had a cancerous tumor, upon the death of his mother , many times when faced with difficult decisions in his career . The depth of his affection and respect for the Rabbi is best expressed in his own words , written upon the Rabbi's death in August , 1971: The dazzling warmth of his voice, the radiance of his smile, his neatly trimmed salt and pepper goatee and his courtly manners ignited the Denver Jewish scene for many years ... His personality , his teachings and his love for Judaism will never be forgotten ... When Rabbi C. E. H . Kauvar spoke-he spoke with Iove . . . [He] was a builder of good will wherever he went or with whomever he met. There is a tear today in 165

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many Christian as well as Jewish hearts . . . F or me , as I write this , my heart aches and the tears come easi ly. I shall never forget him . 24 Max participated in another important facet of Jewish life , B'nai B ' rith . Hebrew for Sons of the Covenant , B'nai B'rith i s a Jewish fraternal organization dedicated to social and community service. Denver Lodge 171, founded in 1872 , was for decades the largest and most prominent Jewish organization in the region . For those seeking a voice in Jewish affairs in De n ver , membership was almost mandatory . By the 1940s , more than one of every four Jewish men in Denver belonged .25 Max Goldberg first joined in 1936 . He became an officer in 1942 , and three years later was elected president. It was then the most significant lay leadership position in the Denver Jewish community . His daughter Dorothy once remarked that as a youngster , she regarded her father as a celebrity not because of his high profile newspaper , radio or political work , but because of his B'nai B ' rith presidency . 26 Max ' s term was notable for a membership jump of nearly twenty-five percent in one year and for a vigorous campaign to aid the war effort. T he campaign included war bond drives , entertaining injured servicemen at Fitzsimons Army Hospital east of Denver , blood drives , and close collaboration with the local Red Cross in sending gifts and supplies to troops overseas. 2 7 Max remained an active member long after his term as president expired . In 1971, the lodge presented him with a special recognition award , stating that his " contribution to B ' nai B'rith has been immeasurable . "28 166

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His commitment to Judaism and Jewish causes manifested itself in other ways, too . His Intermountain Jewish News columns reported on Jewish happenings wherever he traveled . Following his 1958 surgery at the Mayo Clinic , Max returned there regularly for post-operative care and check-ups . On nearl y every trip he reported on the small but active Jewish population of Rochester , Minnesota . Other columns looked at Jewish communities in Berkeley , California , New York City , Lubbock, Texas , and throughout Europe. From Rome he reported on his dinner at Tennenbaum ' s , the city ' s only kosher restaurant. There, amid some of the world ' s great dining , Max supped on chicken soup with kneidlach , or matzah balls. 29 Steven Letman, an account executive at the Max Goldberg Advertising Agency for three years in the 1960s, once recalled of his former employer , "[the] item that sticks in my mind was Max's love for Miriam . Wherever we went , people always asked Max about his wife . It seemed everyone knew of his deep love and affection for the love of his life, his precious Miriam. "30 Numerous friends, relatives and associates expressed the same view . Max himself seemed to know right awa y that he was falling in love. Shortly after meeting Miriam, he wrote of their evenings together , "I'm so engrossed in her company that I don ' t notice anyone else who might be there . "31 Through thirty-six years of marriage, his feelings did not change , nor did his desire to declare them publicly . Wedding anniversaries inspired columns of lavish praise for his wife. He enjoyed repeating what many people would say to him : "The best thing about you is your 167

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wife-Miriam!"32 When sons Harold and Richard celebrated bar mitzvahs , he reminded each of them of the unconditional love and support their mother provided 33 In 1971 , State oflsrael Bonds named Max Goldberg i ts Man of the Year in Colorado for his ongoing support of the Jewish state. Accepting the award before a crowd of several hundred , Max acknowledged and introduced members of his family and the Intermountain J e wish N e ws staff, whom he considered an extended family . He continued : What can you say about a woman whose smile can melt mountains? What can you say about a woman whose graciousness , kindness , thoughtfulness and warmth are known to all of you in this room and far beyond? My sweet wife , Miriam , has been my doctor, nurse , companion, sweetheart , mother and grandmother all rolled into one ... So this evening-I'd like to salute the real honoree of the evening-Miriam herself. This award really belongs to her . 34 Some might accuse Max of being extravagant and mawkish in his tributes to his wife . There is no doubt, however , that he was absolutely sincere . Concerning radio , television, or public relations he could be far-sighted and innovative . When it came to his family, he was old-fashioned and conservative. To his children, Max was a strict but loving father . Perhaps because of his own lack of a college education, he encouraged their academic progress both in public school and the BMH Hebrew school that they each attended. At the family dinner table, he invented vocabulary games that often sent them scurrying to the dictionary to master a new word. There was never a shortage of toys in the house , 168

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but Max was quick to dispose of any that pose a hazard , including some of his children ' s favorites . His daughter-in-law Harriet " Honey " Goldberg remembered one such incident. " There was a metal truck, a fire engine with this great , big tall ladder, " she described . " Harold got cut on it. That truck was in the trash before you could turn around . "35 His travels, his multiple careers, and his numerous civic activities prevented Max from spending as much time at home as he might have liked. As a compromise , he often combined family time with work, bringing his children to his office or to the television studio . They met many of the celebrities he interviewed , and collected a number of valuable autographs. One of his fa v orite evening pastimes was having his children accompany him to the local driving range to practice golf swings . Continually seeking to improve his game, Max experimented with new stances on a regular basis . This became a source of running jokes among the children, whose good-natured teasing became a household staple. While hi s public persona was that of a serious community leader , his family saw another side. He delighted in sharing silly songs , games, and stories with his children and their friends . He also taught them a number of pithy maxims that they remember to this day . A few examples : • Appreciate good health while you have it. • Money is not the most important thing in the world . . . but it sure runs a close second. • Never ask for advice unless you are prepared to follow it. • A legal education is one of the best examples of mental gymnastics you can obtain. • I wish I had a rich father like you have. 169

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• Here lies Joe, he had the right-of-way. • " Smile , Joe , things could always get worse ." Joe : "I smiled, and sure enough, things got worse . • Influence is something you think you have until you try to use it. 36 Max once described his family life by saying, " . . . we have run the gamut of most families-children, grandchildren, sickness , simchas, and the heady competition of survival with all its attendant challenges and blessings . "37 There were anxious times and amusing times . When eighteen-month-old Richard locked himself in the bathroom for several hours one day , there wer e both simultaneously. It took the Denver Fire Department to free him from his self-imposed confinement. One of the more challenging situations the family faced occurred when daughter Dorothy , usually called Dotty , announced her intention to marry her college sweetheart , Joseph Scott-a Catholic . Max was taken aback. Intermarriage was a rarity in the 1950s , especially for a girl raised in such a deeply committed Jewish family. The prospect of it created a stir in the Goldberg household. Strong feelings emerged on both sides , and in the heat of the moment harsh words were exchanged. Dotty and her parents consulted Rabbi Daniel Goldberger , a trained marriage and family counselor . Against her father ' s wishes , Dotty married Joseph Scott in June , 1957, and settled in Texas. Max ' s love of family and his naturally easy-going manner prevented him from harboring his displeasure for long . Reconciliation came quickly , followed by frequent letters and visits back and forth . After one trip to Denver, Dotty wrote to 170

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her father , "I just wanted to let you know how wonderful it was being with you , Mom, Chuck , H.J . & Rich again. And especially to tell you how very good it felt getting that old close feeling back again . We've been without it too long and I'm really thankful we found it again . "38 Soon , she was even soliciting her father ' s advice about religious education for her children and the complexities of a mixed marriage. Max had no answers to her dilemma , but clearly shared her j oy at their rapprochement. She \vrote , " ... you have alwa y s done what you thought would benefit me the most-no matter what the financial cost or even if it meant a temporary alienation between us." Max responded : When I read your letter today , I wept. It was only one short page but, to me, it represented volumes and brought me untold and renewed happiness . . .It made me feel closer t o you than ever before and shows what a wonderful and understanding daughter you are a girl with a noble and compassionate heart ... You are such a kind , warm and gentle person, Dorothy . L ife , as we know, has its ups and downs. I hope for you and your fine family it will always be up , up, and UP the ladder of happiness! "39 Max did have his differences with people , even those close to him . More significant was his ability to resolve those differences, to move past them and maintain the relationships he cherished. It happened with Dotty , with his Intermountain Jewish N e ws partner, Bob Gamze y, and with his brother Willie. In 1941, Willie ' s son Charles went to work at the Max Goldberg Advertising Agency. This proved to be a mistake for all involved . For Max, his nephew ' s lack of experience in advert i sing was a serious handicap . For Charles , the struggling 171

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business offered him little in salary and an uncertain future. After just a few months he returned home to Salt Lake City . Willie had been considering a substantial investment in the agency , but quickly dropped that plan . Despite his disappointment, Max wrote to him , "I hope your decision will in no way affect the same fine friendship and feelings we ' ve had for each other all our lives. If that did happen I would feel terrible. " Replied Willie , "I know you acted in good faith . . .! want to thank you for all the favors you have done for Charles . .. No Max, don't feel anyway [sic] but that we are the best of friends . ,,.w Former Intermountain Jewish News managing editor Doris Sky wrote of Max, "Some of my most precious memories are the hours we spent in his office, never discussing business. More important were the anecdotes he would recall about his family . ,,41 These stories often reflected the pride he took in his children. When his son Richard celebrated his bar mitzvah, Max wrote, "It was a genuine thrill to see you dovin [pray] with such feeling and reverence , speak with such clarity and to help conduct the service in such an inspiring manner .'.42 He felt elation when son Harold announced his intention to become a rabbi , telling him : Although you have a long, arduous road ahead of you, the obstacles will be easier to surmount knowing that you have now set your mind and heart on a definite and fixed goal.. .Now let ' s put our collective shoulders to the wheel so that we can help you accomplish it.. . Mother and I are thrilled with you and for you . May this decision be the fulfillment of all that you desire and seek in life . 43 Harold ' s interest in Orthodox Judaism had been spurred when he studied for 172

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his bar mitzvah under Rabbi Samuel Adelman ofBMH Synagogue . He convinced his parents of the need to keep a kosher home . Max' s increasing observance of Jewish law was one reason why he and Miriam readily agreed to such a significant change in their household . Their son Chuck offered another . He explained that his parents treated each of their children as if the y were mature y oung adults . 44 Thei r willingness to gran t the i r son ' s request for a kosher home certainly bears him out. His devotion to Judaism and Jewish causes was the underlying basis for many of Max' s decisions . His staunch support and work for Edwin C . " B i g Ed" Johnson, who for three decades dominated Colorado politics as governor and U.S . senator , was partly predicated upon Johnson ' s activities on behalf of European Jewry during World War II. While his advertising agency represented some of the largest businesses in the state , it also handled many small , Jewish owned businesses . Although these accounts sometimes yielded little profit , Max took them on because he believed in helping fellow Jews . The greatest indicator of his dedication to his faith , of course , is the twenty nine years he published the Int e rmountain J e wish News . For much of that time , it was more a labor of love than a money making proposition . The same might also be said of his work as a " Side Street " columnist for T h e D e nv e r Pos t , which paid him twenty-five dollars per week, or his efforts in television . John C. Mullins , who purchased station KBTV in 1955, once told Max, " I am sure that you are not compensated for the amount of things you have done . "45 As late as 1962 , nineteen 173

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years after Max became publisher of the JJN, annual net profit was barely $3000 , with eighty percent going to Bob Gamzey . 4 6 When profits finally began to climb in the mid-1960s , Max gave up other facets of his career to focus on the paper . Through it, he promoted Jewish religious worship as well as countless secular Jewish causes. He lobbied for interfaith understanding. He advocated for Jewish communities in Colorado and around the world . He also used it repeatedly to express his love of family. For Max Goldberg , there was little difference between his faith and his family . They comprised the two most important elements in his life . 174

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 9 1 . Max Goldberg, Untitled Manuscript. 2 . Harry Goldberg to Max and Miriam Goldberg , December 27, 1942, Goldberg Papers, box 9 ; Harry Goldberg, videotaped interview with Charles " Chuck" Goldberg, May 18, 1988 . 3 . Florence Goodman, interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, April 7 , 1997. 4. Max Goldberg to Miriam Harris , March 28 and 29, 1935 , Goldberg Papers, box 9. 5. Max Goldberg to Willie Goldberg, April24, 1941 and April2, 1948 ; Willie Goldberg to Max and Miriam Goldberg , April26, 1941 and January 15, 1949, Goldberg Papers, box 9. 6 . Rose Barnett, videotaped interview with Charles Goldberg, May 18, 1988. 7 . Intermountain Jewish News , October 1 , 1965; The Denver Post, Sept. 22, 1965 . 8 . Intermountain Jewish New s, May 25 and June 22, 1962, October 1, 1965, April 15, 1966 , April 5, 1968 , July 3 , 1970; " Side Street, " The Denver Post, June 17, 1962 . 9. Carol Ann Flexer, telephone interview with Owen Chariton, March 18, 1997. 10. Eileen Mayer , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver, August 10, 1998 . 11. Qtd . in the Intermountain Jewish News, April16, 1999 . 12. Sam Berman, interview with Owen Chariton , Denver , April16, 1997; Michael Jay Zelinger, West Side Story Relived (Denver : Michael Jay Zelinger, 1987), p . 131. 13. Intermountain Jewish News, January 23, 1959. 14. Intermountain Jewish News , July 19, 1963 ; June 16, 1972. 15. Doris Sky , Intermountain Jewish News, November 3, 1972. 175

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16. Max Goldberg to Dorothy, Joseph, Jordan , James, Jacqueline , and Jeffrey Scott , January 7 , 1965 , Goldberg Papers, box 10 . 17 . "Side Street," The Denver Post , January 14, Int e rmountain Jewi s h N e w s, January 15, 1965 . 18 . See Chapter 4 , pp . 4-5 , for Max Goldberg ' s role in the development of the JCRS shopping center . The definitive history of the hospital is Jeanne Abrams , " Chasing the Cure : A History of the Jewish Consumptives Relief Society of Denver ," Ph . D . diss., University ofDenver , 1983 . 19. Qtd . in the Ro c ky Mountain New s, December 2 6, 1951. 20 . Dr. Abraham J. Kauvar , interview with Owen Chariton, Denver , March 9 , 1999 . 21. Michael W. Rubinoff , " Rabbi Charles Eliezer Hillel Kauvar of Denver : The Life of a Rabbi in the American Wes t," Ph .D. thesis , University ofDenver, 1 978 , p . 3 , 6 . 22 . Max Goldberg to BMH Synagogue Board of Trustees , January 20 , 1942 , Goldberg Papers , box 9 . 23 . Many BMH records , including minutes of Board meetings , were apparently lost during this move . Thus Max Goldberg ' s prec i se y ears of service and his activities on the Board are unclear . 24 . Int e rmountain Jew i sh New s, August 27 , 1971. 25. Intermountain Jewish News , Jan. 10, 1946. Denver ' s Jewish male population at the time was approximately 8500 ( women were e x cluded from B ' nai B ' rith until the 1970s) , with B ' nai B ' rith membership reaching 2300 in 1946 . For an analysis of membership see Meira Whitney , " F i nd i ng the B ' nai B'rith in 1930s Denver ," Rocky Mountain Jewish Histor ic al Notes, v . 14 n. 3, 4 (Winter/Spring 1997/98) . 26 . Dorothy Scott , interview with Owen Chariton , Denver , February 26 , 1997 . 27. Intermountain Jewish News , January 10, 1946 , states that 423 new members joined in 1945 , bringing the total to 2300 . Almost every issue of the JJNpublished during the war years includes coverage ofB'nai B ' rith activities on behalf of the war effort . Minutes for the 1945 meetings no longer exist or cannot be located . 28 . Intermountain Jewish News , January 8 , 1971. 1 76

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29 . Receipt for the meal at Tennenbaum's is in the Goldberg Papers, box 10. 30 . Steven Letrnan , Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26 , 1992. 31. Max Goldberg to Morey Sher, July 4, 1934 , Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 32. Intermountain Jewish News , Feb. 7, 1964 . See also Feb . 10, 1961, Feb 11, 1966 . 33 . Intermountain Jewish News , January 23, 1959 and June 30 , 1961. 34 . Max Goldberg acceptance speech , November 14, 1971. Text of speech provided courtesy of Rabbi Hillel Goldberg . 35 . Harriet Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton , Denver , Sept. 2 , 1998. 36. Charles "Chuck" Goldberg, In te rmountain Jewish News L iterary Supplement, June 26, 1992 . 37. Intermountain Jewish News, February 7, 1964. 38 . Dorothy Scott to Max Goldberg, c . late March, 1960, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 39 . Dorothy Scott to Max Goldberg , February 27 , Max Goldberg to Dorothy Scott, c. early March, 1962, Goldberg Papers, box 10. 40. Max Goldberg to Willie, Sarah , and Charles Goldberg, April24, Willie Goldberg to Max and Miriam Goldberg, April26, 1941, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 41. Doris Sky , Intermountain Jewish News, November 3 , 1972. 42 . Intermountain Jewish News, June 30 , 1961. 43. Max Goldberg to Harold Goldberg, May 1 , 1966 , Goldberg Papers , box 10 . 44. Charles "Chuck" Goldberg, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26 , 1992. 45. John C. Mullins to Max Goldberg , June 1, 1955, Goldberg Papers, box 9 . 46 . Intermountain Jewish News Profit & Loss Statements, Goldberg Papers , box 8. Exact figure for 1962 is $3087 .03. 177

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CHAPTER 10 MAX GOLDBERG'S SIGNIFICANCE By 1972, Denver was a far different city from the one Max Goldberg knew as a youth. It was still a hub for Colorado and much of the Rocky Mountain West , but no longer did peddlers in horse-drawn wagons ply its dirt streets . No longer did newsboys hustle extras from downtown comers , or streetcars rumble along its busy thoroughfares . Denverites were shopping in supermarkets and malls , getting their news from radio and television, and motoring about town in over 300 , 000 automobiles . Developers like William Zeckendorf , George MacKenzie Wallace, and Clinton and John Murchison, none of whom were Colorado natives, had re-shaped Denver ' s skyline and altered its work and travel patterns . The population reached an all time high of 514,678 as Denver lunged forward into what historians Lyle W . Dorsett and Michael McCarthy termed "the heady boom decade of the 1970s."1 Denver Jewry , now some 25 , 000 strong , had changed , too . Most notable was its exodus from the West Colfax neighborhood . Some Jews moved "up the hill" to areas west of Federal Boulevard, but more moved to east Denver . Their institutions soon followed. General Rose Memorial Hospital opened at 9th A venue and Clermont Street in 1948 . New congregations such as Temple Sinai, Rodef Shalom , Temple Micah, and the Colorado Jewish Reconstructionist Federation established homes in 178

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east or southeast Denver during the 1950s and 1960s. The older congregations of Temple Emanuel, BMH Synagogue and Beth Joseph relocated to east Denver . The opening of a new Jewish Community Center on East Alameda A venue and Dahlia Street in 1962 clearly reflected the shift of Denver ' s Jewish population . While numerous changes had also occurred in the life of Max Goldberg, one constant was that he remained as busy as ever . Publisher of the Intermountain Jewish News since 1943, Max became editor as well with the departure of Bob Gamzey for Israel in 1966. Despite the addition of his wife , Miriam, to the IJN staff , and the strong leadership . and contributions of managing editor Doris Sky, Max found himself overextended . To better dedicate himself to his newspaper and the Jewish community, he gradually relieved himself of some of his other obligations . His On The Spot television program ended in 1966 . He sold his advertising agency to James Bzdek in 1967 , and he wrote his final "Side Street" column for The Denver Post in 1970 . The Intermountain Jewish News became the focus of his professional efforts. Max devoted more time to his voracious reading habit, as evidenced in his IJN columns. He wrote on topics as controversial as the Vietnam War or as specialized as the history of Judaism in China. 2 His weekly column, "The Publisher ' s Desk," featured Jewish fiction writers Bernard Malamud ( 1914-1986), Isaac Bashevis Singer (1904-1991 ) and Chaim Potok (b . 1929 ). 3 It delved into non-fiction such as Covenant (South Brunswick NJ: T. Yoseloff , 1967) , Bob 179

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Gamzey ' s depiction of life in Israel. Max also reviewed Robert St. John ' s B e n Gurion (Garden City NY: Doubleda y, 1959) , a biography of the famed Israeli statesman. He critiqued books about Hitler ' s Germany , a subject that both fascinated and repelled him.4 He also read Jewish newspapers from across the country , including the Philade lphia Jewish Ti mes , the B ' nai B 'rith Mess enger , the C arolina Israelite and the Nat ional J e wish Post and Obs e rv e r . In every line of endeavor , Max tracked the activities of his peers and competitors. As an advertising e x ecutive , he watched other agencies in town and monitored the rates charged b y various media outlets in Denver . As publisher of a weekly newspaper , he read other local weeklies such as Ce rv i ' s Rocky M ountain Journal and the Denver Catholic Regi s ter . When he watched television, it was often Meet the Pre s s, or Davi d Susskind ' s Open End, shows similar in format to his own. As a "Side Street" columnist who aspired unsuccessfully to nat i onal synd i cation, he read columns like Herb Caen ' s "Baghdad-ByThe-Bay," a staple in San Francisco newspapers for over fifty years . lrv Kupcinet's "Kup's Column" in the C hicago Sun T i mes was a particular favorite of Max. He wanted to use its format as a model for "Side Street," although this never happened.5 Keeping up with the other radio and television broadcasters , fundraisers , political act i vists , and journalists was an important part of his professi o nal life . At times, Max became so absorbed in his work that he neglected some of the mundane details of daily life . For instance , while he usually looked nea t and dapper , 180

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among family members he was notorious for wearing mismatched socks . Several people applied the label "absent-minded" to Max. As he headed to and from his various downtown appointments , he often had his nose buried in a newspaper. There were some narrow escapes as stepped off the curb and into the street, oblivious to the traffic rushing past him . Nor was his sense of direction well developed . His daughter Dotty related the follow anecdote : One day he and I were driving home, and as he drove on a few yards past the house he looked at me quizzically and, with a touch of desperation in his voice, asked, "Where are we?" . . . ifhe was anything he was human . He had foib l es and faults like the rest of us . And that' s what made him so lovable to me.6 Another well-known shortcoming of Max was his near total lack of mechanical ability . Yet he often insisted on investing in the latest modem gadgetry. He fancied himself a photographer as well as a journalist, and patronized the camera department at Gart Brothers Sporting Goods. Nate Gart, founder of the business , was a friend of Max and patiently explained to him the operation of his new equipment. Still, Max was unable to master it. He once presented a series of photos he had taken to Alexis McKinney, former managing editor at The Denver Post. Max was apparently quite pleased with his work, but not so McKinney . "Max was a great journalist," he said, "but I gave up trying to make a press photographer out of him. "7 On another occasion, he brought home a new electric toothbrush. The family gathered in the kitchen as Max proudly showed off his latest purchase . When he attempted to demonstrate its use, however , "Toothpaste was flying everywhere in 181

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that kitchen . "8 Being technologically challenged did not prevent him from being in the forefront of many societal changes . In 1954 , for example , Pan American World Airways instituted service from Chicago and Detroit to Europe , including the frrst direct flights between the Midwest and Scandinavia . Max Goldberg, representing the Wichita Beacon , was one of sixty-six Midwestern reporters aboard the Pan Am press flight to inaugurate and publicize the new routes . The Levand brothers , formerly of Denver , ran the Beacon. Like Max Goldberg, Louis, Max, and John Levand had grown up in the West Colfax neighborhood and worked for The Denver Post. Louis became an assistant to publisher Frederick G. Bonfils , Max worked in the business office, and John was the circulation manager. In his capacity as "King of the Newsies,"9 John supervised and came to know Max Goldberg. They became quite close, and Max called himUncle John. In 1928 , the Levand brothers pooled their resources to buy the Wichita Beacon. Louis became publisher, Max the president, and John the circulation director. Wichita had long been a major aviation and aircraft manufacturing center , and thus had particular interest in Pan Am ' s new European service. Through his longstanding friendship with the Levands, Max Goldberg was named the Beacon ' s National Aviation Editor and sent on this groundbreaking flight. The Super-6 Clipper, the fastest long-range version of the Douglas DC-6, stopped to refuel in Newfoundland and Scotland before landing in Hamburg some eighteen hours after it departed Detroit. The tour went on to visit 182

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Berlin, Copenhagen, Helsinki, Stockholm , Oslo , and London over the next two weeks . Excited by what he saw in Europe , Max wrote from Sweden, "The city halls or ' town halls ' as they are called are the most magnificent edifices to be found anywhere . Built of sol i d marble, they defy description . . . There is nothing to equal such grandeur in the United States . " He described "the merry holiday spirit which engulfs Paris ' round the clock.'' 1 0 Among the many memorable moments was the Finnish sauna that Max and other reporters experienced in Helsinki. Most were initially reluctant when they learned that they were to appear naked before female attendants . Max wrote : After a few minutes , all inhibitions disappeared. The Americans , waiting their tum, began to relax . Bewildered countenances changed to warm smiles. The attendants, no threa t to a beauty contest and fully clothed, were strong of muscle and functioned with the businesslike demeanor of veteran mal e asseurs . . . Finns don' t think any more of the sauna than Americans <1o of soda pop or the hot dog. T o the Finn , the sauna is just as traditional. 11 After the sauna , which included a plunge into the chilling waters of the Gulf of Finland, Max and the other participants received a plaque . It stated, " ... our cleanl i ving friend Mr. Max Goldberg, naked and unashamed , has been approved as a Knight of the Sauna at W askiniemi by the frozen shores of Helsinki, having observed the Ritual of Ordeal by Steam and been Duly Boiled Alive in all modesty and honor . " Air travel was still alien to most Americans , but the publicity which Max and the other reporters generated on this trip helped make it less so . It earned them each 183

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another plaque , signed by Pan Am president Juan Trippe, which thanked them for "having made valuable contributions to the advancement and public acceptance of air transportation . "1 2 A longtime member of the American Jewish Press Association (AJPA), Max served several years on its Advisory Board . He attended the annual meetings, sharing ideas and information with his contemporaries and keeping apprised of developments in the fie l d . Through it , he also made at least two other overseas JOurneys. In 1967, the AJPA established a Thanks to Scandinavia Scholarship Fund . In December of that year, Max and Miriam Goldberg accompanied other American Jewish newspaper editors on a Thanks to Scandinavia trip to Copenhagen . During the grim years when the Nazis occupied much of Europe, Denmark stood apart from other nations in its efforts to save its Jews. W ith the encouragement of King the Danes f erried nearly every one of their 8000 Jewish citizens to safety in neutral Sweden before the Nazis could deport them to concentration camps . 13 After the defeat of Germany, the majority of Danish Jews returned to find their homes and property intact. Max Goldberg was one of many Jews who thereafter felt a special fondness for the Danish people. He told his readers , "The next time you see a Dane, salute him!"14 After his stay in Copenhagen , Max was again on board as a major airline inaugurated a new route . This time it was SAS , Scandinavian Airways Systems, 184

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beginning service between Copenhagen and Tel Aviv . Max and his colleagues spent approximately ten days in the Jewish homeland. Among the sites they visited were territories captured by Israel during its stunning victory in the Six Day War the previous June. Seeing firsthand the accomplishments of the heavily outnumbered Israeli military made Max feel, "not ten feet tall--twenty feet tall."15 The AJPA sponsored another Israeli trip in January , 1970. Highlights included two press conferences exclusively for AJPA members--one with Foreign Minister Abba Eban and one with Prime Minister Golda Meir, a former Denver resident (see Chapter 8). Max had a reunion with his old friend and partner, Bob Gamzey, who had emigrated several years earlier . Gamzey then became the IJN's Israeli correspondent, making it the first American Jewish newspaper to have a full time reporter in Israel. For Max, another highlight of the journey was sharing it with his wife Miriam and their youngest son, Richard . Max had been in Israel twice prior to the AJP A trips . The first time was in 1949, when he was the only Coloradan to attend the inauguration ofChaim Weizmann as Israel's first president (see Chapter 8) . In 1965, United Artists flew Max and other television interviewers to Israel to view the filming of the motion picture Cast a Giant Shadow . Starring Kirk Douglas (who was born Issur Danielovitch and was, like Max, the son poor Russian Jewish immigrants), Senta Berger and Yul Brenner, it depicts Israel's 1948 War of Independence . Many scenes were fllmed on the actual locations where the events occurred. Max not only met the 185

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film's stars, he made his acting debut as well, as an extra in a crowd scene . On each trip, Max reported for the IJN with a series of articles and columns . He also earned membership in El AI Airlines ' King David Club , an early frequent flier program. Max participated in many of the changes that occurred in Denver during his lifetime . He was, in part, responsible for some of them. For example , as the city ' s population expanded into the burgeoning suburbs, his advertising agency took on as clients like homebuilders Cherry Hills Manor, Dream House Acres and Nob Hill Homes. At a time when downtown Denver was still a shopper's mecca, it promoted the Villa Italia Mall and the JCRS Shopping Center. These were trendsetters in the movement of retailers from the core city to the suburbs. The agency was also a training ground for numerous young people who went on to successful careers. Max helped mentor James Bzdek, Guy Calleo, Leonard Chesler, Connie Gordon, Phyllis Hindlemann (formerly Phyllis Bernstein Brill), Steven Letman, Adolph "Bud" Mayer, and many others. With his strong background in radio, Max made it an essential element of statewide political races . After he used it to help orchestrate Ralph Carr' s first successful gubernatorial campaign in 1938, other politicians began to follow suit. Advertising on small town stations became a popular method of reaching voters in remote comers of Colorado, while stations in the state's larger cities reached concentrations of voters. Recognizing the importance of Colorado's Hispanic population, Max was among the first to advise his political clients to buy time on 186

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Spanish language radio stations . With the rise of television , Max quickly recognized its potential. Its use as an advertising vehicle was obvious , but Max saw more. He saw a means of educating and informing the public. His two programs , On The Spot and The Max G oldberg Show, attempted to do both with their incisive interviews and broad array of guests. Seeing television as a powerful fundraising tool , Max appeared on some of the earliest telethons, raising money for the March of Dimes , the Leukemia Society and United Cerebral Palsy as early as 1955. On the airwaves , as in his advertising business , he recognized young talents and gave them opportunities . Longtime Denver broadcast personalities Gene Amole and Warren Chandler are among those who credit Max Goldberg with helping them advance their fledgling careers . 16 "People , " Doris Sky once wrote of Max, " were the heart of his life." 17 His associations with the likes of Jack Dempsey , Bob Hope , Jimmy Durante and dozens of other celebrities are well known, and Max valued them . Yet these celebrities were neither more nor less important to him than his other relationships. Old friends from the West Colfax neighborhood were frequent guests at the Goldberg home. Max and Miriam enjoyed get-togethers with couples like Ray and Marion Gottesfeld, Bernie and Lily Halpern, Jean and Milt Morris , I .J. and Gert Shore, and lrv and Betty Striker. Sometimes they played cards, sometimes they ate and schmoozed . Almost always they launched into discussions of religious , social or political issues , from which Max gleaned ideas for his columns and television shows . 187

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While he maintained his old friendships , Max also befriended many newcomers to Denver. Financier Leonard Millman arrived in 1949 and claimed that Max Goldberg "was very helpful in getting me acquainted , v ery solicitous of a newcomer .. .in guidance and in introducing me around . I have very warm memories of meeting Max at that early age in my life." Larry Mizel, a homebuilder and chief benefactor of the Mizel Museum of Judaica, had similar memories. He wrote of his relationship with Max, "His interest transcended pure business. He dealt with the interests of a young person coming into the Jewish community from Tulsa ... Max always had a warm personal dialog, took a sincere interest in my progress and growth as an individual , as well as in my financial growth . He cared. "18 It was not just the well heeled whom Max befriended . In the early 1960s, Jewish brothers Leo and Morris Altaras left their native Croatia, then part of communist Yugoslavia , for the United States. Settling in Denver , they found jobs as warehousemen at Miller Stockman Western Wear. They met Max Goldberg after joining the BMH Synagogue. His packed schedule and his numerous celebrity friends did not prevent Max from making friends with these hardworking and personable brothers . For years, Sunday morning breakfast with Leo and Morris Altaras was part of his weekly routine. Max took comfort in their friendship, particularly as his health was failing. After one of his numerous hospitalizations, he wrote them, "How nice it is of both of you to keep sending me those clever and thoughtful get-well cards. When it comes to being considerate and having 188

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compassion , you are both in a class by yourselves . . .! hope it isn ' t too long before we can resume our breakfasts . "1 9 When it came to charitable and community activities , Max was a ubiquitous presence . His work on behalf of Rose Hospital , the March of Dimes and other causes is well documented (see Chapter 5) . When Jewish Family and Children ' s Services was organized in Denver in 1948 , Max helped to publicize their new programs and services . He was invariably h e ading off to a meeting of one o f the numerous boards or civic organizations on which he served . Following several of his o v erseas trips , he addressed loca l synagogues and civic organizations about his findings in Europe and the Middle East. Shortly after the Soviet Union achie ved nuclear weapons capabi l ity in 1949, Max moderated a public debate on the atomi c bomb featuring D e nver Pos t publisher Palmer Hoyt , Rocky Mounta i n N e ws p u blisher Jack Foster , and Reverend Paul Roberts , dean of Denver ' s St. John ' s Episcopal cathedral. When the Denver Cosmopolitan Club held its Annual Fellowship Dinner in 1962 , Max served as toastmaster . For several years he was on the advisory board of the American Friends of the Hebrew University . Despite his numerous enterprises and activities, Max Goldberg was not a workaholic . Because of the many responsibilities he shouldered , the balance between family , work and play was not always what he would have liked. Long hours , frequently including evenings and weekends , were routine . He was careful , however , to make time for his family , including daily visits with his elderly mother . 189

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He took time out of his busy day to chat with staffers at The Denver Post when delivering his "Side Street" column to Palmer Hoyt . He regularly left the office early to indulge in a round of golf. While he took his careers and obligations seriously, he enjoyed life too much to be a slave to them. Like many of his contemporaries , his impoverished upbringing impressed upon Max the value of money and the importance of earning a living. The Jewish newsboys of West Colfax were inculcated with a strong work ethic . Well into their eighties and nineties , many of them, although financially secure, maintain active careers. Among them is Joe Berenbaum, who at age 87 in 2003 was still a practicing attorney, the oldest in Colorado. Had he lived that long , Max Goldberg likely would have remained as active, too . A lifetime of working, hustling, and involvement would have been difficult habits to break. Max also developed a fondness for Yiddish during his youth . The West Colfax neighborhood teemed with thousands of Yiddish-speaking immigrants, including Max's parents . Immersed in the language and culture of Yiddishkeit, Max absorbed it enthusiastically. As an adult, he loved to sprinkle his conversation and his writing with Yiddish words and phrases . Readers of"The Publisher ' s Desk " heard about nachas (joy), a ba/abusta (an excellent homemaker) , and a ze t z ( a strong blow with the hand), along with the more familiar maze/ tov (congratulations, although the literal meaning is good luck) and machayeh (pleasure). He enjoyed devising humorous plays on words in Yiddish and using them to bring a chuckle to 190

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his mother or anyone else who knew the language. Based on a shared knowledge and love he enjoyed a close relationship with many Holocaust survivors , including Mendel and Ruth Shapiro, survivors of the Warsaw Ghetto who settled in Denver's old West Side Jewish neighborhood . In his fmal few months, several columns expressed Max' s love of the language and sadly noted its decline .20 His immigrant father may have discouraged the use of Yiddish in his home, but Max delighted in it. The Goldberg children grew up hearing the colorful stories and expressions of their grandparents . Although Max was barely seven when his father died , he had a number of strong male influences in his life. His five older brothers , particularly Willie, were among the most important. His brother-in-law, Dave Steinberg, helped Max become a more learned and observant Jew. As a newsboy , he received guidance from The Denver Post ' s street circulation manager , Jake "Humpy" Sobule , and from "Uncle" John Levand . Cecil Conner , dean of Denver advertising men, took Max under his wing and taught him the business, a debt which Max readily acknowledged. Rabbis Charles E.H K.auvar ofBMH Synagogue , WilliamS. Friedman of Temple Emanuel , Manuel Laderman of the Hebrew Education Alliance, and Daniel Goldberger of Beth were all influential figures in Denver Jewish life and in the life of Max Goldberg . When Max encouraged and nurtured the careers of so many young people, he was merely repaying some of the kindness from which he had benefited. In his final two years , Max shuttled in and out of the General Rose Memorial 191

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Hospital, on whose Board of Trustees he had served for over twenty years. His medical condition was debilitating and complex. In addition to a recurrence of the cancerous thymoma removed in 1958 , he suffered from jaundice, diabetes , and hemolytic anemia. A succession of gastroenterologists , radiologists, endocrinologists, and internists examined him. Dieticians devised special diets for him, and he kept meticulous records of his meals. He adjusted his intake of insulin as his condition fluctuated, tracking the dosage and his reaction in a handwritten log. There were many diagnoses, but no cures . While he was determined to fight, Max accepted his condition philosophically , saying, "How and why such things occur is too difficult to explain."21 He kept his spirits high, however , even when hospitalized . In an Intermountain Jewish News column that appeared six weeks before he died, Max wrote, "Everything seems to be cheerful at Rose [Hospital]. The nurses shower you with attention, welcoming you with a cheery smile and constantly inquiring about your welfare . I like Rose ' s ' haimishi ' (down to earth) atmosphere."22 A steady stream of visitors, including rabbis, hospital executives, friends and relatives, helped Max maintain his positive outlook. Naturally, Max had moments of doubt and discouragement, but he recovered from them quickly . Several weeks before his death, Rabbi Jerome Lipsitz of Beth Joseph visited Max at Rose Hospital. He described Max as being "in a rare mood of despondency," but added: A few minutes later he pulled out a pencil from his drawer and was 192

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busy writing down an anecdote we were relating . Always the reporter, always interested in a good story, his troubles were forgotten and he was involved in bringing knowledge and information to the readers of his IJN. 23 Rabbi Earl Stone of Temple Emanuel concurred, stating , "Max Goldberg looked upon his publishing and editing of the Jewish News as a real dedicated mission . "24 Just three days before he died, he wrote his flnal"Publisher's Desk" column, which ran posthumously . He had just finished reading Joseph Nedava's Trotsky and the Jews (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1972) , a biography of the Jewish-born Bolshevik leader . He described it as " not easy reading. At times , it's burdensome , taxing one's patience , discipline , and even curiosity."25 His weakened condition may have led him to such conclusions . Nevertheless, alert to the very end, Max spent the last Sunday of his life critiquing the book for his IJN readers . Wednesday, October 25, 1972, dawned sunny and mild in Denver. Six days after marking his sixty-first birthday, Max Go l dberg died that morning in his Rose Hospital bed. In addition to his wife and four children, he was survived by nine grandchildren (many more have s i nce been born) and all eight of his siblings . The number of friends and admirers he left behind in both the Jewish and non-Jewish communities was astounding . Hundreds of tributes and messages of condolence poured in from at least four continents. They came from Denver Mayor William H. 193

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McNichols Jr. and U . S . Senators Gordon Allott and Peter Dominick. Author and activist Elie Wiesel sent one, as did Herbert G. Klein, a top aide in President Nixon' s White House . Comedian Renny Youngman wrote, "We are distraught." Jewish and secular leaders from across the country wrote to the family , along with hundreds of Denverites whose lives Max had touched. Two themes dominated these messages. First was Max' s character, his warmth and compassion . Secondly was his dedication to the Intermountain Jewish News and Jewish causes in general. All these messages can be distilled down to one word, a Yiddish word which . Max knew well and would have appreciated-mensch. Literally translated as a man, a mensch connotes far more . It means a decent , caring , responsible person-man or woman-the kind every parent wishes his or her child to become. Charles Goldberg never lived to see it, but Anna knew that her youngest son was indeed a mensch. The IJN called Max Goldberg a man of action , concern, and compassion. It wrote of his funeral at the BMH Synagogue, " ... he had the greatest honor of all paid to him-his friends came by the hundreds to comfort his family and show that they remembered his greatness. "26 Five Denver rabbis--Daniel Goldberger , Manuel Laderman , Jerome Lipsitz, Earl Stone and Stanley Wagner-spoke to the gathering. Rabbi Stone said, "Max, I felt, was so completely in love with every aspect of life. "27 Rabbi Laderman, who had known Max for forty years, agreed. He labeled Max: ... an enthusiast. .. whatever he was doing, whether it was writing in the 194

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Jewish News or a column in The Denv e r Post or describing somebody ' s character, he brought enthusiasm to it. .. For Max, every interest that he had was filled with ruach [Hebrew for spirit or enthusiasm] ... His whole life was a life of inspiration. Our prayer is , therefore, that Miriam and the children and the grandchildren, and his brothers and sisters , will remember some of that wonderful quality of his life . Not sour, not self-pitying, not begrudging , full of ruach , full of enthusiasm. 28 His four children all seemed to inherit this trait. Whether consciously heeding the Rabbi ' s words or not , they remember their father not for his premature passing but for his vigorous and active life . Their conversations about him are animated and filled with warmth and humor . Likewise his widow Miriam, who said , "I just enjoyed Max. He had that dynamite presence. "29 His family exhibited presence, too, carrying on Max' s work even while they sat shiva for him . As condolence cal l ers stopped by to pay their respects , family members huddled in the basement , typing away and making certain that the Intermountain Jewish News met its deadlines . Max would have been proud that the paper continued to be published on time , serving its readership even in the most difficult of circumstances. He would also be proud that with his wife Miriam and his son Rabbi Hillel Goldberg at the reins , the paper continues to play a prominent role in Denver and Rocky Mountain Jewish life . Its mission is unchanged-to report and interpret Jewish news and to serve as a bridge between the Jewish and non-Jewish community. Denver and other western Jewish communities have suffered their share of problems, both internal and external , throughout the years . While the IJN has not 195

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ignored them , it has not dwelled gratuitously on them . Max and Miriam ' s son Richard summed up his family's philosophy when he stated that his parents "didn't like to air the Jewish community ' s dirty laundry and gossip . They wanted to print substance , not dirt . "3 0 Whether under the Goldbergs or their predecessors, the Intermountain Jewish News has adhered to this principle. Obituaries in The Denver Post and the Rocky Mountain News described Max as an editor , publisher , and adman .31 These are accurate but incomplete. Max Goldberg was a unique character , but in some ways he typified his generation, the children of Jewish immigrants who came of age during the interwar years. Many rapidly gained a foothold in America ' s economy during these years . Historian Henry L. Feingold explained, "It was on the middle rungs of business that Jews found their niche ... A steady stream of Jewish workers became proprietors . "32 In this context, we see Max Goldberg leaving the security of the Cecil Conner Ad Agency in 1936 to start his own business. By 1953, Denver' s 16,000 Jews owned at least 1557 businesses ,33 an extraordinarily high number when one factors in children and women, who were largely excluded from business ownership in that era. Other scholars suggest that in moving from the insular world of their immigrant parents into the broader American society, many Jews, consciously or otherwise , divested themselves of the trappings of their culture . 34 Max Goldberg was a child of Jewish immigrants who established himself comfortably in both worlds. He took advantage of what historian Peter Levine termed: 196

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... the opportunity to determine actively what it was to be American and what it was to be Jewish . Although not without conflict both within Jewish communities and between Jews and the larger culture, this opportunity to participate in the process critically set off the second generation from their immigrant parents who came from a world where such freedom simply did not exist. 35 Max Goldberg recognized and took advantage of opportunities. Like many of his generation, he chose to participate fully in American life. Unlike many of his contemporaries, however, he al . so remained firmly devoted to his Jewish faith and heritage, and he instilled this devotion in his children . Being rooted in both worlds put Max in the ideal position to bridge the gap between them. Through his journalism , political activity, and his broadcasting career, he brought the concerns of Rocky Mountain Jewry to the public at large. Likewise , the Intermountain Jewish New s was a conduit through which he, his partner Bob Gamzey, and later his wife Miriam and son Hillel, promoted interfaith understanding and cooperation . Again, this lesson was imparted to the children. Max and Miriam ' s oldest son Charles, named after Max's father, has practiced law in Denver since 1964. He has at various times represented the Mormon Church, the Episcopal Church, and several Orthodox Jewish organizations . Since 1981 he has represented the Catholic Archdiocese ofDenver. And he has done so while remaining active in Jewish religious and secular life. Max Goldberg's legacy is a multi-faceted one. Professionally, his influence in business , broadcasting, politics and philanthropy is still felt today. His 197

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professional life , however , is inseparable from his personal and family life . Besides his wife and son currently producing the Int e rmountain J e wish News , other children, grandchildren , siblings, nieces and nephews have at various times worked on it. Despite his high profile activities in a variety of fields, more than three decades after his death it is the Intermountain J e w i sh N e w s for which he i s best remembered . Max Goldberg's immigrant parents fled poverty and persecution in their homeland to give their children a better chance in life . Max fulfilled his parents' hopes by becoming a successful entrepreneur and a s ucce s sful family man. In this respect , his story exemplifies an American dream. It also exemplifies a dream for many Jewish immigrants . For all his achievements in American life , he was also successful as a Jew, cherishing and adhering to the traditions of his ancestors. His example showed that there need be no contrad i ction or conflict in being both American and Jewish. It can be emulated by members of other minorities seeking to partake fully in American life while maintaining a strong ethnic identity . 198

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 10 1. Lyle W. Dorsett and Michael McCarthy, The Queen City: A History of Denver (Boulder CO: Pruett Publishing, 1986) , p. 272. Automobile and population statistics are taken from Stephen J. Leonard and Thomas J. Noel, Denver: Minin g C amp to Metropolis (Niwot CO: University Press of Colorado , 1990 ), p . 257 . 2. Intermountain Jewish News, Nov . 18, 1966 , April21 and May 19 , 1967, Feb . 2 3 and July 12 , 1968 , April 16, 1971 , and Jan. 21, 1972 all discussed Vietnam . Judaism in China was the topic on March 10, 1972. 3. These columns ran respectively on May 12, 1967 , November 15, 1968 , and May 26, 1972 . 4. "The Publisher ' s Desk" discussed C ovenan t on March 8 , 1968, and Ben-Gurion on August 20, 1971. On January 7 , 1972, it reviewed Leonard Mosley ' s On Borrowed Time: How World War II Began (New York : Random House, 1969). On March 31, 1972, it discussed Elliott Arnold ' s Forest s of the Night (New York : Scribner , 1971) . 5 . Max Goldberg to Palmer Hoyt, February 22, 1956, Goldberg papers , box 9 . 6. Dorothy Scott, Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992 . 7 . Alexis McKinney , Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992. 8 . Harriet Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton , Denver , September 2, 1998. 9. Bill Hosokawa, Thunder in the Roc kies: The Incredible Denver Post (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1976) , p . 95 . 10. Wichita Beacon , May 7, 1954 ; May 12, 1954 . Other reports Max filed during this trip ran on April18, 25, 27 , 28 , 30 and May 2, 4 , 23. 11. Wichita Beacon , May 2, 1954 . 199

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12. Both plaques are in possession of Miriam Goldberg. 13. Several books recount this event, including Harold Flender, Rescue in Denmark (New York : Simon and Schuster , 1963 ) ; Leni Y ahil, The Rescue of Danish Jewry: Test of a Democracy translated from the Hebrew by Morris Gradel (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1969 ) and Leo Goldberger, ed . , The Rescu e of the Danish Jews: Moral Courage Under Stress (New York : New York University Press , 1987). Elliott Arnold , A Night of Watching (New York : Scribner , 1967) is a best-selling novel of the rescue. 14. Intermountain Jewish News, January 5, 1968 . Additional stories appeared in the IJN on January 12, 19 and 26. 15. Intermountain Jewish News , January 2 6 , 1968. 16. Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement, June 26, 1992 . 17. Intermountain Jewish News, November 3 , 1972 . 18 . Intermountain Jewish News L iterary S upplement , June 26, 1992 . 19. Max Goldberg to Leo and Morris Altaras , August 5 , 1971 , courtesy ofRabbi Hillel Goldberg . 20. Intermountain Jewish News, March 17 , May 12, and June 2, 1972 . 21. Max Goldberg to Bob Gamzey , March 17 , 1972 , Goldberg Papers , box 7 . 22 . Intermountain Jewish News , September 8 , 1972. 23. Rabbi Jerome Lipsitz , eulogy for Max Goldberg , Denver , October 27, 1972. This and other quotes from Max Goldberg's eulogies are from an audiotape provided courtesy of Dorothy Scott . 24 . Rabbi Earl Stone, eulogy for Max Goldberg, Denver, October 27, 1972. 25 . Intermountain Jewish News , October 27, 1972. 26 . Intermountain Jewish News , November 3, 1972 . 200

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27. Rabbi Earl Stone, October 27, 1972. 28. Rabbi Manuel Laderman, eulogy for Max Goldberg, October 27, 1972 . 29. Rocky Mountain News, June 28, 1998 . 30. Richard H. Goldberg, interview with Owen Chariton, August 18, 1998 . 31. The Denver Post, Oct. 25, 1972 ; Rocky Mountain News, Oct. 26, 1972. 32. Henry L. Feingold, A Time for Searching : Ent e ring the Mainstream 1920-1945 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), p . 126 . 33. Allan D . Breck, A Centennial History of the Jews of Colorado 1859-1959 (Denver: Hirschfeld Press , 1960), pp . 324-326 . 34. Oscar Handlin, Adventure in Freedom: Three Hundred Years of Jewish Life in America (Port Wru?hington NY: Kennikat Press, 1954), p. 235 . An opposing interpretation can be found in Marshall Sklare, "Jewish Acculturation and Jewish Identity," Observing America Jews (Hanover NH: University Press ofNew England for Brandeis University Press , 1992) , pp. 21-36 . Sklare contends that most American Jews have undergone acculturation, which he defines as "taking on many of the patterns of the majority, although contiriuing with some culture patterns inherited from their self-segregated parents . " In his view, few have taken the next step beyond this to assimilation, which is "the merging into general society of members of a minority group." 35. Peter Levine, Ellis Island to Ebbets Field: Sport and the American Jewish Experience (New York: Oxford University Press , 1992), p . 272 . 201

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BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Abbott, Carl, Stephen J. Leonard and David McComb. (1982). Colorado: A History of the C entennial State . Niwot , CO : University Press of Colorado. Athearn, Robert G . ( 1976) . The C oloradans. Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Press. Bassow, Sol H., M.D. (1970) . The First Twenty-Five Years of the General Rose Memorial Hospital . Denver : s . n . Breck, Allen D . (1960). A Centennial History of the Jews of Colorado 1859-1959. Denver: Hirschfeld Press . Casey , Robert J. (1945) . This Is Where I Came In . New York: Bobbs-Merrill . Catsis, John R. (1996). Sports Broadcasting. Chicago : Nelson-Hall Publishers . Davidson , James W ., et al . (1994) . Nation of Nations: A Narrative History of the American People, Vol. IT. New York: McGraw-Hill Inc. Dempsey, Jack. Dempsey. (1977). New York: Harper & Row. Denver Householders Directory and Street and Avenue Guide . (1924). Denver : Gazetteer Publishing & Printing . Dorsett , Lyle W., and Michael McCarthy . (1977) . The Queen City: A History of Denver . Boulder, CO: Pruett Publishing . Feingold, Henry. (1992) . A Time for Searching: Entering the Mainstream 19201945 . Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press. Forrest, Kenton H., Gene C . McKeever, and Raymond J. McAllister . (1989) . History ofthe Public Schools of Denver . Denver: Tramway Press . 202

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Fowler, Gene. (1947) . Timberline: A Story ofBonfils and Tammen. Garden City, NY: Garden City Publishing Co. Goodstein, Phil. (1992). Exploring Jewish Colorado. Denver : Rocky Mountain Jewish Historical Society , Center for Judaic Studies , University of Denver . Handlin, Oscar. (1954) . Adventure in Freedom: Three Hundred Years of Jewish Life in America . Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press. Hombein, Marjorie. (1974). Temple Emanuel of Denver, A Centennial History . Denver: A.B . Hirschfeld Press . Hornby, William H. (1992) . Voice of Empire: A Centennial Sketch ofthe Denver Post. Denver : Colorado Historical Society. Hosokawa, Bill. (1976). Thund e r in the Rockies: The Incredible Denver Post . New York: William Morrow & Co . Johnson, Paul . (1987) . A Hi s tory of the Jews . New York: Harper & Row. Jones , William C., F . Hoi Wagner Jr., Gene C . McKeever , and Kenton Forrest. ( 1975) . Mile-High Trolleys . Boulder , CO: Pruett Publishing . Kelly, George V . (1974). The O l d Gray Mayors of Denver . Boulder, CO: Pruett Publishing. Laderman , Rabbi Manuel. ( 1 991 ). Letters ofF aith. Denver: Hebrew Educational Alliance . Lamm, Richard D., and Duane A. Smith. (1984) . Pioneers and Politicians . Boulder, CO: Pruett Publishing . Leonard, Stephen J., and Thomas J. Noel. (1990). Denver: Mining Camp to Metropolis. Niwot, CO: University Press of Colorado . Levine, Peter. (1992). Ellis Island to Ebbets Field: Sport and the American Jewish Experience. New York: Oxford University Press . MacDonald, J. Fred . (1979). Don't Touch That Dial : Radio Programming in American Life . Chicago : Nelson-Hall Publishers. 203

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---. (1994). One Nation Under Television. Chicago: Nelson-Hall Publishers. Martin, Lawrence C . (1950). So the People May Know . Denver: The Denver Post Inc. Mosedale, John. (1981). The Men Who Invented Broadway . New York: Richard Marek Publishers . Perkin, Robert L. The First Hundred Years. (1959). Garden City, NY: Doubleday &Co. Roberts, Randy. (1979). Jack Dempsey: The Manassa Mauler. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press . Rochlin , Harriet and Fred Rochlin. (1984 ). Pioneer Jews . Boston : Houghton Mifflin. Rose Reflections . (1995) . Denver : Rose Community Foundation . Sklare, Marshall. (1993) . Observing America's Jews . Hanover, NH: University Press of New England [for] Brandeis University Press. Smiley , Jerome C. History of Denver . (190 1 ). Denver : Times-Sun Publishing . Stone , Wilbur Fiske . (1918) . History of Colorado . Chicago: S.J. Clarke Publishing . Summers, Harrison B. , ed. (1971) . History of Broadcasting : Radio to Television. New York: Arno Press and The New York Times. Telushkin, Rabbi Joseph . (1991). Jewish Literacy . New York : William Morrow and Company . Ubbelohde , Carl, Maxine Benson and Duane A. Smith. (1972). A Colorado History. Boulder , CO: Pruett Publishing . Uchill, Ida Libert. Pioneers, Peddlers and Tsadikim. (2000) . Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado . United States Bureau of the Census . (1975). Historical Abstract of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957. Washington : U.S . Government Printing Office . 204

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13th Report (1910). 14th Report (1920). Microfilm at Denver Public Library Western History Department. Wischnitzer , Mark. ( 1948) . To Dwell in Safety. Philadelphia : The Jewish Publication Society of America . Wyman , DavidS. (1984) . The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust 1941-1945. New York: Pantheon Books . Zelinger , Michael Jay . (1987) . Wes t Side Story Relived. Denver : Michael Jay Zelinger. ARTICLES de Ia Garza , Cherie . ( Spring , 1994) . "Television Comes to Denver." U niversity of Co lorado at Denver Histor ical Studies Journal, 11 ( 1 ), 1-31. Gamzey , RobertS. (February, 1947). "Big Names Are Where He Finds 'em." The Quill, 7 , 10. Leonard , Stephen J . (1989) . "The 1918 Influenza Epidemic in Denver and Colorado . " Essays and Monographs in Co lorado His tory, (9), 1 -24 . Rudy, Betty . (1983). "Jewish News Celebrates ." Media Memo, 3 (23 ) . "A Voice for the Jews." (June, 1961). Colorado E ditor , 36 ( 3) , 3-4 , 14-15. Whitney , Meira. (Winter/Spring, 1997/98) . "Finding the B'nai B'rith in 1930s Denver . " R ocky Mountain Jewish Histor ic al Notes, 14 (3,4). INTER VIEWS (with the author unless otherwise noted ) Altaras , Leo (by telephone), September 17, 1998. Barnett, Rose (videotape with Charles Goldberg) , May 18, 1988 . Berenbaum, Joseph , Denver, June 29,1998. Berman, Sam and Blanche , Denver , April16, 1997. 205

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Bzdek, James, Denver , March 14, 1998 . Chesler , Leonard M. , Denver , March 11, 1998 . Currigan , Thomas G. (by telephone ), March 1 8 , 1998. Diamond, Bernard , Denver, April 1 6 , 1997 . Flexer , Carol Ann Goodman (by telephone ), March 18, 1997 . Goldberg , Charles and Harriet, Denver , September 2 , 1998 . Goldberg, Harry ( videotape with Charles Go l dberg), May 18, 1988 . Goldberg , Rabbi Hillel, Denver, Jul y 9 , 1998. Goldberg , Jack , Denve r, April24, 1997. Goldberg , Louis (by telephone) , April2, 1997. Goldberg , Miriam , Denver, November 2, 1997 ; July 9 , 1998. Goldberg , Richard H., Denver , August 18, 1998. Goldberger , Rabbi Daniel , Denver , November 11, 1998 . Goodman, Florence, Denver , April 7 , 1997 . Halpern , Bernard and Lily , Denver , September 9 , 1998 . Hindlemann , Phyllis Berns tein , Aurora CO, Jul y 15, 1998 . Holmes , Isabelle Truscott (by telephone) , March 25 , 1998 . Howsam , Janet Johnson (by telephone) , March 19 , 1998 . Kauvar, Dr. Abraham J., Denver, March 9 , 1999 . Kortz, Jess R., Denver , May 11, 1998 . Lamm , Richard D . (by telephone ), March 4 , 1 998 . 206

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Letman , Steven , Englewood CO, March 18 , 1 998 . Mayer , Eileen Barnett , Denver , August 10 , 1998 . McKinney , Alexis , Denver, March 30 , 1998 . Mellman, Gerald N ., Denver , August 5 , 1998 . Rosenbloom , Isadore (by telephone ), July 8 , 1 997 . Schmidt, Richard Jr. (by telephone ), March 19, 1998 . Scott, Dorothy Goldberg , Denver , F ebruary 26 , 1997 . Shore, I.J., Denver , June 16 , 1998 . Smythe , Peter D. , Denver , January 8 , 1998 . Stem, Mort P . (by telephone ), September 2 2, 1998 . NEWSPAPERS Denver Catholic Regist e r "Campaign Is Begun For Return to Air of Goldberg Show. " January 2 , 1964 . 5 . Denver Post Carnes, Del. "On the Air. " July 19 , 1961. 32 . -. "On the Air." August 30, 1963 . 10 . Cour , Robert M ''Memorial to a Hero." E mpire Magazine . July 27 , 1947. 2. "Denverites Hail Start of 2nd TV Station . " October 3, 1952 . 24 . Erickson, Roy . "March of Dimes Drive Declared a Bargain . " March 8 , 1948. 34 . Goldberg, Max. "Jack Dempsey Still the 'Champ to Fight Fans Around World" Apri l 28 , 1965. 37 . 207

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-. "Side Street." August 11, 1946 . 6A. . "Side Street . " October27, 1946 . 8A. . "Side Street." February 23 , 1950 . 26 . -. "S ide Street." March 16 , 1950 . 38 . . "Side Street" November23 , 1950 . 40 . -. "Side Street . " December 28 , 1952 . 3AA. . "Side Street." Decembe r 8 , 1954 . 31. . "Side Street." January 29, 1956 . 6AA. . "Side Street . " August 6, 1957 . 31. . "Side Street . " August 8, 1962 . 57 . -. "Side Street" October 1 , 1962. 32 . . "Side Street." December2, 1962 . 4D. . "Side Street . " December 9 , 1962 . 2. . "Side Street . " December 10 , 1962 . 34 . -. "Side Street." December 24 , 1962 . 6. . "Side Street." December 26 , 1962 . 46. . "Side Street . " December 20 , 1965. 55. -. "Side Street . " November 30 , 1970. 51. . "Side Street." December?, 1970. 17 . . "Toynbee Doubts Early Israel-Arab Peace . " March 22 , 1965. 38 . 208

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---. "Unguided Tour of East Berlin Reveals Austere Conditions." January 15, 1963 . 40. "Goldberg's $2,400 Dimes' Publicity Bill to Be Paid. 11 March 14, 1948. 14. "Manual High Wins from East in Spirited Contest, 27 to 20. " January 6, 1935. Section 5, 5. "Max Goldberg Dies : Editor and Adman. 11 October 25, 1972. 3. "Simrock Wins Four Motorcycle Races . " June 28, 1934 . 31. "Store Managers at Center Agree That Business Is Good . " February 28, 1962. 60. Wayne, Frances . "Jack Dempsey Donates $1,000 to Drive for Rose Hospital." June 25, 1945. 2 . Woodson, Dorsey. "Colorado's fighting general: Maurice Rose." Empire Magazine. November 27 , 1960. 6-7,33 . El Tiempo (Denver) "Campaign is Begun for Return to Air of Goldberg Show." January 2, 1964. 1-2. Editorial. July 12, 1962. 2. Intermountain Jewish News (Denver) "Bigotry Absent in Colorado Election . " November 16, 1962. 1. "B'nai B'rith 171 Installs Davidovich As President." January 8, 1971. 1. "The Editor's Easy Chair." March 26, 1943. 16. ''Ex-Newsboys Who Became Famous Mourn Jake Sobule." October 21, 1948 11. Gamzey, Robert. "Danny Kaye Will Stage Rose Benefit in Denver." May 10, 1946. 1. -. "Gen Rose Killed" AprilS, 1945. 1. 209

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---. "Goldwater Defense of Extremism Assailed." July 24, 1964 . 1. . "AHalfCenturyTogether." November 10,1972. 20 . -. "Life Story of Gen. Rose." April19, 1945. 9. . "Mile-High View." January 21, 1944 . 12 . Goldberg, Max. March 31, 1961 . 11. --. June 30, 1961. 10. -. July 19, 1961. 13. -. February 7, 1964 . 10. . March 20, 1964 . 10. . January 15, 1965 . 9 . -. May 21, 1965. 10. -. December6, 1968 . 24 . -. "Editor's Journey . " March 10, 1944. 12. -. "The Publisher's Desk." May 5, 1967. 10 . . "The Publisher's Desk." January 19, 1968. 20. . "The Publisher's Desk." January 26 , 1968 . 20. . "The Publisher's Desk." March 8, 1968 . 20 . . "ThePub1isber'sDesk." November 15, 1968 . 16. -. "The Publisher's Desk." January 8, 1971. 24. -. "ThePublisber'sDesk." August20, 1971. 24 . . "The Publisher's Desk." January 7, 1972. 28. 210

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-. "The Publisher's Desk" March 17 , 1972. 28 . -. "ThePublisher'sDesk." March31 , 1972. 20. . "The Publisher's Desk" May 12, 1972. 24. -. "The Publisher's Desk" May 26, 1972 . 20 . . "The Publisher's Desk" June 2, 1972. 20 . -. "The Publisher's Desk." June 16, 1972. 16. -. "The Publisher's Desk" September 8, 1972 . 30 . . "The Publisher's Desk" September27 , 1972. 24. . "Side Street." March 3, 1949 . 4 . -. "Sports." October 13, 1933. 7 . Heavirland, Amy . Letter to the Editor. February 1, 1963. 16. "Hundreds at Max Goldberg's Funeral . " November 3, 1972 . 11. Intermountain Jewish News Literary Supplement. June 26, 1992. Jacobs, Andrea "Green Gables Country Club Celebrates 70!" August 28, 1998 . 4 . "John Streltzer Installed As BB President." January 10, 1946 . 1. "Let's Get Acquainted " March 26, 1943. 1. Obituary . Adolph (Bud) Mayer. April 16, 1999 . 20 Platt, Sally . "Social and Personal." February 14, 1936. 3 . "A Proud Publisher Speaks to His Son . " January 23, 1959. 16. "Salt Lake City Jewry Joins Denver . " May 28, 1943. 4. Sky , Doris . "Remembering." November 3, 1972. 40. 211

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New York Journal-American Runyon, Damon . "The Brighter Side . " May 21, 1945. 13. Rocky Mountain News (Denver) "Chart of Influenza in Denver . " November 4, 1918. 12 . "Check Them All in Advance." March 5, 1948 . 22. "Dr. Solomon Kauvar Dies After Lingering lllness." December 26, 1951. 5 . "Editor, publisher of Intermountain Jewish News dies . " October 26, 1972. 8. Torkelson, Jean. "The World Has Been Our Back Yard . " June 28, 1998 . 4A. West End Press (Denver) "Baer Confident He Can Beat Camera." April 20, 1934. 4. "West End Rallies to Rosenthal." May 3, 1935. 1. "What's Doing . " March 29, 1935. 3 . MISCELLANEOUS/UNPUBLISHED SOURCES Advertising Club of Denver. Records, 1935-1973 . Denver Public Library Western History Department. Goldberg Family Collections. (n. d.). Heritage Hall Collection. (n.d . ) . Colwnbia Rose Medical Center, Denver . John A Carroll Papers, 1915-1982. Auraria Library, Denver. Kahn, Sterling. (October 1998) . A Taste of History: The 100 Year History of the BMH Congregation . Text of address to BMH Congregation. 212

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Ralph Carr Collection. (n.d .) . Colorado Historical Society , Denver. THESES AND DISSERTATIONS Abrams, Jeanne . (1983) . Chasing the Cure: A History of the Jewish C onsumptiv es' ReliefSociety of Denver . Unpublished doctoral dissertation , University of Colorado . de Ia Garza, Cherie . (1995) . Television Invades 1952 1 53 Denver: Origins of the Video Revolution . Unpublished master ' s thesis , University of Colorado at Denver . Rubinoff, Michael W . (1978) . Rabbi Char le s Elie z er Hillel Kauvar of Denver: The Life of a Rabbi in the American West . Unpublished doctoral dissertation , University of Denver . Ryan, Tim. (1997). Rocky Mountain Air: Denver's Channel 9, 1952-1996. Unpublished master's thesis , University of Colorado at Denver. Stem, Mort P. (1969) . Palmer Hoyt and The Denver Post: A Field Study of Organi z ational Change i n the Mass Media of Communication . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Denver . 213