Citation
Wholeness in design through recognition of the feminine

Material Information

Title:
Wholeness in design through recognition of the feminine
Creator:
Kirk, Laura F.
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( Master of landscape architecture)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
College of Architecture and Planning, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Landscape architecture
Committee Members:
Cummings, Lib
Fleming, Wendell
Garnham, Harry
Garnham, Penny

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of copyright holder or Creator or Publisher as appropriate]. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text
ldholesi&2>5 tn
Thrwtjh &ccan rricn of it*, feminine-UferL, W&


WHOLENESS IN DESIGN
THROUGH RECOGNITION OF THE FEMININE
LAURA F. KIRK
Landscape Architecture and Urban Design Program School of Architecture and Planning University of Colorado at Denver
May, 1988


This thesis for the Master of Landscape Architecture Degree by Laura F. Kirk has been approved for the Department of Landscape Architecture and Urban Design
School of Architecture and Planning University of Colorado at Denver
Mj Kjftrz?
Date :


TO GLADYS NICHOLSON KIRK, 1933 - 1983


CONTENTS
1 . INTRODUCTION 1
THE VOCABULARY
2. FEMINISM 11
A Critique of Patriarchy Feminist Philosophies Feminism to Humanism Implications for Design
3. ORIGINS OF THE FEMININE 27
Biological
Social
The Interaction
THE PROFESSION
4 . AN EVALUATION 41
The History
Exploring Alternatives
THE PHILOSOPHIES AND PRODUCTS
5. THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT --
THE GODDESS SOCIETIES 63
The Neolithic Minoan Crete


THE FEMININE IN ART
87
Woman's Art
Art for Women -- Judy Chicago The Pioneer -- Georgia O'Keeffe Art in Context -- Environmental Art
7. THE FEMININE IN DESIGN
Environments for Women The Residential Scale Contextual Orientation
8. THE REMAINING DISCUSSION
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
ists
137
181


CHAPTER 1____
INTRODUCTION
As individuals, we are the product of the union of a man and a woman. This fact suggests that within each of us there is some femaleness and some maleness. Acknowledgement and reconciliation of each of these parts provides a sense of wholeness and completeness as an individual.
This idea is certainly not a new one. The Tao1s ancient Chinese concept of Yin and Yang is based on a sense of balance between Yin, which represents the feminine, and Yang, the masculine. A perfect balance or wholeness is achieved when neither element is more important than the other, and when the two are working together.
In Western society, this balance has generally not existed. We have divided our world into two halves, but these two parts have generally not been viewed as equal. We have tended to rank men and women, and the masculine and the feminine in a better than worse than fashion. The male has been viewed as stronger and better suited to the public, professional sphere, and the female has traditionally been viewed as weaxer and better suited to the private, domestic sphere. This attitude, while accepted by many as the norm, is alienating and unsatisfactory to many, both men and women. The stereotypical roles are too confining; they inhibit our ability to develop fully as individuals.
A different approach is to recognize each of these halves as inherently good and necessary. Such an understanding implies complementary rather than


competitive relationships. Our current frame of reference is fragmented and divisive. An alternative position is one that focuses on a freer and more balanced interchange between the parts -the feminine and the masculine, women and men.
This concept translates into a dynamic of wholeness rather than fragmentation.
Our society is at a crossroads. The lines between men and women and public and private are being challenged as more and more women enter the work force. Our society is and will continue to be transformed as a result of this phnemonen. The critical question becomes, "What do we want, and what does this imply?"
The design profession is certainly impacted by this discussion. Physical design is a means of expressing ourselves as individuals and as a society. That expression is related to how we perceive ourselves, our needs, our experiences and our visions. Our current environment reflects traditional attitudes about men and women. The profession has been heavily influenced by men in every respect. There have been few women designers, and documentation of their contribution to the field is limited at best. A reasonable and important question is, "What happens to the profession and the built environment as more women enter the field?"
The presumption is that there will be change in both the office environment and in design products and philosophies. This change will occur because "[i]n this society, as in most, women's experience, both social and biological, is different from men's." (Lippard 1976, 143) One conclusion, then,
is that women have developed a sensibility that is related to those experiences and that sensibility is expressed in every aspect of their lives, including their art. (Lippard 1976, 48) As women become equal participants in the design profession, the feminine sensibility will be recognized in
3


conjunction with the masculine. If this change does not occur, then there is not full equality and the feminine and the masculine are not in balance.
This thesis explores the feminine. Considering women alone is instructive in gaining a fuller understanding of one part of the equation, a part that has not been regarded as highly as the other: the masculine. The ultimate goal, however, is the full integration of the feminine and the masculine, with women and men equally free to express their individuali ty.
The exploration of the feminine begins with a review of feminism. This theoretical framework provides a context for evaluating the role of women in our society, challenging this role, and creating visions of alternative roles and societal structures. Though this discussion focuses on the improvement of women's lives, it also speaks to the improvement of men's lives. Feminists' efforts in this quest have generally concentrated on two areas: the discussion of equality for women; and
the recognition of the feminine in society as a whole. Each will be pursued in greater detail.
The discussion of feminism is integrally tied to an understanding of the origins of the feminine.
Those origins are best explored through women.
Women as a group are comprised of individuals who are influenced by multiple forces: environment, religion, race, and class. Irrespective of these influences, however, research finds that women generally share certain traits which are identified as feminine. These common characteristics are the result of a shared biology and history.
The vocabulary of feminism and women is then applied to the design fields. This vocabulary provides a tool for evaluating current and historical trends and for speculating on future directions. The application of these understandings is organized into two parts.
5


The first part focuses on the impact of women and feminism on the profession as an organization. The pertinent questions are: what was the role of women in the profession historically; what is the role of women now; and what will be the role of women in the future? Responses to the first two questions signal a response to the third and provide a context for consideration of changes in the office structure and the profession as a whole.
The second part considers the application of feminism and the influence of women on design philosophies and products. The premise is that the built environment has expressed traditional attitudes about men and women. As these definitions are modified, our built environment will reflect this change.
Speculation with regard to these changes is difficult. "We cannot fully envision or articulate the physical form of tomorrow's art." (Howett 1987, 6) Furthermore, the design professions have been slow to engage in the discussion of feminism and its application to built form. As such, this theorectical inquiry cannot be limited to the profession itself; it must be expanded. Consideration of sources outside the profession helps formulate the appropriate questions and provides insight into and inspiration for future directions. Two such sources will be considered in this thesis.
The first vehicle is a review of goddess cultures. This summary is valuable because men and women were equal in these cultures, and that equality was visible in the art and architecture. The imagery, forms, and focus of that art and architecture were significantly different from contemporary expressions. That difference is related to more than just primitive peoples versus modern peoples.
The second vehicle consists of a review of the
7


impact of feminism on the visual arts. Discussion focuses on four women artists: Judy Chicago, Georgia O'Keeffe, Nancy Holt, and Mary Miss. Each of these women in their own way has challenged traditional means of expression. The imagery and content of their work is particularly evocative.
With this background, it is then important to apply these observations to the design profession. As our society becomes sensitized to women and the feminine, the built environment will change and reflect these new understandings. Reflections from women designers will assist in developing a sense of these changes. This speculation will be further enhanced through a review of several projects by women. Their work considers and evaluates a number of themes: environments for women; changes at the residential scale; and the relationship between built form and its context.
This thesis is necessarily broad. Many of the issues that are raised could be thesis subjects in and of themselves. The relationship between feminism and design is in the formative stages.
For that relationship to develop, it is important to begin with a strong fundamental core of understanding. Lessons from other disciplines are valuable in the formation of that core. Borrowing from what others have already learned and applied will hasten our ability to conceptualize the feminine and work toward a balance between the feminine and the masculine in the work environment, and in the built environment.
9


THE VOCABULARY


CHAPTER 2
FEMINISIM
Feminism is an "ethic, a methodology, a critical framework" that inherently implies complexity and multiple interpretations. (Cann 1987, 87) There are social feminists, cultural feminists, radical feminists, and the list goes on.
An abbreviated and surely overly simplistic discussion of feminism is critical to this thesis, for it is this "theory" that provides the beginning, the inspiration, and the foundation for future discussion. A review of feminism is already the subject of many currently published books. This thesis does not attempt to duplicate that existing body of knowledge; rather, it draws from it as necessary to define and ground the ensuing argument.
A CRITIQUE OF PATRIARCHY
Feminism is not a new theory. Generally, we associate it with the Women's Movement of the late 1960's. In fact, however, there is a long history of feminism. That history has sometimes been lost and not widely recognized, but the origins of this theoretical core are not new. The ideas have expanded and matured, but they are often the product of earlier works, particularly of the late nineteenth century.
Feminism questions the impact and appropriateness of patriarchal societies. Patriarchy is defined as a "society, community, or country based on a social organization in which the father is the supreme authority in the family, clan, or tribe


and descent is reckoned in the male line."
(Random House Dictionary 1971) The patriarchal system is hierarchic with ordering determined by sex. Men and women are not considered equals; rather, men are viewed as being better than and dominant over women solely as a result of their sex. This attitude affects all relationships from that between individual men and women to the interaction between men and women in society as a whole.
In a patriarchal society, men and women are expected to behave in certain predictable ways.
Men are valued for traits that are identified as masculine, and women for traits that are defined as feminine. Masculine traits include will, ambition, courage, independence, and assertiveness. Feminine traits include gentleness, modesty, humility, supportiveness, and empathy (Vet ter1ing-Braggin, 7). These traits are not exclusively male or female but, rather, represent extremes or poles at opposite ends of a continuum.
In a patriarchal society, too great an emphasis is placed on the extremes and not enough on the continuum. This emphasis results in a rigid division between the sexes and the related behavioral traits. This division is oppressive to both men and women but particularly to women. A patriarchal society necessarily relegates women and qualities identified with femininity to a secondary level. As one writer notes: "The most
important generalization which has emerged from the anthropologists' study of men and women [in patriarchal societies] throughout the world is that although different societies have very different views about which qualities are masculine, such qualities are invariably more highly valued than those thought to be feminine." (Nicholson, 176)
The public, professional world, which has been
13


traditionally associated with and dominated by men, has placed greater value on the defined masculine traits. The private sphere, which is typified by the woman as wife and homemaker, has emphasized the need for the more feminine traits.
" [T]he gap between male and female ... is not a universal constant . . . Today the hemisphere of
the public has been assigned to the male and the hemisphere of the private to the female. Each sex has become a symbol for its territory." (Chicago 1975, 130)
FEMINIST PHILOSOPHIES
Feminists universally envision a world that is not patriarchal, that is not based on domination and control, and where the traditionally established lines between men and women have dissolved. They are dedicated to redefining and elevating women and women's role in society. An important part of their work is breaking down the historical portrayal of women as vulnerable, subservient, hysterical, and unpredictable. Similarly, they want to end the tendency of viewing women as objects capable of being controlled.
To dissolve these misconceptions, feminists believe that women need to reassert themselves and reclaim their bodies. (Cann 1987, 89) To facilitiate this end, feminists are involved in several activities: the re-evaluation of history from a feminist perspective; the exclusive consideration of women and women's issues; and the expansion of feminism beyond just women and women's issues.
Some feminists are engaged in the recording of women's history, often called "herstory." These individuals are dedicated to uncovering and documenting the achievements of women. These activities are important in establishing mentors or "womentors." These role models create a frame of reference or context for other women,
15


validating certain feelings and aspirations. Additionally, they provide concrete evidence that women can achieve greatness in the traditionally defined masculine sphere.
At the more theorectical level, feminists debate their visions for a different and better society. Their discussions revolve around the definition of equality. At one extreme there are individuals that believe equality will not be realized as long as men are associated with the masculine and women are associated with the feminine. While at the other extreme, there are those that advocate maintaining these associations but in the context where each is viewed as equal and beneficial in contrast to a better than/worse than dynamic.
Their arguments are most easily understood after reviewing their definiton of the relationship between women and nature. This discussion evolves from the traditional association between women and nature. That relationship has developed because of women's life-giving abilities. In contrast, men, with their involvement in the public, professional sphere, have been more closely aligned with culture.
There is general agreement that a patriarchal society transfers its classification of women as secondary to its understanding of the relationship between culture and nature. Historically, men have been viewed as dominant over women.
Similarly, culture has been viewed as dominant over nature. This attitude has resulted in the exploitation of and general disrespect for nature. The definition of women as objects has also been applied to nature. Feminists as a whole question this reasoning, but their suggestions for change differ.
One argument is best articulated by the feminist writer Sherry Ortner. She believes that, "Every culture asserts itself as not only distinct from
17


but superior to nature. Every culture also sees women as being closer to nature; therefore, if the goal of culture is to subsume and transcend nature, culture must also subsume and transcend the power and place of women." (Cann 1987, 87)
In Ortner's eyes, this relationship must be challenged to bring about change within the existing patriarchal order. She beleives that equality and wholeness will be achieved when women and nature are no longer associated with one another.
Lucy Lippard, an established art critic, argues the other position. She ferverently believes that the connection between women and nature should be preserved. She writes, "To many of us, feminism has meant the discovery of a regrettably unfamiliar pride and pleasure in being a woman." (Lippard 1983, 42) She sees the association between women and nature as having had a positive influence on the development of women, nuturing within them valuable sensitivities. As Lippard states: "It is not the quality of our femaleness
that is inferior but the quality of a society that has produced such a viewpoint." (Lippard 1976,
148)
Though Ortner's argument is valid, it implies that culture will always dominate nature. Lippard, on the other hand, advocates an end to the domination of women and to the domination of nature. This position infers a broader definition of feminism, beyond a theory that is focused exclusively on women and women's issues. Feminism becomes a tool for evaluating all relationships, not just those between men and women; it proposes an end to domination of all types.
FEMINISM TO HUMANISM
To end the dominant/subservient dynamic, the feminine must be recognized and integrated into society for the benefit of women as well as
19


men. That integration will occur when societal relations are primarily based on linking the sexes rather than ranking them, when society incorporates a female/male partnership rather than one sex dominating the other. (Eisler, Introduction) As one writer states: "In the
partnership model -- beginning with the most fundamental difference in our species, between male and female -- diversity is not equated with either inferiority or superiority." (Eisler,
XVIII)
This vision does not presume a matriarchy instead of a patriarchy; a matriarchal society is defined by a similar system of ranking, but with women rather than men as supreme. Rather, this vision offers something new, something different, something that resembles certain ancient cultures in which men and women coexisted as equals. As products of Western thought, we tend to think in binary terms — an either/or relationship; patriarchy or matriarchy. The vision offered here goes beyond the bounds of binary logic. Such a world is difficult to imagine. The implications for societal reordering are significant, and the fear of the unknown is overwhelming.
Consistent with many of the new revelations in physics as well as other fields, there is a growing body of knowledge that looks to a more holistic world where we as humans see ourselves as interrelated and interdependent on each other and nature. There is an emphasis on integration and wholeness rather than fragmentation and separation. The masculine and feminine would exist in tandem. The yang would no longer dominate the yin. There would be a focus on life and the creation, production, and preservation of that life.
In this light, "feminism [can] be seen not merely as a prescription for granting rights to women but as a far broader vision." (Donovan, 171) Though
21


focused on the oppression of women and relief for that condition, feminism objects to all forms of oppression, including racism, class exploitation, and domination of nature. Feminist theory can then be viewed as something more than an "elite" doctrine appealing only to white upper/middle class women. Feminism becomes humanism and a fight for a world that is better for all, men and women. It calls for a restructuring of society, not only for women but for humanity at large. As Ynestra King writes, "The implications of feminism extend to issues of the meaning, purpose, and survival of life . . . it is about connectedness
and wholeness." (King, 119) Feminism becomes a value system.
How do we work toward this wholeness? One tactic is to work within the mainstream, gradually challenging and changing traditionally held beliefs. The danger of doing so is that change may never be achieved and the end result may instead be assimilation. In response to this fear, many feminists advocate working outside the mainstream. As a result, many separate feminist communities have been formed. This direction is valuable in that it enables people to explore an alternative way of life and, specific to this discussion, alternative attitudes about art. The threat is that these communities remain too separate; in this scenario, the mainstream is again unaffected. Both avenues have merit and need to be pursued based on individual predilections. Whatever route is chosen, however, it is imperative that one not lose sight of the end: wholeness.
IMPLICATIONS FOR DESIGN
Feminism is applicable to the design field in several respects. On one level, feminism provides a framework for evaluating the profession as an organization, for questioning the relationship between different design disciplines, and for
23


suggesting changes.
On another level, feminism is a tool for evaluating and designing the built environment. From the feminist perspectvie, consideration needs to be focused on whether or not the built environment satisfies the everyday functional needs of women and on how these needs might be better served.
More importantly, though, the built environment is a reflection of our attitudes about men and women, culture and nature, and public and private. Feminism questions the traditional interpretation of men over women, culture over nature, and the rigid separation between public and private. Designers deal with each of these issues and translate their interpretations into physical form. As designers become sensitized to feminism, their designs will reflect that understanding. There will be greater emphasis on wholeness and recognition of dualities as equally good and necessary. In that quest, it is helpful to consider the feminine, for it is this part of the equation that has been neglected in design as well as in society as a whole.
25


CHAPTER 3 ____________
ORIGINS OF THE FEMININE
Research on the biology and psychology of women reveals remarkable similarities, despite the diversity of the individuals. Though not developed as a separate culture in and of itself, there is much that women share. In a sense, women comprise a sub- or partial culture. There is certainly overlap with the culture as a whole, but there are distinctive ingredients of this sub-culture. (Lenz and Myerhoff, 7)
This dicussion of women is valuable to the design fields. Women are part of our professional force and comprise half of our user population. Women's needs are changing rapidly as they attempt to balance private and professional lives. Their responsibility for decisions outside the home is also growing. We, as designers, must understand women and these trends if we are to design environments that satisfy both men and women and reflect the masculine and the feminine.
In considering a discussion of biology and psychology, a distinction is made between sex and gender. Our sex relates to being a man or a woman in biological terms. This is distinguished from our gender which relates to psychological traits or feminine/masculine behavior. There is great debate about the origins of gender, but there is suprising consistency in the definition of feminine amd masculine. (Vetterling-Brown, 10) There is also a
high correlation between women (men) and feminine (masculine) behavior and that correlation is generally looked at as both proper and desirable.
(Vetterling-Brown, 171)


The debate on the origins of gender-based traits will not be resolved easily or quickly. At one extreme, many believe that psychological traits common to men or women are a result solely of environmental conditioning. At the other extreme, some attribute these sex-based similarities wholly to a common biology. Society's influence on our behavioral development is tremendous. To deny, however, that biology has a role in our character development is short-sighted. Similarities in our behavioral traits are due to an interaction between biology and socialization. The exact mix, however, has yet to be defined. (Bardwick, 2)
BIOLOGICAL
Women by definition share a common biology. This fact translates into similar hormonal chemistries, anatomical criteria, and chromosomal combinations. Women's biological systems resemble men's in many respects, differing primarily in their hormonal make-ups and balances, and in their reproductive organs. That there are similarities is important, but it is the differences that have contributed to the sense of a female culture, to a certain shared history, and to common behavioral traits.
Unique to women is the reproductive ability to create human life. Not all women share the experiences of childbirth and breastfeeding, but "women, even those without children, express as if with one voice a deeply felt sense of this responsibility for life." (Lenz and Myerhoff, 9) This responsibility is certainly a source of exhilaration and fulfillment. This experience also tends to unite women with each other for emotional support and practical assistance in care giving. Along with this responsibility, though, comes a sense of burden, for it is still ultimately the woman who becomes pregnant and is generally the primary nurturer.
29


Leandro Katz, "lunar Alphabet and Lunar Typewriter" (1979). Reprinted iron Lippard 1983, 95.
30


Women have a sense of bodily time that can best be defined as cyclical. In contrast, men's bodily responses tend to be more stable and linear.' Women's cycles are best observed in the experience of menstruation. As a result of this monthly occurrence, a woman's hormones and chemical environment are constantly changing. These cycles correlate to events occurring in nature; specifically, the waxing and waning of the moon. Women also have sexual responses that are characterized as cyclical. In one woman's words: "There's a difference between male and female sexuality: done and done for the man; still ebbing
for the woman. And that's a difference of kind not degree." (Koller, 225)
SOCIAL
In our society, we have historically attributed roles in the home and the professional environment to women and men, respectively, based on biological differences. This distinciton has had far reaching implications which can be summarized in three categories.
First, women have traditionally lacked political power. Though the situation is changing, women still occupy a minority position in the political arena. As a minority, their views and issues are not fully represented contributing to a sense that their needs are of lesser importances. (Donovan, 172 )
Second, in nearly all historical periods, women have primarily existed in the private, domestic sphere with primary responsibility for child rearing. Within this sphere, women's lives have traditionally been identified with a high degree of repetition. Time is experienced as a "perpetual repetition or 'eternal return' or as a pattern of passive waiting." (Donovan, 174) Women have performed domestic tasks over and over again including: "the gathering, cleaning, preparation,
31


and serving of food; the tending of hearth and home; the sweeping, sponging, chopping, mending, wiping that is ceaseless and evanescent. In their long domestic history, women's energies have been devoted to process, the repetitive doing and redoing." (Lenz and Myerhoff, 8) These repetitive tasks have contributed to a sense of continuum and cycles in contrast to a system of hierarchy and linear progression.
Third, women's role in economic production has traditionally been that of use, not exchange.
Women principally created materials such as food and clothing for the use of the immediate family. Their work in the home has therefore not been assigned any tangible monetary value, in contrast to goods that are produced for and exchanged in the public realm. This dichotomy has tended to devalue women's role in the home.
These roles and tendencies are changing as women enter the work force in increasing numbers. Yet, the legacies of this history remain and have had significant influence on the behavioral development of women. (Donovan, 172-179)
THE INTERACTION
Women share a similar biology and have been assigned to similar roles in our society. The interaction of the two has contributed to the development of common behavioral traits and attitudes. There is a high correlation between women and feminine behavior, though not applicable to all women in all situations.
The premier text on the psychology of women is Carol Gilligan's, In a Different Voice. Her research is based on in-depth interviews coupled with a professional and academic background in psychology. Through her research, Gilligan concludes that men and women have fundamentally different ways of perceiving themselves as
33


Stop
Sheila Luck, Untitled cartoon. Reprinted froa Popenoe 1930, 171.
34


individuals and in relation to others. Her work recognizes these differences, without judging them as inherently good or bad. She argues that acknowledgement of these distinctions is critical to understanding men and women.
Gilligan concludes that moral reasoning in men and women is different and that this difference appears at a young age and remains throughout adulthood.
Her research finds that "relationships, and particularly issues of dependency, are experienced differently by women and men. For boys and men, separation and individuation are critically tied to gender identity since separation from the mother is essential for the development of masculinity. For girls and women, issues of femininity or feminine identity do not depend on the achievement of separation from the mother or on the progress of individuation." (Gilligan, 8)
As a result of this developmental process, women emphasize connection rather than separation and consideration for the relationship rather than the individual. Gilligan writes: "In any given society, feminine personality comes to define itself in relation and connection to other people more than masculine personality." (Gilligan, 8)
This sense of connectedness is amplified by women's traditional role as nurturer and care-taker with responsibilities related to the well-being of the family. Moreover, women's identity and individuality are often linked to that of their husbands'. In each of these instances, women define themselves more in terms of their relationships than as individuals. Their sense of self is contextually oriented. (Donovan, 176) At times this self-definition is debilitating. When modified, however, with a sense of self-identity and self-worth, it is an attribute.
John Nicholson, who is involved in similar research, supports these findings. He concludes
35


that men and women differ primarily in the way they view themselves in relation to their environment. Men tend to believe that they have the ability to control the outcome of a situation, and that their successes are due to personal ability or talent (an internal locus of control). Women, however, generally attribute their successes to outside factors: relationships, luck, chance, and being in the right place at the right time (an external locus of control). (Nicholson, 108)
Nicholson believes that these responses have evolved over time as a result of different roles within society. Women have traditionally worked in the domestic sphere. Their work has continually been interrupted with individual needs put aside to accommodate family needs. As one writer comments: "This may have contributed to women's sense of personal vulnerability to environmental influence, fostering a sense of being bound to chance, to circumstance, of not being in control of one's world." (Donovan, 173)
Women may have also developed this sense of being controlled by outside influences because of their biological systems. Whether welcomed or not, the menstrual cycle happens every month. Additionally, women often have the concern of an unwanted pregnancy or, on the other extreme, an inability to become pregnant. In either case, there is a sense of lack of control over one's own body.
In summary, the feminine is characterized as nurturing, integrated, related, empathetic, resistant to hierarchy, embodied in the day-to-day process of life, preferential to negotiation as a means of problem-solving, cyclical, centered, adaptable, flexible, and vulnerable to outside influences. (Donovan, 173; Lenz and Myerhoff, 4) Women's sense of self is contexually oriented to other individuals, to the family, to the environment, and to nature.
37


Feminists are concerned with how these set of values and sensibilities might change as the social context changes. On the one hand, there is a desire for equality with men and full access to the public, professional sphere. On the other hand, there is a desire to elevate, and integrate the feminine into the whole of society. Underlying these desires is a fear that in the quest for equality we will sacrifice the feminine qualities. Historically, we have tended to view equality and recognition of the feminine as mutually exclusive; the public sphere has not valued or emphasized the feminine. To achieve balance and wholeness, however, we need to recognize the feminine on the same level with the masculine.
The remainder of this thesis focuses on the integration of the feminine into our society and into design in particular. That integration needs to occur in both our profession as an organization and in our design philosophies and products.
39


THE PROFESSION


CHAPTER 4_____
AN EVALUATION
The discussion of the profession as an organization is in many ways about the politics of equality. It is about women's desire for equal representation in the profession. It is also about the recognition and documentation of women's contributions to the field.
Many might argue that women are now equally represented in the field. Statistical information, however, does not support that claim. Though the number of women in academic and professional environments is rising, recent studies conducted by the ASLA and the AIA are disconcerting. A 1983 study under the direction of the ASLA found that women are still paid less than their male counterparts at all levels, that women are still largely excluded from major managerial positions, and that women continue to feel a sense of isolation with a lack of women role models. (Nassaurer, 78) Statistical information from similar AIA studies is even more discouraging.
Furthermore, art history and architectural history books have tended and continue to ignore the contributions of women. That omission adds to women's feelings of isolation. As one writer notes: "Women's highest achievements are off the scene, seldom heard, or if heard devalued, and finally viewed but not observed. If you doubt this, there is a simple test: name just five women artists and their contributions to history." (Snyder-Ott, 1) A similar observation could be made of the design fields in both landscape


woody Rainey and Karan Raifaer "'^ofuen in Architecture1* (1974). roster Reprinted t rOb Torre 1377 r 150.
42


architecture and architecture.
To change this situation, women are becoming involved in several endeavors. At one level, there is an effort to create a supportive community for women. One example is the organization, "Women in Architecture", which meets regularly throughout the country. This organization provides a forum for discussion and sponsors lectures and educational programs.
Another example is the Women's School of Architecture and Planning, which is a summer program held in various locations around the country. This program encourages women interested in the built and planned environment to exchange ideas and skills. (Torre 1977, 160)
On another level, great energy is being channeled into research on the history of women in design. This effort is motivated by the conviction that women will not attain full equality in the profession without suitable role models. Joan Iverson Nassaurer, who conducted the 1983 ASLA study, believes that: "Leader's mentorship may operate within a quasi-social group of men, making it difficult for women to get the training and visibility they need for advancement."
(Nassaurer, 78)
Historically, there was a pervasive attitude that women were not intellectually or emotionally capable of succeeding in the field. A noted architectural educator in the 1950's espoused this attitude, stating: "I have included all that an
architect needs to know about that uncertain, coy, and useful branch of the human race .... Architects do not like to employ women in their offices; contractors do not like to build from their plans; people with money to spend do not like to entrust its expenditure to a woman." (Hayden 1976, 923)
Certainly there are some that still hold this
43


belief. The increasing presence of women in the professional, public sphere continues, however, to whittle away at these misconceptions. Recognition and documentation of women's contributions to the design fields will also hasten an end to this attitude.
This process of recognition is a long and arduous task. Available research is sketchy and difficult to find. Susana Torre, Diana Balmori, Dolores Hayden, Gwendolyn Wright, and Doris Cole, to name but a few, have been particularly involved in this effort. Additionally, the AIA and ASLA have both established task forces to focus on the recognition of women's contributions to the field. The findings from these efforts begin to weave together a history of women's involvement in the design profession.
THE HISTORY
It is heartening to learn that, in this country, women have participated in environmental design "From Tipi to Skyscraper," as Doris Cole appropriately titles her text. An interesting historical observation is that the most prolific periods for women designers generally coincide with the presence of an underlying support system. This encouragement has come from a number of sources: women clients, fellow women designers,
other professional women, supportive educational institutions, and husband/wife design teams. This observation will be highlighted through an overview of the pioneers in the field, supportive educational communities, and husband/wife teams.
Three role models
Three pioneers in the field include: Sophia Hayden, Julia Morgan, and Beatrix Farrand. The following highlights their achievements. Sophia Hayden completed only one building in her lifetime, but that building had far reaching implications. She designed the winning entry for
45


Sophia Hayden, "The Uoaan's Building" (1833). The World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago. Reprinted troa Torre 1377, 58.
46


the Woman's Building at the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 in Chicago. This three story building was designed in the Italian Renaissance style. The main floor included a large exhibition hall and smaller meeting rooms. The higher floors provided dormitory facilities, committee offices, and a library filled with books by women authors. The focus of the interior space centered around two large murals: "Modern Woman" by Mary Cassatt
and "Primitive Woman" by Mary Macmonnies.
The inclusion of this building in the exposition was the result of the efforts of Susan B. Anthony and others. Without their involvement, such a building would never have been considered. The original intent of the building was a headquarters for the women associated with the fair. Its goals were expanded, however, to present "a complete picture of the conditions of women in every country of the world at this moment." (Torre 1977, 58)
Upon its completion, the building housed some 7,000 library books. It became the meeting place for discussions and lectures by such notable women as Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Staton, and Julia Ward Howe. Moreover, "[w]hat the Woman's Building did, because of its novelty and the personal circumstances surrounding it, was to bring to focus critical attitudes about the role of women as architects that . . . made it clear
that they would seriously pursue that profession." (Torre 1977, 60)
Julia Morgan (1872-1957) was perhaps the most prolific woman architect. In her career, she designed over 800 buildings. Over half of her clients were women or women's institutions.
Despite the volume of her work, she is not well known as an architect. As one writer observes: "There are many reasons for this. She shunned publicity, her work was designed in an eclectic mode which 20th century historians are just
47


Julia Morgan, Y 11915). Photo Reprinted fro«
UCA, Oakland, California by Jai*e5 H. tdeleil.
Torre 1977, 84.
Julia Morgan, San Siaecn, San Luis Obispo, (19z0*1937). Photo Walter hteiibar. Reprinted froii Torre 1977, 81.
48


beginning to appreciate and lastly it is possible that, as much of her work was done for women, it may have been ignored as out of the mainstream." (Boutelle, 94)
Morgan received her training at the University of California at Berkeley and at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris (the first woman in the world to study there). She established her own practice in San Francisco in 1907. Morgans1s most supportive and important client was Phoebe Apperson Hearst, whom Morgan met while studying in Paris.
Buildings for Hearst include: the Hearst Hacienda in Pleasonton and the noteworthy San Simeon in San Luis Obispo, California. Other important commissions were the YWCA in Oakland, California and the King's Daughters of California Home for Incurables also in Oakland.
Morgan, unlike many other women designers, worked both in the private and public spheres. This flexibility was possible because of the support of women like Phoebe Hearst and the support of women's institutions. Her contributions to the field are significant and have only recently become more publicized.
Beatrix Farrand (1872-1959) was perhaps the most significant woman landscape architect. During her career, she designed some 200 gardens. Her best known projects include the Rockefeller garden, Dumbarton Oaks, and several private campuses including Yale and Princeton.
Her work was strongly influenced by her friendships with several women most notably her aunt, Edith Wharton, and the English landscape designers of Gertrude Jekyll and Vita Sackville-West. Much of her work was also commissioned by women such as Mrs Rockefeller.
Farrand's work is not that well known, and it is only recently that she is receiving the acclaim
49


Uonen's School of Planning and Architecture, “Cake Canpus." Reprinted fro* Torre 1377, 160.
50


due her. Her relative anonymity is the result of a number of factors. Gardens are fragile and constantly changing, and only a handful of her gardens remain in their original state. She did not write, so there is little documentation of her work. Lastly, she was a woman in a time when it was difficult for women to practice, and consequently she did not receive any large public commissions which often bring with them fame and acknowledgement.
Supportive Communities
Each of the women above practiced in the late 1800's and early 1900's, which was a particularly rich period for women designers. The first wave of feminism in this country was at its peak during that time. As a result of this movement, there was tremendous support for women to challenge themselves and the status quo, and to pursue their interests, whatever they might be. This support came from fellow women designers and from women clients and patrons who provided design opportunities in both the private and public realms. Support also came from educational institutions that were specifically oriented toward women.
Support for women in the profession was encouraged through two all women design schools: The Lowthrope School of Landscape Architecture, Gardening and Horticulture, and the Cambridge School of Design. Lowthrope was founded in 1901 by Mrs. Edward Gilchrist Low. The school was established to educate women and prepare them for professional careers. The school was hailed for presenting "an alternative to what was the sole occupational prospect for women at that time -teaching." (Brown and Maddox, 66) Lowthrope eventually folded into the Rhode Island School of Design in 1945. By that time over 400 women had graduated from this program.
The Cambridge School was founded slightly later in
51


Boston in 1945 and remained in operation for thirty years until 1945. During its existence, the school was affiliated with both Harvard University and Smith College. When the school closed, it had graduated over 700 women.
Both of these schools experienced difficulties in finding apprenticeships and professional opportunities for their students. These women received incredible encouragement to develop their talents and skills in the educational realm. Unfortunately, though, they were not greeted with the same encouragement when they left the acade;mic world. Robert Frost, Director of the Cambridge School, "attempted to counter the opposition of his students' would-be-employes, but made little headway; frequently he met with resistance that verged on violence. The general feeling of the profession . . . was that the practice of hiring
women would ... do little less than undermine the entire American way of life." (Brown and Maddox, 66)
With the close of these schools, women's involvement in the profession became even more limited. "Women lacked the support and incentive to enter the profession at all and the women who did practice usually concentrated on the type of small scale residential commission which was unlikely to receive recognition." (Brown and Maddox, 69) Between 1945 and the 1970's, there were almost no role models, and the academic and professional environments offered little encouragement.
Since the 1970's, women have been returning to the profession in increasing numbers. The mere presence of other women provides a sense of encouragement and support, but it is not enough.
It needs to be supplemented by the recognition and documentation of women's past and present contributions so that we might learn from them. Additionally, the academic environments continue
53


Marion Hahony, Rendering All Souls Unitarian Church, Evanston, Illinois (1902). Reprinted fros Torre 1977, 73.
54


to be more supportive of women's endeavors than the professional. Full equality and integration will not occur without change at the professional level as well.
Husband/Wife Teams
Women designers have often been married to male designers. These relationships have provided an important source of support, particularly for the women. The husband/wife team has led to more acceptance of women's involvement in all aspects of design, and accommodates the dual desire for a career and children. The profession, as a whole, has been reluctant to encourage both.
There are several examples of husband/wife teams. Magaret McDonald, a licensed architect, was the wife of Charles Rennie Mackintosh. Several of the drawings from Mackintosh's office have both sets of initials on them. Marion Mahoney was an accomplished designer and renderer. She worked for both Frank Lloyd Wright and her husband Walter Burley Griffin. Aino Aalto was a certified architect who worked closely with her husband Alvar. Sarah Harkness is an architect who is married to and works with her husband, Robert Harkness, at.The Architects' Collaborative.
Denise Scott Brown is married to and a partner with Robert Venturi. And the list continues.
The consequence of these husband/wife teams has been that for the most part the men have received recognition for the work, with the women's contributions trivialized, if acknowledged at all. Dolores Hayden writes: "As with women artists,
the work of many women architects has been credited to their husbands ... so there are serious problems of attribution to be resolved." (Hayden 1976, 925)
The question of attribution is virtually impossible to sort out. The motivation behind such an endeavor is not to take away from the
55


accomplishments of Alvar Aalto, Charles Mackintosh, and Robert Venturi. Rather, it is to recognize that women have had a tradition in design and that they have and are contributing to the profession.
In an interview in 1982, Denise Scott Brown expressed her frustrations with the tendency to credit the male partners to the exclusion of the women. She said: "As a wife I am very happy to
see my husband honored, but as a collaborator I feel very unhappy to see my work attributed to Bob. ... We have developed a body of theory together that owes a great deal to both of us." (Dean, 48) The efforts of the AIA and ASLA task forces along with the efforts of several individuals are aimed at changing this situation.
EXPLORING ALTERNATIVES
The office structure and professional organization need to be modified to accommodate the needs of women. The existing office structure continues to be dominated by men. This reality will continue until the profession becomes more supportive of pursuing both a career and motherhood. Generally, the two are still seen as mutually exclusive rather than as an acceptable lifestyle. In effect, this attitude is a form of discrimination which frustrates women's efforts to gain a larger foothold in the profession.
To pursue a more flexible and open organization, several alternative offices have been formed. One of the most noteworthy is The Open Design Office, which was started in the 1970's. This office was founded by five women in Boston for the express purpose of encouraging women's development as designers. An important consideration has been allowing women to combine a career with motherhood.
This firm has challenged traditional, mainstream
57


office procedures. The office is organized in a non-hierarchical manner. Hours are flexible, with each person working on an hourly rate. The office decides by consensus which jobs to accept and which jobs to refuse. Each job has one person who manages the project from beginning to end. If no one is interested in a job, either because of ethical reasons or general job interest, the job is refused. In addition to the organiztional structure, this firm has also been particularly interested in working with women clients to better understand and satisfy their particular needs in the built environment.
Several other offices of this sort have been formed across the country. They are not utopian situations, but they represent a reaction against and an attempt to change our overly restrictive and confining system. As they become more developed and publicized, their experiences can be incorporated into the mainstream professional environment. Currently, they continue to operate largely in a separatist manner. They can learn valuable lessons from this isolation, but hopefully this will serve as a transitional period. Indeed, the end is not a separate undercurrent, but the overall transformation of the profession.
That transformation will eventually be visible not only in the office structure, but also in the built environment. As Doris Cole notes: "Architecture is not made of words; architecture is not what is drawn on paper, but what is constructed into physical form to be used and lived in. The office is where this process occurs, where a philosophy becomes translated into action as lines on paper become tangible structures." (Cole, 126)
As offices place greater value on the contributions of women, aspects of the feminine will begin to become more apparent in the built
59


environment. If that does not happen, either women have not achived full equality or they have assimilated and in the process supressed aspects of their feminine nature.
Denise Scott Brown worries that success even at the expense of our feminine nature has become the goal. She believes that despite the advances of women "discrimination . . . persists, though its
forms seem less apparent and that it is in women's interest not to see it." (Dean, 49) To acknowledge that discrimination exists, suggests that there is still work to be done and that work rests primarily on the shoulders of women.
As Susana Torre observes: "[I]t is not in the exceptional achievement of the few but in the steady advance of the many that real progress is measured." (Dean, 51) It is through that steady progress that the balance between men and women and the masculine and feminine will come.
61


TOE PHILOSOPHIES AND PRODUCTS


CHAPTER 5_______________________________
THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT -THE GODDESS SOCIETIES
A review of goddess cultures is instructive because in these societies both men and women were held in great esteem. "Archaeological evidence [from these cultures] indicates that male dominance was not the norm. A division of labor between the sexes is indicated, but not a superiority of either . . . [and there was] no ranking along a patriarchal masculine-feminine value scale." (Eisler, 14)
Replicating these societies is neither possible nor desirable. Understanding these cult\ires, however, provides a glimpse of how life and its manifestations might be different in a non-patriarchal society. Inherently, that search for something different implies a search for something better. These goddess societies were not utopias, but hopefully the following descriptions will help to illustrate how recognition of both the female and the male positively impacts society as a whole and, more specifically, art and architecture.
These cultures have long since disappeared. Interpreting findings from these societies is clouded by our limitations in understanding societies that were fundamentally different from ours, yet our understanding becomes richer as our methodologies for study become more sophisticated, and as previously-held interpretations are continually challenged and re-evaluated.
Remnants of goddess cultures appear in excavation sites scattered over a wide geographical area spanning both eastern and western Europe. These societies respected and revered nature. They


Soddass. Sanctuary of tha Two-Haadad Axas at Knoaaos. Raprintad fros Platon 1366, Plata 117.
64


equated nature with women, and hence their religion focused on the worship of the Mother Goddess in the form of female imagery. The awe and mystery of the creative and life-giving forces of nature were understood as related to women's ability to create human life. Women's bodies which respond to cyclical changes in the seasons and the moon further solidified the sense of an undeniable connection between nature and women.
To better understand these cultures, discussion will focus on archaeological findings from the Neolithic Age (7000-3000 B.C.) and from Minoan Crete (2600-1400 B.C.). The discussion of the Neolithic Age will focus on findings from two societies: Catal Huyuk and Old Europe. Catal
Huyuk was located in what used to be the plains of Anatolia, which is now Turkey. Old Europe extended northward from the Aegean and Adriatic all the way up into Czechoslovakia, southern Poland, and the western Ukraine.
As a frame of reference, human prehistory is divided into a number of periods "based on the typology of their tools and weapons in stone or metal: Paleolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic (Old,
Middle, and New Stone Age), followed by the Bronze and Iron Ages." (Mellaart, 15) This classification system is becoming obsolete as more sophisticated methods for dating are developed, but it is sufficient for purposes of this discussion.
THE NEOLITHIC
Though our image of prehistoric civilizations is often one of primitive, barbaric peoples, excavations reveal the contrary. Findings from the Neolithic Age indicate highly-developed civilizations with an understanding of architecture and conscious town planning; an advanced economy based on agriculture, farming, stockbreeding and trade in raw materials; an advanced religion complete with symbolism and mythology; and an
65


Royal Villa of Hagia Triada. Staircase loading to the sanctuary. Reprinted frot* Platon 1966, Plate 20.
66


emphasis on equality and peace with an absence of heavy fortifications. (Mellaart, 11)
Without written histories, the excavations of buildings and their contents become a critical source for understanding prehistoric societies.
The form, content, imagery, and means of expression all provide a glimpse into the lives of these people. In interpreting this art, it is important to evaluate the imagery that is both present and not present: "what a people do not depict in their art can tell us as much about them as what they do." (Eisler, 17)
Prevalent throughout these villages was a sense of the inter-relationship between people and nature with an emphasis on the creation and perpetuation of life. The secular and spiritual were fully integrated. (Eisler, 23) Similarly, art was an integral component of everyday life, rather than a peripheral activity. The recurring themes of relatedness and integration were further reflected through the equality of men and women and the recognition of both the masculine and the feminine.
Evidence of the emphasis on inter-relationships and equality is found throughout the architectural ruins. The dialogue between the architecture and the environment is dynamic. The town plan and architectural forms respond to the natural surroundings; neither dominates the other.
The organization of houses and shrines suggests an emphasis on community living. There is little evidence in the physical form of the town of centralization or a hierarchical social order. Discoveries "indicate a generally unstratified and basically eqalitarian society with no marked distinctions based on either class or sex."
(Eisler, 14)
Standardization is reflected throughout the town plan. Similarly, houses in Catal Huyuk generally
67


C;' « f
Schematic reconstruction of houses and •shrines in Catal Huyuk. Reprinted fro* tlellaart 1967, 62.
68


adhere to a standardized floor plan. There is also little distinction between secular and spiritual in architectural form. As the scholar Riane Eisler notes: "Even shrines are not structurally different from houses, nor are they necessarily larger in size." (Eisler, 25) James Mellaart, a noted archaeologist, concludes that "though some social inequality is suggested by sizes of buildings, equipment, and burial gifts, this was never a glaring one." (Mellaart, 225)
The full integration of the secular and spiritual, and female and male is even more readily apparent in the contents of these buildings. The archaeologist Marija Gimbutas observes: "[T]he world of myth was not polarized into female and male as it was among the Indo-Europeans and many other nomadic and pastoral steppes. Both principles were manifest side by side. The male divinity in the shape of a young man or male animal appears to affirm and strengthen the forces of the creative and active female. Neither is subordinate to the other; by complementing one another, their power is doubled." (Gimbutas, 237)
Respect for the female is communicated through images of the Goddess which are found everywhere in murals, statiies, and figurines. Female symbolism and imagery depict an underlying theme of the miracle of life. Women and nature are each revered for their ability to create this life. There is little distinction between the reproductive abilities of women and nature; the two are almost viewed as one. In Eisler's words, "This theme of the unity of all things in nature, as personified by the Goddess, seems to permeate Neolithic art." (Eisler, 19)
The Goddess is portrayed in various forms "as the Maiden, the Ancestress or Creatrix; she is the lady of the waters, the birds, and the underworld, or simply the divine Mother cradling her divine child in her arms." (Eisler, 18) The Goddess is often
69


Pregnant Goddess in full attire. Pros Medrednjak, Vinca, (fifth aillenniua 6.C.). Reprinted fion Giabutas 1374, plate 1%.
70


represented as pregnant or giving birth. She is portrayed in conjunction with water, the inference being that each has life-giving powers. Other imagery associated with the Goddess are serpents and butterflies, which represent metamorphosis and transformation. Still other scenes depict the Goddess in the company of powerful animals, such as leopards and particularly bulls. The prominence of the bull horns is associated with the power of nature. (Eisler, Chapter 2)
Absent from this art is reference to "noble warriors" and "heroic conquerors." (Eisler, 17) There are no extravagant burials for the rulers.
Nor are there scenes representing weaponry and warfare. Similarly, the town plan indicates an absence of military fortifications. As Eisler observes, in Catal Huyuk and Old Europe, "neither the Goddess nor her son-consort carry the emblems we have learned to associate with might -- spears, swords, or thunderbolts, the symbols of an earthly sovereign and/or deity who exacts obedience by killing and maiming." (Eisler, 18) She continues, "The primary purpose of art and of life was not to conquer, pillage, and loot but to cultivate the earth and provide the material and spiritual wherewithal for a satisfying life." (Eisler, 18)
We can infer from this art that these were peaceful societies with little inclination for or value placed on domination of any sort. Men and women each played important roles in these cultures.
Women had power in these societies as a result of their association with nature and the Goddess.
This power, however, did not translate into a subservience/dominance dynamic. As Eisler concludes: "[T]hat women played a central and
vigorous role in prehistoric religion and life, does not have to mean that men were perceived and treated as subservient. ... It seems to have been a power that was more equated with responsibility and love than with oppression, privilege and fear." (Eis ler, 28)
71


Clay statuette of goddess. Reprinted fros Rellaart 1367, 132.
72


MINOAN CRETE
Cretean civilization begins about 6000 B.C., with the arrival of immigrants from Anatolia. These first settlers brought with them an agrarian society, founded on the worship of the Goddess. Discussion and analysis of Cretean history generally focuses on two periods: Minoan and Mycenaean. Minoan Crete, named after the legendary King Minos, begins roughly in 2600 B.C. and continues through 1400 B.C., when the island came under Achaean rule. The invasion by these outsiders brought the transition from Minoan to Mycenaean Crete, and the end to the worship of the Goddess. Following this transition through art and architecture is enlightening.
The art and architecture of Crete were even more prolific than in the Neolithic societies. Crete was more civilized and highly developed, yet the underlying social structure remained based on the equality of men and women. The expression of this social fabric is readily apparent in the archaeological findings of this society.
Minoan Crete is recognized as a highly developed society. Nicolas Platon, who has worked as an archaeologist in Crete for over 50 years, comments: "amazing discoveries were made: vast multi-storied palaces, villas, farmsteads, districts of populous and wel1-organized cities, harbor installations, networks of roads crossing the island from end to end, organized places of worship and planned burial grounds." (Platon, 16, 25)
Many scholars argue that the city-state by definition requires warfare, hierarchy, and the subjugation of women. This assertion is simply not found to be true in Crete, where, for over four thousand years, men and women co-existed as equals. (Eisler, 38) In Minoan Crete, "the whole of life was pervaded by an ardent faith in the Goddess
73


74


Nature, the source of all creation and harmony. In Crete, for the last time in recorded history, a spirit of harmony between women and men as joyful and equal participants in life appears to pervade. It is this spirit that seems to shine through Crete's artistic tradition." (Eisler, 32)
Minoan Crete was remarkably urbanized. The main town of Knossos may have had as many as a hundred thousand inhabitants. This inland community was connected to the south coastal ports by a paved highway, the first of its kind in Europe. This large-scale transportation system was supported by a network of roads within the major towns. The layout of these roads indicates an understanding of relatively sophisticated engineering and drainage principles. Additionally, there is evidence of sanitary installations, water pipes, fountains, reservoirs, and large-scale irrigation systems. (Hawkes, 60; Platon, 147, 163)
All accounts of Cretan architecture emphasize its aesthetic quality. "The Minoans were very close to nature, and their architectiire was designed to let them enjoy it as freely as possible," writes Platon. (Platon, 181) Minoan architecture is noted for its sense of life and movement, created through the use of light and shade, and enclosure and openess. At all levels, consideration was given to privacy, natural light, domestic convenience, and attention to detail and beauty. (Eisler, 34)
In his book, The Earth, the Temple, and the Gods. Vincent Scully observes a sense of "reciprocity between architecture and nature." (Scully, 7) The use of architectural forms that are open, hollow, and non-monumental are compatible with and derived from the sculptural forms of nature. (Scully, 7)
The built responds to the form and rhythm of the land and together the two create a whole. (Scully,
ID
75


As Scully notes: "Each palace makes use, so far as possible, of the same landscape elements. These are as follows: first an enclosed valley of varying size in which the palace is set; second, a gently mounded or conical hill on axis with the palace to north or south; and lastly a higher, double-peaked or cleft mountain." (Scully, 11) These landscape elements correspond to religious and artistic symbols.
As Scully adds: "All the landscape elements listed
above . . . [form] the basic architecture of the
palace complex. They define its space and focus it. Within that space the constructed elements take their form and create four complimentary types of enclosure. These are: the labyrinthine
passage, the open court, the columned pavilion, and the pillared cave." (Scully, 11)
There is an interplay of female and male imagery. The columns and pillars are suggestive of the male; the caves and labyrinths are representative of the female. The form of the labyrinth "symbolizes initiation and birth, death, and rebirth - the return to the center, or womb. The true labyrinth [is] also related to the double axe or labrys of the Great Goddess." (Lippard 1983, 146) The use
of caves is also suggestive of womb imagery. Findings suggest that these caves were sanctuaries of sorts associated with fertility and protection. (Hawk.es, 134)
Gardens were an integral component of the architecture. The prominence of the gardens further reflected the Minoans' love for nature. As Platon observes, "Gardens were laid out around houses and especially palaces, and even sometimes inside them; flowers in a host of decorated vases expressed the Minoan awareness of the presence of nature. Special walks, porticos, retreats, terraces . . . were designed for convenience and
relaxation." (Platon, 181)
77


Double axa on a hidflie ftinoan III vase froa Knossos. Reprinted froa Siabutas 13/4, plate 152.
78


This same aesthetic sensibility and respect for nature is found in Cretan art. Minoan art was rooted in sexual imagery that freely expressed the equality between men and women. The art "demonstrates a frank appreciation of sexual differences and the pleasure made possible by these differences." (Eisler, 39)
Respect for the female was portrayed in female imagery similar to that of Neolithic societies.
The most frequent symbol was the double axe, which represented the "bounteous fruitfulness of the earth." Eisler adds, "[S]haped like the hoe, axes were used to clear land for the planting of crops, it was also a stylization of the butterfly, one of the Goddess' symbols of transformation and rebirth." (Eisler, 36) (It is easy to see how this form evolved into the Christian cross.)
Masculine imagery was more phallic in nature. Symbols associated with the male were the freestanding columns and pillars, the mountain peaks, and the stalagmites in the cave sanctuaries.
The significance of this artistic tradition is more fully defined through a comparison of Minoan Crete with other societies of that time, including Egypt and Babylon. Minoan cuture was a goddess society; in these other cultures, the Goddess had been displaced and men were becoming the dominant force in society. Repeatedly in the art of the Egyptians, Sumerians, and Babylonians, we find "the magnification of the divinely powerful man and the expression of this in grandiose architectural and artistic forms." (Hawkes, 73) The kings and Pharaohs of these cultures are portrayed as huge, impersonal, majestic human beings dwarfing anyone beside them. This magnification was also represented in massive ziggurats and pyramids.
These buildings and statues were monuments to the rulers of the times, erected to immortalize their power. (Hawkes, 74)
79


Clay statuette of goddess. Reprinted from tlellaart 1967, 162.
80


In contrast, Hawkes writes, "[T]he Cretans had absolutely no counterpart to these grandiose images of the royal and the divine or of the monumental temples that went with them." (Hawkes, 74) Platon reaches a similar conclusion, pointing out that "even among the ruling classes personal ambition seems to have been unknown; nowhere do we find the name of an author attached to a work of art nor a record of the deeds of a ruler." (Platon, 148)
An evaluation of these cultures' art provides further support to the different means of expression. The art of Egypt and Mesopotamia focused on the activities presumed to be most appropriate for kings: warfare and hunting. There are unlimited images of prisoners begging for mercy, of battle scenes and the resultant death to the enemy. These images are accompanied by scenes of the royal hunt, where the king stands victorious over the slain animal. (Hawkes, 75)
Hawkes reflects, "It would seem ... it was almost inevitable that the kings would show their godlike power in triumph over foreign enemies, and their godlike strength in killing wild beasts. Yet in Crete . . . there was hardly a trace of these
manifestations of masculine pride and unthinking cruelty. There are no great statues or reliefs of those who sat on the thrones of Knossos or of any of the palaces. Indeed so far as can be seen, there are no royal portrayals of any kind until the latest phase -- and then the sole possible exception, the painted relief sometimes identified as the Young Prince, shows a long-haired youth, unarmed, naked to the waist, crowned with peacock plumes and walking among flowers and butterflies. Nor are there in Minoan Crete any grandiose scenes of battle or of hunting." (Hawkes, 75)
Minoan society and art were dedicated to peaceful life. As Platon observes, "the fear of death was almost obliterated by the ubiquitous joy of living." (Platon, 148) There are no lavish
81


memorials to the dead, even among the ruling classes. There is an apparent lack of martial spirit in contrast to other cultures in the Bronze Age. The Cretans had weapons, but the protective shield is the only military item that is represented in their art. (Hawkes, 142, 153)
Minoan Crete was not a utopia. It was a society that had problems and imperfections. There is evidence that Crete had a centralized government that was administered from several palaces. This centralization, however, did not result in autocratic rule. (Eisler, 33) There are some indications of social stratification. In contrast to other ancient high civilizations, however, there appears to be a rather equitable sharing of wealth. "The standard of living — even of peasants --seems to have been high," reports Platon. "None of the homes found so far have suggested very poor living conditions." (Platon, 178)
Additionally, there is no sense that this power was achieved through exploitation and brutalization, both of which were common in other civilizations of the time. Power does not appear to be associated with dominance, destruction, and oppression. As Eisler comments, "Crete provides us with some fascinating clues on the origins of much that we value in Western civilization." (Eisler, 43) In this society, however, the underlying democratic traditions are based on the equality of the sexes and the equal recognition of the masculine and feminine. Male dominance was not the norm.
In Catal Huyuk, Old Europe, and Minoan Crete, the social organizations were basically cooperative, with both men and women working together as equals for the common good. "Greater male physical strength was here not the basis for social oppression, organized warfare, or the concentration of private property in the hands of the strongest men. Neither did it provide the basis for supremacy of males over females or of 'masculine'
83


Bull leaper or acrobat. Ivory. Froa the palace of Knosaos, 1550-1500 B.C. Reprinted fro» Haukea 1368, 107.
84


over 'feminine' values." (Eisler, 43) There was an emphasis on life, and the creation and preservation of that life. This underlying attitude was expressed through both the art and architecture of these societies.
As these societies were invaded, their prevailing values were lost. In their place, a social system was imposed that rewarded male dominance, violence, hierarchy, and authoritarian rule. Technology became concentrated on the development of weaponry and military fortifications. There was higher value placed "on the power that takes, rather than gives life." (Eisler, 48)
Evidence of these changes are dramatic in Crete. Archaeologists note that the "Cretan art becomes less spontaneous and free." (Eisler, 58) Images of death and martial spirit, that were before almost non-existent, now prevailed. By 1100 B.C., all signs of Minoan Crete were destroyed. With that destruction, lost too was the emphasis on peace, creativity, and the life-sustaining powers of the Goddess. (Eisler, 56)
These societies were reduced to mere myths and legends. Accounts of Greek myths are strikingly similar to life in Minoan Crete in the sixteenth century B.C. Some Biblical scholars similarly believe now that the Old Testament story of the Garden of Eden is based on memories of Neolithic societies.
In this "new world," "the old love for life and nature and the old ways of sharing rather than taking away, of caring rather than oppressing, and the view of power as responsibility rather than domination did not die out. But, like women and qualities associated with femininity, they were relegated to a secondary place." (Eisler, 104) Women's presence in the public sphere disappears. The act of giving birth is no longer celebrated in art; it takes on a sense of being tainted and
85


Dancers and lyre-player. Palailastro, Eastern Crete. Reprinted fron Platon l%6, Plate 113.
86


unclean.
Recounting this history of the subjugation of women and the feminine will be left to the already existing body of literature. What is important to note, however, is that "male dominance and authoritarianism are not inevitable, external givens." As Eisler argues: "Rather than being just a 'utopian dream,' a more peaceful and equalitarian world is a real possibility for our future." (Eisler, 73} Minoan Crete, Catal Huyuk, and Old Europe provide examples of such societies. To restore this lost world, the balance between men and women, and masculine and feminine, needs to be re-established in all parts of our society, including our art and architecture.
87


CHAPTER 6_________
THE FEMININE IN ART
Many individuals have immersed themselves in the study of feminism and its relationship to the arts. Their involvement stems from the conviction that the arts, in all forms, are a means of expressing and communicating fundamental individual and societal attitudes. Our perception of the relationship between men and women and the masculine and the feminine is translated into our art. As the understanding of those relationships changes, so to will our art.
The dialogue between feminisim and the arts is still evolving, but architects and landscape architects can learn from this exploration. The design fields need to be integrally involved in this investigation because they translate societal attitudes into physical form. In contrast to other disciplines of art, however, the design professions have been slow, even reluctant, to engage in the discussion of feminism and its implications.
WOMAN'S ART
Feminism has influenced the arts in several respects. At one level, effort has focused on the documentation of women artists to both recognize and learn from their contributions. As a result of this work, there is an ever-growing written history of women artists. Additionally, women's presence in and access to the arts is continually improving.
Of more immediate importance to designers is the focus on developing a greater understanding of the feminine in art. Artists, who are sympathetic with


Barbra Hepworth, "Nesting Stones" (1937). Serravezza Barbie, length 12". Reprinted fron Chicago 1975.
90


feminist theory, question the traditional portrayal of women in art. They argue that art has focused on the depiciton of women as vulnerable and subservient objects. They believe that "women are depicted in a quite different way from men . . .
because the ideal spectator is always assumed to be male and the image of the woman is designed to flatter him." (Berger, 69) They point quickly to the images of women as sex objects in the media and advertisements. They also refer to the lack of imagery associated with experiences that are fundamental to women such as birth.
The critique of traditional values leads to consideration of how art might change as women and the feminine become more highly respected. As attention is directed toward women and art, the question invariably arises: Is there an art unique
to women? Responses to this question have been highly emotional.
At one extreme is the argument that there are no differences between men and women. Proponents of this position believe that art is genderless and that any special consideration of women as artists merely perpetuates the distinction between men and women, leading to derogatory connotations of the word "feminine." As one writer notes, "It has been argued that by emphasizing our femaleness, women are just playing into the hands of the men who have stereotyped and downgraded us for ages." (Lippard 1976, 145)
From this viewpoint, the response to the question of whether or not there is an art unique to women would be a wholehearted "No." It is presumed that women, like men, find their place within the cultural mainstream and create accordingly. Any sense of woman's art should be aimed at raising consciousness and furthering the equality between men and women. This argument, though well developed in many respects, is short-sighted in others. Denial of differences between men and
91


Louise Bourgeois, "CubuI I* (1%8).
White Barbie, 20" x 50“ x 48". Reprinted froi Chicago 1875.
92


women is unrealistic. We will never be able to sort out fully the sex/gender debate and determine whether the relationship between sex and gender is the product of socialization or biology. To deny that biology has a role in behavioral development, however, is naive.
At the other extreme relationship between advocates argue that deny a large part of (Lippard 1976, 148)
is the belief that there is a gender and art. These "to deny one's sex is to where art comes from."
They believe that "there are aspects of art by women which are inaccessible to men, and that these aspects arise from the fact that a woman's political, biological, and social experience in this society is different from that of a man." (Lippard 1976, 143) This heritage,
they argue, has contributed to the development of a feminine sensibility which is manifested in both the style and theme of women's art. Lucy Lippard, the noted art critic, and many others base their conclusions on a review of women's art and on observations from the study of children's art.
Lippard herself notes the shortcoming of this argument, as she adds, "It would be ridiculous to assert that the characteristics of the female sensibility which arise from this situation are not shared to some degree by some male artists, and denied by numerous women artists." (Lippard 1976, 143) Artists work from many sources. To expect that all work by all women will express this feminine sensibility is simplistic.
Additionally, all individuals -have a masculine and feminine si ability to express feminine sens a sense of exclusivity. The end art for and by women. The end i for men and women, integration o feminine, and the equal expressi
men and women -de. To deny men's ibilities leads to is not a separate s equal opportunity f the masculine and on of both.
Nevertheless, Lippard's observations are of value.
93


LCUI Ec Bourgeois, "Fehae COlitedU"
(1969/70). Polished aar&le. 26" long. Reprinted troa Lipperd 1976, 247.


Though we can never define something as elusive as the feminine in art, if we do not attempt to define, it we risk losing it forever. As one writer states: "There cannot be any certainty about what is feminine in art . . . but we have to go on
looking . . . for it." (Ecker, 21) Lippard
appropriately concludes: "As a result of the
feminist movement, everything is open now. If we as women do not return to the sources of our art and our experiences before we attempt to transcend them in a newly humanized form, the results will be far less fertile." (Lippard 1976, 51)
In a review of women's art, Lippard and others point to the following stylistic characteristics: "earthiness, organic images, curved lines, a centralized focus, a uniform density, an overall texture, often sensuously tactile, and often repetitive [in line and detail] to the point of obsession." (Majewski, 199)
In a further attempt to define the feminine,
Lippard observes certain thematic concerns: "Traditionally, inside represents female; outside, male. We have broadly accepted the male concern with monument and facade; the female concern with function and environment; the male concern with permanence and structural imposition, the female concern with adaptability and psychological needs; the male concern with public image, the female resistance to specialization; the male concern with abstract theory, the female concern with biography and autobiography." (Lippard 1976, 74)
Similarly, in her book Originals: American Women tists, Eleanor Munro finds recurring themes among the women she interviewed. She concludes: "Relatedness, connection, continuity: these are the words I heard the women of all ages use. If there is a 'woman's art', perhaps it is here." (Munro, 58) Additionally, Munro finds an emphasis on the life process and a deeply ingrained sense of a connection with nature. Almost every artist she
95


Athena Tacha, Details of Charles River Step — Sculpture 1 (1374). Reprinted fros Lippard 1976, 146.
Alice Adass, Large Vault. Wood 15* x 15’ x S’S". Photo Bill Gordy. Reprinted frosi Lippard 1976, 46.
96


spoke with referred to an association between their work and the "rhythm of nature", or words to that effect. (Munro, 472)
The research in childern's art reveals parallel observations. The tendency is that "lines drawn by girls were . . . more circular, that is, more
flowing, organic, and curvilinear than lines drawn by boys. The boys' lines were straighter, more angular and geometric." (Feinburg, 186)
Moreover, the content of the girls' work tends to emphasize interpersonal relationships through landscapes, domestic scenes, design, and drawings of people and animals. Their drawings are apt to be associated with beauty, mirturance, and tranquility. On the other hand, boys generally focus more on objects and devices, and themes that are heroic. The prevailing imagery is of monsters and dragons, and situations of combat focusing on issues of good guy/bad guy and winning and losing. (Feinburg, 185-196)
These observations are intriguing and parallel many of the conclusions from previous chapters. The emphasis on circular, organic imagery may be a manifestation of women's biological cycles which are in turn a reflection of the cycles in nature.
Furthermore, as discussed in the preceding chapters, the feminine has traditionally been associated with relatedness, connection, and the creation and preservation of life. The feminist vision for a "new world" is founded on these principles. A review of the sub-culture of women, particularly through the research of Carol Gilligan, reveals the repeated presence and emphasis on these qualities as well as a bias toward contextual orientation. The goddess societies, which were based on the equal recognition of the feminine and the masculine, where heavily influenced by these attributes. Not surprisingly, these recurring themes are often
97


flify Beth EdelsOrt, Pros ‘Great Goddess" series (1974). Paint on plywood. 48“ x %*. Reprinted fros Lippard 1376r 21.
98


observed in women's art.
With this frame of reference, it is instructive to consider the work of women artists to explore more fully the feminine in art. This review will focus on Judy Chicago, who is dedicated to the exploration of art for women; and Georgia O'Keeffe, who is admired as a pioneer for her portrayal of the feminine. Additionally, this investigation will consider women environmental artists as a group; their work expresses the feminine in physical form and attempts to bring art back into the context of our everyday lives.
ART FOR WOMAN - JUDY CHICAGO
Judy Chicago is an artist who is particularly interested in exploring the relationship between being a woman and creative expression. A discussion of her thoughts and work is instructive because of her commitment to improving the environment for women artists as a who1e. Both her personal story and the story of her involvement with other women are enlightening.
In her autobiography, Through the Flower, Chicago recounts her development and growth as a person and an artist. Born in 1939, Chicago grew up and began her career when women were still not that visible in the professional world. As was often the case for women at that time, Chicago's professors were all male, and she consciously avoided female instructors because of their presumed inferiority. At that time, Chicago was not working within the context of the feminist movement, nor was she educated in women's studies.
Her art, even in its initial stages, was filled with female sexual imagery, but there was no audience to understand or support exploration of this imagery. Chicago began to feel that she was operating in a vacuum. Reaction from professors to her work was discouraging, non-supportive, and
99


Judy Chicago, “Let It All Hang Cut-(iiij). Acrylic on canvas, 80J x 80u. Reprinted froiu Chicago 1 'i 7 5.
100


even hostile. Chicago recalls, "I was putting something into my work that wasn't supposed to be there." (Chicago 1975, 34) Lacking refined technical abilities, her work emphasized content more than craftsmanship; this made her imagery more uncomfortable and aggressive.
In order to conform and be accepted, she began to abstract her art and hide the subject matter. She writes, "I had begun to compensate for my situation as a woman by trying to continually prove that I was as tough as a man, and I had begun to change my work so that it would be accepted by men."
(Chicago 1975, 34)
Tne frustrations that she was experiencing at that time were expressed in her sculptures. She classifies this work in two categories: "small and rearrangeable which made the viewer huge in relation to them, or large, simple pieces that one walked through and was dwarfed by." She continues: "The duality [of this work] paralleled my own experience: in my studio, I was large and able to
manipulate my own circumstances, in the world, I was small and could get lost in values and attitudes that were hostile and foreign to me." (Chicago 1975, 43)
Working primarily on her own, Chicago began to feel increasingly alienated by the traditional, male-dominated art world. This led to a growing need and desire to find a supportive environment for her work. This desire is common to many women artists
of their development.
and an important part Creation of a context the identification of models. This process
for Chicago's art involved personally inspiring role of discovery was validating,
and helped mitigate the feelings of isolation.
To develop this context, Chicago read and looked at everything she could with respect to the work of other women artists. Initially, she concentrated on the lives and works of Barbra Hepworth, Georgia
101


Lloyd Haaroi, “Birth Trilogy.” Photo reprinted frost Chicago 1375.
102


O'Keeffe, and Lee Bontecou. As Chicago notes, these women were different in many regards, but "they all seemed to have made a considerable amount of work that was constructed around a center, as I had done. There also seemed to be an implied relationship between their own bodies and the centered image." (Chicago 1975, 142)
As she expanded her st\idy to include other women artists, she found that it was "clear that most female creators had not had a mode of expression that was essentially different from men's. Rather, they, as I, had embedded a different content, in the prevailing aesthetic mode of their time, and in so doing had rendered their point of view invisible to mainstream culture. Only in the twentieth century was there any attempt to express the idea that the form of art itself would have to be different if it was to communicate a female point of view." (Chicago 1975, 175)
Through this review, she also observed that women artists "did not emerge singly." (Chicago 1975,
164) Their activity occurred "either during or after a period of active feminist struggle, or if spirited political battles were not actually taking place, they generally had the support of a small group of women or were sustained by the companionship of one woman." (Chicago 1975, 164)
During this study, Chicago became convinced that she wanted and needed to work with other women. She believed that a supportive and understanding community would allow her to explore new ideas and share her struggles. She realized "that if the art community as it existed could not provide [her] with what [she] needed then [she] would have to commit [herself] to developing an alternative and... the meaning ot the women's movement was that there was, probably for the first time in history, a chance to do just that." (Chicago 1975, 66)
Her association with other women artists eventually
103


Judy Chicago, ‘Virginia Woolf" Plata, tv os "Ilia Dinnar Party" <1374-79). China
paint on whit c Ccf'aiaiC, 14“d. X b- . Photo Hary McNally. Raprintad fros Chicago 1975.
Judy Chicago, “Tha Dinnar Party," installation via* (1974-79). flultisadia. 43’ x 43’ x 43’. Photo Michael Alaxandar. Raprintad fros Chicago 1975.
104


led to teaching. As a professor, Chicago was committed to the development of a feminine artistic tradition. While engaged in teaching, Chicago continually asked, "Do women have different needs than men because they have been housekeeping, raising children, quilting, sewing, cooking, weaving, nuturing, pleasing men, and remaining in the background, while men ran the world?"
(Chicago 1975, 103)
In her work with women, Chicago has participated in numerous large group projects that have lasted several years. Working with a community of women has been integral to both the process of creating that art and the finished product. Her involvement has been aimed at elevating the traditionally defined decorative or minor arts. In two of her better known projects, The Dinner Party and The Birth Project, Chicago used the medium of china and needlework. Initially, working with these materials was difficult. Schooling had emphasized the pre-eminence of painting and the fine arts and the secondary role of the decorative arts.
Shedding this bias was a difficult challenge and required a process of re-education.
The Dinner Party is a historical tribute to thirty-nine women who have challenged traditional patriarchal values and in so doing have become sources of inspiration and leadership for other women. Another nine hundred and ninety-nine women are also recognized for their contributions to society and for the support that they gave to other women. The project takes the form of dinner plates arranged on a triangular table.
The Birth Project, which Chicago began in 1980, celebrates the creation of life by reintroducing birth imagery to our art. This imagery has been largely non-existent in Western art since the time of the goddess cultures. As Chicago notes,
"Despite the fact that birth is a universal life experience and central to most women's lives, it is
105


Photo. In the China — Painting Studio. Reprinted froa Chicago 1379, 227.
106


rarely depicted or described. This forces every woman to experience privately and usually abjectly what should be a triumphant confrontation with the life process itself." (Chicago 1975, 218)
The themes of relatedness, connection, and continuity permeate this work. The expression of these ideas generally takes the form of female sexual imagery. For inspiration, Chicago uses imagery from the goddess societies. Recurring images include female figurines, butterflies, and vaginal iconography. Additionaly, she relies on her vast knowledge of imagery developed and used by other women artists.
Chicago has produced an ever-growing body of art. Reaction to her art is mixed. Her use of female sexual imagery can be objectionable because the theme is foreign and her renderings are overt, coarse, and aggressive. Chicago is undoubtedly a feminist and uses her art as a political statement. Her art expresses anger that women and women1s needs and values have not been respected.
Chicago can be criticized for separating herself too much from the mainstream and promoting an exclusive art. She is often viewed as a militant man-hater. Nevertheless, she is dedicated to the recognition of women and the feminine. She has alienated some of her audience by being so aggressive, but that same aggressiveness is one of her greatest attributes as she pushes the limits of art.
Chicago certainly challenges traditional aesthetic values. For many women artists, this aggressive use of sexual imagery is merely a stepping stone that allows them to develop and express their feminine sensibilities; the sensibility remains but they move on to explore other expressions of the feminine. For Chicago, however, this overt use of female sexual imagery continues to be inspiring both as a political statement and as a personal
107


Georgia O'Keeffe. Reprinted fro* ftunro 1373, 75.
108


exploration.
THE PIONEER - GEORGIA O'KEEFFE
Georgia O'Keeffe was born in Sun Prairie, Wisconsin in 1887 and died at her home, Ghost Ranch, in Abiquiu, New Mexico in 1986. She is one of the few women along with Mary Cassatt to be included in art history books. So much can and has been written of O'Keeffe, as writers attempt to capture and define her spirit. That allure has been magnified with the ongoing retrospective of her work. Magazines from Newsweek to Eastern Airline Review to art journals of all types contribute to the frenzy. O'Keeffe has touched us in a way that few artists do, and one cannot help but ask "Why"?
O'Keeffe "has become almost a cult figure, especially for feminist artists, despite the fact that she is adamantly uninterested in making connections between her art and her female experience." (Munro, 50) As many writers and O'Keeffe herself have noted, "People are always projecting their own thoughts into her words and works. For this she has scoffed at them and drawn barriers tighter around herself. . . [but it is
also] a measure of the artist's power and validity for our time that through so many changes of style and ideology she has lent herself to this kind of evolving interpretation." (Munro, 50)
To understand O'Keeffe, it is important to understand her motivations. Working with and learning from other artists, including her husband Alfred Stieglitz, allowed O'Keeffe to develop as an artist both technically and creatively. She worried, however, about merely doing the same kind of painting as other artists. For O'Keeffe, her art had to express her individuality; to mimic others' styles would have been futile. One of her oft-quoted remarks is: "I decided I was a very
stupid fool not to at least paint as I wanted to and say what I wanted to when I painted, as that
109


lieufQld O’Keeffe, "Train lli
(131b). Charcoal on paper, Reprinted frofci Cowart 138nf
the Deleft"
plat
110


seemed to be the only thing I could do that didn't concern anybody else." (Munro, 84)
To explore her own identity, O'Keeffe isolated herself from society. When she was twenty-eignt, she moved to a desolate town in Texas determined to discover and paint her own art. To begin this quest, she decided to start over. She put aside color, working only in black-and-white. As she became increasingly confident of both her technique and ner expression, she began to use color but now with a new understanding and emotional spirit. Her first works were rather simplistic watercolor renderings of the Texas landscape, and a warmly colored series of nude women figures. (Interestingly, these are the only figure drawings that she is known to have made.) From these early works, O'Keeffe moved on to the use of pastels and oils for the renderings of her legendary flowers.
Except for a relatively brief time in New York City and occassional summers at Lake George, O'Keeffe lived the rest of her life alone in isolated areas of the country. This isolation allowed her to continue to develop her own style and expression. For O'Keeffe these empty, isolated landscapes were seductive. As Munro writes: "[T]he thing about
emptiness is that one can fill it: an empty landscape, an empty paper. One can make one's own mark. And in a wide, flat, empty landscape, one is centered wherever one is." (Munro, 78)
Furthermore, O'Keeffe had lived most of her life in windblown, empty landscapes. She had grown up on the prairies and wheat country of southern Wisconsin, and spent several years in the dusty brown plains of Texas. Her decision ultimately to settle on the deserts of New Mexico was not suprising.
These landscapes inspired O'Keeffe's work, arousing feelings in her that kept "luring her back to try to capture it in paint." (Munro, 78) Her sense of
111


“6ftost Ranch“ (1348). Photo by Halsaan. Reprinted fro# Castro 1335, 111.
Alfred Stieglitz, ‘O'Keeffe's Hands with Skull* (1330). Reprinted froa Cowart 1387.
112


attachment to the land intensified over time.
She once said of that attachment: "Sometimes I
think I'm half mad with love for this place...My center does not come from my mind - it feels in me like a plot of warm moist well-filled earth with the sun shining on it." (Lippard 1983, 50)
The impact of the lanscape on O'Keeffe's art is readily apparent. Adjectives used to describe her art include: "vast, lucid, spartan, epic, austere, healthy, clean-cut, unsentimental, pristine." (Harris, 304) These same adjectives describe the landscapes in which she lived.
O'Keeffe surrounded herself with the natural, both in the landscapes where she lived and in the contents of her house. She collected small reminders of the world she loved. In recounting a tour of O'Keeffe's house, Munro writes: "She took
me around her house, beginning with the famous rocks. They lay on the windowsill next to some plants in pots . . . Then there was a cattle horn
and a Mexican jar, and outside a window a table with yet more rocks. Those hard, natural shapes are her treasures. So is a tiny fireplace for pinon wood . . . and an aged tamarisk tree outside
a window." (Munro, 77)
O'Keeffe was fascinated with "process-in nature". Her paintings tried to capture the two elements that she observed in the natural world: the steady permanence of the earth and sky; and the constant change in the land, light, and wind. (Munro, 78) O'Keeffe believed in an inextricable relationship between the human mind and the natural world. She believed that "nature presents the mind with a number of symbolic expressions of an inner reality; that these various forms are related to one another; and that between them all ... a clear correspondence exists." (Munro, 490)
Her paintings are an exploration into and representation of the relationship between her own
113


Georgia O'Keeffe, “Single Lily with Red" 11023'. Oil on canvas. 12" by 6-1/4". Reprinted fros ttunro 1373, 83.
114


nature, and the physical environment itself. As Munro writes: "Her paintings of the relics of natural evolution (rocks, cliffs, skull), her Western landscapes with their clefts and mounds, their Black Places and flesh-brown hills, their mountains we instinctively call 'ribbed' are our icons of the mystery of how, from its origins, human life has been integrated into the natural world." (Munro, 76)
These feelings are translated into an explosion of color. The richness of her paintings creates an illusion of being able to touch and feel the images. Her paintings represent an eternal celebration of everyday life; it was unimportant whether that manifestation was realistic or abstract. She often painted out of context with one shape set inside another and with an intruiging mixture of scales. The intent and the result were to communicate the wonder with which she saw the world and to magnify the everyday so that others would notice.
Flowers were a recurring image in her work. She loved the image of the flower as something fresh and fragile amid the hectic pace of our lives. (Castro, 56) She once wrote: "Do you feel like
flowers sometimes?" (Castro,12) Through the image of the flower, she emphasized that "there was always another level or recess of nature to explore." (Munro, 80)
She was also fascinated with skulls and bones.
These images have been associated with symbols of death and transfiguration. Her pelvic series express "tensions between part and whole, centrality and asymmetry, convexity and concavity, largeness and smallness, nearness and farness." (Harris, 306) The way in which she uses the bones and their holes to view space "sets up a network of rich correspondences between the optical, the biological, and the spiritual." (Harris, 306)
115


116


Additionally, she often painted the landscapes in which she lived, particularly the Pedernal Mesa in the desert of New Mexico. To the Navajos, this specific place symbolizes the birthplace of the Changing Woman who signifies both earth and time, an appropriate image for and interpretation of O'Keeffe's work. (Lippard 1983, 50)
O'Keeffe's work is often interpreted as being very sexual. Her paintings of flowers and undulating hills evoke erotic images of female sexuality. O'Keeffe's prevailing imagery suggests a preoccupation with shelter and its various forms: "those protecting the fetus (pelvic bones) and lower forms of life (clamshells); those offering protection from the weather (barns); and those providing sanctuary for the spirit (the Ranchos Church)...it is easy to assume that they relate to the sexual and pshychological experiences of being a woman and to womb imagery in particular."
(Harris, 304)
In reference to her work, Stieglitz similarly noted: "Woman feels the world differently than man
feels it . . . if these woman-produced things
which are distinctly feminine can live side by side with male-produced art ... we will find that the underlying aesthetic laws governing the one govern the other - the original generating feeling merely being different." (Harris, 304)
O'Keeffe denied this association, criticizing the viewers for reading too much into her work. Her resistance to this interpretation has been the focus of debate. Some argue that she never intended this association. Others argue that O'Keeffe wanted to be evaluated on the same level as male artists and feared that any reference to women or the feminine implied a lack in her art. This feeling may have grown in response to comments from critics who mistakenly wrote, "All these paintings say is 'I want to have a baby.'"
117


Georgia O'Keeffe, "Ranchos Church" (1330). Taos, Now Mexico. Oil on canvas. 24" x 36". Reprinted frou Peters 137G, 305, plate 133.
118


Full Text

PAGE 2

WHOLENESS IN DESIGN THROUGH RECOGNITION OF TIIE FEMININE LAURA F. KIRK Landscape Architecture and Urban Design Program School of Architecture and Planning University of Colorado at Denver May, 1988

PAGE 3

This thesis for the Master of Landscape Architecture Degree by Laura F. Kirk has been approved for the Department of Landscape Architecture and Urban Design School of Architecture and Planning University of Colorado. at Denver Date:

PAGE 4

TO GLADYS NICHOLSON KIRK, 1933-1983

PAGE 5

CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION THE VOCABULARY 2. 3. FEMINISM A Critique of Patriarchy Feminist Philosophies Feminism to Humanism Implications f o r Design ORIGINS OF THE FEMI INE Biological Social The Interaction THE PROFESSIO N 4. AN EVALUATION The History Exploring Alternatives THE PHILOSOPHIES AND PRODUCTS 5 . THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT THE GODDESS SOCIETIES The Neolithic Minoan Crete 11 27 41 63

PAGE 6

6. 7. 8. THE FEMININE IN ART Woman's Art Art for Women --Judy Chicago The Pioneer --Georgia O'Keeffe Art in Context --E nvironmental Artists THE FEMININE IN DESIGN Environments for Women The Residential Scale Contextual Orientation THE REMAINING DISCUSSION SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 8 7 13 7 181

PAGE 7

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION As individuals, we are the product of the union of a man and a woman. This fact suggests that within each of us there is some femaleness and some maleness. Acknowledgement and reconciliation of each of these parts provides a sense of wholeness and completeness as an individual. This idea is certainly not a new one. The Tao's ancient Chinese concept of Yin and Yang is based on a sense of balance between Yin, which represents the feminine, and Yang, the masculine. A perfect balance or wholeness is achieved when neither element is more important than the other, and when the two are working together. In Western society, this balance has generally not existed. We have divided our world into two halves, but these two parts have generally not been viewed as equal. We have tended to rank men and women, and the masculine and the feminine in a better than worse than fashion. The male has been viewed as stronger and better suited to the public, professional sphere, and the female has traditionally been viewed as and better suited to the private, domestic sphere. This attitude, while accepted by many as the norm, is alienating and unsatisfactory to many, both men and women. The stereotypical roles are too confining; they inhibit our ability to develop fully as individuals. A different approach is to recognize each of these halves as inherently good and necessary. Such an understanding implies complementary rather than

PAGE 8

competitive relationships. Our current frame of reference is fragmented and divisive. An alternative position is one that focuses on a freer and more balanced interchange between the parts -the feminine and the masculine, women and men. This concept translates into a dynamic of wholeness rather than fragmentation. Our society is at a crossroads. The lines between men and women and public and private are being challenged as more and more women enter the work force. Our society is and will continue to be transformed as a result of this phnemonen. The critical question becomes, "What do we want, and what does this imply?" The design profession is certainly impacted by this discussion. Physical design is a means of expressing ourselves as individuals and as a society. That expression is related to how we perceive ourselves, our needs, our experiences and our visions. Our current environment reflects traditional attitudes about men and women . The profession has been heavily influenced by men in every respect. There have been few women designers, and documentation of their contribution to the field is limited at best. A reasonable and important question is, "What happens to the profession and the built environment as more women enter the field?" The presumption is that there will be change in both the office environment and in design products and philosophies. This change will occur because "[i]n this society, as in most, women's experience, both social and biological, is different from men's." (Lippard 1976, 143) One conclusion, then, is that women have developed a sensibility that is related to those experiences and that sensibility is expressed in every aspect of their lives, including their art. (Lippard 1976, 48) As women become equal participants in the design profession, the feminine sensibility will be recognized in 3

PAGE 9

conjunction with the masculine. If this change does not occur, then there is not full equality and the feminine and the masculine are not in balance. This thesis explores the feminine. Considering women alone is instructive in gaining a fuller understanding of one part of the equation, a part that has not been regarded as highly as the other: the masculine. The ultimate goal, however, is the full integration of the feminine and the masculine, with women and men equally free to express their individuality. The exploration of the feminine begins with a review of feminism. This theoretical framework provides a context for evaluating the role of women in our society, challenging this role, and creating visions of alternative roles and societal structures. Though this discussion focuses on the improvement of women's lives, it also speaks to the improvement of men's lives. Feminists' efforts in this quest have generally concentrated on two areas: the discussion of equality for women; and the recognition of the feminine in society as a whole. Each will be pursued in greater detail. The discussion of feminism is integrally tied to an understanding of the origins of the feminine. Those origins are best explored through women. Women as a group are comprised of individuals who are influenced by multiple forces: environment, religion, race, and class. Irrespective of these influences, however, research finds that women generally share certain traits which are identified as feminine. These common characteristics are the result of a shared biology and history. The vocabulary of feminism and women is then applied to the design fields. This vocabulary provides a tool for evaluating current and historical trends and for speculating on future directions. The application of these understandings is organized into two parts. 5

PAGE 10

The first part focuses on the impact of women and feminism on the profession as an organization. The pertinent questions are: what was the role of women in the profession historically; what is the role of women now ; and what will be the role of women in the future? Responses to the first two questions signal a response to the third and provide a context for consideration of changes in the office structure and the profession as a whole. The second part considers the application of feminism and the influence of women on design philosophies and products. The premise is that the built environment has expressed traditional attitudes about men and women. As these definitions are modified, our built environment will reflect this change. Speculation with regard to these changes is difficult. "We cannot fully envisio n or articulate the physical form of tomorrow's a rt." (Hewett 1987, 6 ) Furthermore, the design professions have been slow to engage in the discussion of feminism and its application to built form. As such, this theorectical inquiry cannot be limited t o t h e profession itself; it must be expanded. Consideration of sources outside the profession helps formulate the appropriate questions and provides insight into and inspiration for future directions. Two such sources will be considered in this thesis. The first vehicle is a review of goddess cultures. This summ ary is valuable because men and women were equal in these cultures, and that equality was visible in the art and architecture. The imagery, forms, and focus of that art and architecture were significantly different from contemporary expressions. That difference is related to more than just primitive peoples versus modern peoples. The second vehicle consists of a review of the 7

PAGE 11

impact of feminism on the visual arts. Discussion focuses on four women artists: Judy Chicago, Georgia O'Keeffe, Nancy Holt, and Mary Miss. Each of these women in their own way has challenged traditional means of expression. The imagery and content of their work is particularly evocative. With this background, it is then important to apply these observations to the design profession. As our society becomes sensitized to women and the feminine, the built environment will change and reflect these new understandings. Reflections from women designers will assist in developing a sense of these changes. This speculation will be further enhanced through a review o f several projects by wome n . Their work considers and e valuates a number of themes: environments for women; changes at the residential scale; and the relationship betwee n built f o rm and its context. This thesis is necessarily broad. Many of the issues that are raised could be thesis subjects in and of themselves. The relationship between feminism and design is in the formative stages. F o r that relationship to develop, i t is important to begin with a strong fundamental core of understanding. Lessons from other disciplines are valuable in the formation of that core. Borrowing from what others have already learned and applied wil l hasten our ability to conceptualize the feminine and work toward a balance between the feminine and the masculine in the work environment, and in the built environment. 9

PAGE 12

THE VOCABULARY

PAGE 13

II CHAPTER 2 FEMINISIM Feminism is an "ethic, a methodology, a critical framework" that inherently implies complexity and multiple interpretations. (Cann 1987, 87) There are social feminists, cultural feminists, radical feminists, and the list goes on. An abbreviated and surely overly simplistic discussion of feminism is critical to this thesis, for it is this "theory" that provides the beginning, the inspiration, and the foundation for future discussion. A review of feminism is already the subject of many currently published books. This thesis does not attempt to duplicate that existing body of knowledge; rather, it draws from it as necessary to define and ground the ensuing argument. A CRITIQUE OF PATRIARCHY Feminism is not a new theory. Generally, we associate it with the Women's Movement of the late 1960's. In fact, however, there is a long history of feminism. That history has sometimes been lost and not widely recognized, but the origins of this theoretical core are not new. The ideas have expanded and matured, but they are often the product of earlier works, particularly of the late nineteenth century. Feminism questions the impact and appropriateness of patriarchal societies. Patriarchy is defined as a "society, community, or country based on a social organization in which the father is the supreme authority in the family, clan, or tribe

PAGE 14

and descent is reckoned in the male line." (Random House Dictionary 1971) The patriarchal system is hierarchic with ordering determined by sex. Men and women are not considered equals; rather, men are viewed as being better than and dominant over women solely as a result of their sex. This attitude affects all relationships from that between individual men and women to the interaction between men and women in society as a whole. In a patriarchal society, men and women are expected to behave in certain predictable ways. Men are valued for traits that are identified as masculine, and women for traits that are defined as feminine. Masculine traits include will, ambition, courage, independence, and assertiveness. Feminine traits include gentleness, modesty, humility, supportiveness, and empathy (Vetterling-Braggin, 7). These traits are not exclusively male or female but, rather, represent extremes or poles at opposite ends of a continuum. In a patriarchal society, too great an emphasis is placed on the extremes and not enough on the continuum. This emphasis results in a rigid division between the sexes and the related behavioral traits. This division is oppressive to both men and women but particularly to women. A patriarchal society necessarily relegates women and qualities identified with femininity to a secondary level. As one writer notes: "The most important generalization which has emerged from the anthropologists' study of men and women [in patriarchal societies] throughout the world is that although different societies have very different views about which qualities are masculine, such qualities are invariably more highly valued than those thought to be feminine." (Nicholson, 176) The public, professional world, which has been 13

PAGE 15

traditionally associated with and dominated by men, has placed greater value on the defined masculine traits. The private sphere, which is typified by the woman as wife and homemaker, has emphasized the need for the more feminine traits. " [T]he gap between male and female . . is not a universal constant . . Today the hemisphere of the public has been assigned to the male and the hemisphere of the private to the female. Each sex has become a symbol for its territory." (Chicago 1975, 130) FEMINIST PHILOSOPHIES Feminists universally envision a world that is not patriarchal, that is not based on domination and control, and where the traditionally established lines between men and women have dissolved. They are dedicated to redefining and elevating women and women's role in society. An important part of their work is breaking down the historical portrayal of women as vulnerable, subservient, hysterical, and unpredictable. Similarly, they want to end the tendency of viewing women as objects capable of being controlled. To dissolve these misconceptions, feminists believe that women need to reassert themselves and reclaim their bodies. (Cann 1987, 89) To facilitiate this end, feminists are involved in several activities: the re-evaluation of history from a feminist perspective; the exclusive consideration of women and women's issues; and the expansion of feminism beyond just women and women's issues. Some feminists are engaged in the recording of women's history, often called "herstory." These individuals are dedicated to uncovering and documenting the achievements of women. These activities are important in establishing mentors or "womentors." These role models create a frame of reference or context for other women, 15

PAGE 16

validating certain feelings and aspirations. Additionally, they provide concrete evidence that women can achieve greatness in the traditionally defined masculine sphere. At the more theorectical level, feminists debate their visions for a different and better society. Their discussions revolve around the definition of equality. At one extreme there are individuals that believe equality will not be realized as long as men are associated with the masculine and women are associated with the feminine. While at the other extreme, there are those that advocate maintaining these associations but in the context where each is viewed as equal and beneficial in contrast to a better than/worse than dynamic. Their arguments are most easily understood after reviewing their definiton of the relationship between women and nature. This discussion evolves from the traditional association between women and nature. That relationship has developed because of women's life-giving abilities. In contrast, men, with their involvement in the public, professional sphere, have been more closely aligned with culture. There is general agreement that a patriarchal society transfers its classification of women as secondary to its understanding of the relationship between culture and nature. Historically, men have been viewed as dominant over women. Similarly, culture has been viewed as dominant over nature. This attitude has resulted in the exploitation of and general disrespect for nature. The definition of women as objects has also been applied to nature. Feminists a s a whole question this reasoning, but their suggestions for change differ. One argument is best articulated by the feminist write r Sherry Ortner. She believes that, "Every culture asserts itself as not only distinct from 17

PAGE 17

but superior to nature. Every culture also sees women as being closer to nature; therefore, if the goal of culture is to subsume and transcend nature, culture must also subsume and transcend the power and place of women." (Cann 1987, 87) In Ortner's eyes, this relationship must be challenged to bring about change within the existing patriarchal order. She beleives that equality and wholeness will be achieved when women and nature are no longer associated with one another. Lucy Lippard, an established art critic, argues the other position. She ferverently believes that the connection b e tween women and nature should be preserved . She writes, "To many of us, feminism has meant the discovery of a regrettably unfamiliar pride and pleasure in being a woman . " (Lippard 1983, 42) She sees the association between women and n ature as having had a positive influence on the development of women, nuturing within them valuable sensitivities. As Lippard states: "It is not the quality of our femaleness that is inferior but the quality of a soc i e t y that has produced such a viewpoint." (Lippard 1976, 148) Though Ortner's argument is valid, it implies that culture will always dominate nature. Lippard, on the other hand, advocates an end to the domination of women and to the domination of nature. This position infers a broader definition of feminism, beyond a theory that is focused exclusively on women and women's issues. Feminism becomes a tool for evaluating all relationships, not just those between men and women; it proposes an end to domination of all types. FEMINISM TO HUMA ISM To end the dominant/subservient dynamic, the feminine must be recognized and integrated into society for the benefit of women as well as 19

PAGE 18

men. That integration will occur when societal relations are primarily based on linking the sexes rather than ranking them, when society incorporates a female/male partnership rather than one sex dominating the other. (Eisler, Introduction) As one writer states: "In the partnership model --beginning with the most fundamental difference in our species, between male and female --diversity is not equated with either inferiority or superiority." (Eisler, XVIII) This vision does not presume a matriarchy instead of a patriarchy; a matriarchal society is defined by a similar system of ranking, but with women rather than men as supreme. Rather, this vision offers something new, something different, something that resembles certain ancient cultures in which men and women coexisted as equals. As products of Western thought, we tend to think in binary terms --an either/or relationship; patriarchy or matriarchy. The vision offered here goes beyond the bounds of binary logic. Such a world is difficult to imagine. The implications for societal reordering are significant, and the fear of the unknown is overwhelming. Consistent with many of the new revelations in physics as well as other fields, there is a growing body of knowledge that looks to a more holistic world where we as humans see ourselves as interrelated and interdependent on each other and nature. There is an emphasis on integration and wholeness rather than fragmentation and separation. The masculine and feminine would exist in tandem. The yang would no longer dominate the yin. There would be a focus on life and the creation, production, and preservation of that life. In this light, "feminism [can] be seen not merely as a prescription for granting rights to women but as a far broader vision." (Donovan, 171) Though 21

PAGE 19

focused on the oppression of women and relief for that condition, feminism objects to all forms of oppression, including racism, class exploitation, and domination of nature. Feminist theory can then be viewed as something more than an "elite" doctrine appealing only to white upper/middle class women. Feminism becomes humanism and a fight for a world that is better for all, men and women. It calls for a restructuring of society, not only for women but for humanity at large. As Ynestra King writes, "The implications of feminism extend to issues of the meaning, purpose, and survival of life it is about connectedness and wholeness." (King, 119) Feminism becomes a value system. How do we work toward this wholeness? One tactic is to work within the mainstream, gradually challenging and changing traditionally held beliefs. The danger of doing so is that change may never be achieved and the end result may instead be assimilation. In response to this fear, many feminists advocate working outside the mainstream. As a result, many separate feminist communities have been formed. This direction is valuable in that it enables people to explore an alternative way of life and, specific to this discussion, alternative attitudes about art. The threat is that these communities remain too separate; in this scenario, the mainstream is again unaffected. Both avenues have merit and need to be pursued based on individual predilections. Whatever route is chosen, however, it is imperative that one not lose sight of the end: wholeness. IMPLICATIONS FOR DESIGN Feminism is applicable to the design field in several respects. On one level, feminism provides a framework for evaluating the profession as an organization, for questioning the relationship between different design disciplines, and for 23

PAGE 20

suggesting changes. On another level, feminism is a tool for evaluating and designing the built environment. From the feminist perspectvie, consideration needs to be focused on whether or not the built environment satisfies the everyday functional needs of women and on how these needs might be better served. More importantly, though, the built environment is a reflection of our attitudes about men and women, culture and nature, and public and private. Feminism questions the traditional interpretation of men over women, culture over nature, and the rigid separation between public and private. Designers deal with each of these issues and translate their interpretations into physical form. As designers become sensitized to feminism, their designs will reflect that understanding. There will be greater emphasis on wholeness and recognition of dualities as equally good and necessary. In that quest, it is helpful to consider the feminine, for it is this part of the equation that has been neglected in design as well as in society as a whole. 25

PAGE 21

CHAPTER 3 ORIGINS OF THE FEMININE Research on the biology and psychology of women reveals remarkable similarities, despite the diversity of the individuals. Though not developed as a separate culture in and of itself, there is much that women share. In a sense, women comprise a sub-or partial culture. There is certainly overlap with the culture as a whole, but t here are distinctive ingredients of this sub-culture. ( Lenz and Myerhoff, 7) This dicussion of women is valuable to the design fields. Women are part of our professional force and comprise half of our user population. Women1s needs are changing rapidly as they attempt to balance private and professional lives. Their responsibility for decisions outside the hom e is also growing. We, as designers, must understand women and these trends if we are to design environments that satisfy both men and women and reflect the masculine and the feminine. In considering a discussion of biology and psychology, a distinction is made between sex and gender. Our sex relates to being a man or a woman in biological terms. This is distinguished from our gender which relates to psychological traits or feminine/masculine behavior. There is great debate about the origins of gender, but there is suprising consistency in the definition of feminine amd masculine. (Vetterling-Brown, 10) There is also a high correlation between women (men) and feminine (masculine) behavior and that correlation is generally looked at as both proper and desirable. (Vetterling-Brown, 171)

PAGE 22

The debate on the origins of gender-based traits will not be resolved easily or quickly. At one extreme, many believe that psychological traits common to men or women are a result solely of environmental conditioning. At the other extreme, some attribute these sex-based similarities wholly to a common biology. Society's influence on our behavioral development is tremendous. To deny, however, that biology has a role in our character development is short-sighted. Similarities in our behavioral traits are due to an interaction between biology and socialization. The exact mix, however, has yet to be defined. (Bardwick, 2 ) BIOLOGICAL Women by definition share a common biology. This fact translates into simila r hormona l chemistries, anatomical criteria, and chromosomal combinations. Women's b iological systems resemble men's in many respects, differing primar i l y in their hormonal make-ups and balances, and in their reproductive organs. That there are similarities is important, but it is the d ifferences that have contributed to the sense of a female culture, to a certain shared history, and to common behavioral traits. Unique to women is the reproductive ability to create human life. Not all women share the experiences of childbirth and breastfeeding, but "women, even those without children, express as if with one voice a deeply felt sense of this responsibility for life.'' (Lenz and Myerhoff, 9) This r esponsi bility is certainly a source of exhilaration and fulfillment. This experience also tends to unite women with each other for emotional support and practical assistance in care giving. Along with this responsibility, though, comes a sense of burden, for it is still ultimately the woman who becomes pregnant and is generally the primary nurturer. 29

PAGE 23

Leandro K atz, "lunar Alphabet and lunar Typewriter" 119791. Reprinted Lippard 19B3, 95. 30

PAGE 24

Women have a sense of bodily time that can best be defined as cyclical. In contrast, men's bodily responses tend to be more stable and linear. Women's c ycles are best observed in the e xperience of menstruation. As a result of this monthly occurrence, a woman's hormones and chemical environment are constantly changing. These cycles correlate to events occurring in nature; specifically, the waxing and waning of the moon. Women also have sexual responses that are characterized as cyclical. In one woman's words: "There's a difference between male and female sexuality: done and done for the man; still ebbing for the woman. And that' s a difference of kind not degree." (Koller, 225) SOCIAL In our society, we have historically attributed roles in the home and the professional environment to women and men, respectively , based on biological d ifferences. This distinciton has had far reaching implications which can be summarized in three categories. First, women have traditionally lacked political power. Though the situation is changing, women still occupy a minority position in the political arena. As a minority, their views and issues are not fully represented contributing to a sense that their needs are of lesser importances. (Donovan, 172) Second, in nearly all historical periods, women have primarily existed in the private, domestic sphere with primary responsibility for child rearing. Within this sphere, women's lives have .traditionally been identified with a high degree of repetition. Time is experienced as a "perpetual repetition or 'eternal return' or as a pattern o f passive waiting." (Donovan, 174) Women have performed domestic tasks over and over again including: "the gathering, cleaning, preparation, 31

PAGE 25

and serving of food; the tending of hearth and home; the sweeping, sponging, chopping, mending, wiping that is ceaseless and evanescent. In their long domestic history, women's energies have been devoted to process, the repetitive doing and redoing." (Lenz and Myerhoff, 8) These repetitive tasks have contributed to a sense of continuum and cycles in contrast to a system of hierarchy and linear progression. Third, women's role in economic production has traditionally been that of use, not exchange. Women principally created materials such as food and clothing for the use of the immediate family. Their work in the home has therefore not been assigned any tangible monetary value, in contrast to goods that are produced for and exchanged in the public realm. This dichotomy has tended to devalue women's role in the home. These roles and tendencies are changing as women enter the work force in increasing numbers. Yet, the legacies of this history remain and have had significant influence on the behavioral development of women. (Donovan, 172-179) THE INTERACTION Women share a similar biology and have been assigned to similar roles in our society. The interaction of the two has contributed to the development of common behavioral traits and attitudes. There is a high correlation between women and feminine behavior, though not applicable to all women in all situations. The premier text on the psychology of women is Carol Gilligan's, In a Different Voice. Her research is based on in-depth interviews coupled with a professional and academic background in psychology. Through her research, Gilligan concludes that men and women have fundamentally different ways of perceiving themselves as 33

PAGE 26

Luck, Untitled Rfprinted froi Popenae 1980, 171. 34

PAGE 27

individuals and in relation to others. Her work recognizes these differences, without judging them as inherently good or bad. She argues that acknowledgement of these distinctions is critical to understanding men and women. Gilligan concludes that reasoning in men and women is different and that this difference appears at a young age and remains throughout adulthood. Her research finds that 11relationships, and particularly issues of dependency, are experienced differently by women and men. For boys and men, separation and individuation are critically tied to gender identity since separation from the mother is essential for the development of masculinity. For girls and women, issues of femininity or feminine identity do not depend on the achievement of separation from the mother or on the progress of individuation. 11 (Gilligan, 8) As a result of this developmental process, women emphasize connection rather than separation and consiceration for the relationship rather than the indivi dual. Gilligan \.'Jrites: 11In any given society, feminine personality comes to define itself in relation and connection to other people more than masculine personality.11 (Gilligan, 8) This sense of connectedness is amplified by women's traditional role as nurturer and care-taker with responsibilities related to the well-being of the family. Moreover, women's identity and individuality are often linked to that of their husbands'. In each of these instances, women define t hemselves more in terms of their relationships than as individuals. Their sense of self is contextually oriented. (Donovan, 176) At times this self-definition is debilitating. When modified, however, with a sense of self-identity and self-worth, it is an attribute. John Nicholson, who is involved in similar research, supports these findings. He concludes 35

PAGE 28

that men and women differ primarily in the way they view themselves in relation to their environment. Men tend to believe that they have the ability to control the outcome of a situation, and that their successes are due to personal ability or talent (an internal locus of control). Women, however, generally attribute their successes to outside factors: relationships, luck, chance, and being in the right place at the right time (an external locus of control). (Nicholson, 108) Nicholson believes that these responses have evolved over time as a result of different roles within society. Women have traditionally worked in the domestic sphere. Their work has continually been interrupted with individual needs put aside to accommodate family needs. As one writer comments: "This may have contributed to women's sense of personal vulnerability to environmental influence, fostering a sense of being bound to chance, to circumstance, of not being in control of one's world." (Donovan, 173) Women may have also developed this sense of being controlled by outside influences because of their biological systems. Whether welcomed or not, the menstrual cycle happens every month. Additionally, women often have the concern of an unwanted pregnancy or, on the other extreme, an inability to become pregnant. In either case, there is a sense of lack of control over one's own body. In summary, the feminine is characterized as nurturing, integrated, related, empathetic, resistant to hierarchy, embodied in the day-to-day process of life, preferential to negotiation as a means of problem-solving, cyclical, centered, adaptable, flexible, and vulnerable to outside influences. (Donovan, 173; Lenz and Myerhoff, 4) Women's sense of self is contexually oriented to other individuals, to the family, to the environment, and to nature. 37

PAGE 29

Feminists are concerned with how these set of values and sensibilities might change as the social context changes. On the one hand, there is a desire for equality with men and full access to the public, professional sphere. On the other hand, there is a desire to elevate, and integrate the feminine into the whole of society. Underlying these desires is a fear that in the quest for equality we will sacrifice the feminine qualities. H i s torically, we have tended to view equality and recognition of the feminine as mutually exclusive; the public sphere has not valued or emphasized the feminine. To achieve balance and wholeness, however, we need to recognize the feminine on the s ame level with t h e masculine. The remain der o f this thesis focuses on the integratio n o f the feminine into our society and into design in particular. That integration needs to occur in both our profession as an organization and in our design philosophies and products. 39

PAGE 30

THE PROFESSION

PAGE 31

CHAP T E R 4 AN EVALUAT IO N The discussion of the profession as an organization is in many ways about the politics of equality. It is about women1s desire for equal representation in the profession. It is also about the recognition and documentation of women1s contributions t o the field. Many might argue that women are now equally represented in the field. Statistical information, however, does not support that claim. Though the number of women in academic and professional environments is rising, recent studies conducted by the ASLA and the AIA are disconcerting. A 1983 study under the direction o f the ASLA found that women are still paid less t han their male counterparts a t all levels, that women are still largely excluded from major managerial positions, and that women continue to feel a sense of isolation with a lack of women role models. (Nassaurer, 78) Statistical information from similar AIA studies is even more discouraging. Furthermore, art history and architectural history books have tended and continue to ignore the contributions of women. That omission adds to women1s feelings o f isolation. As one writer notes: "Women1s highest achievements are off the scene , seldom heard, or if heard devalued, and finally viewed but not observed. If you doubt this, there is a simple test: name just five women artists and their contributions to history." (Snyder-Ott, 1) A similar observation could b e made of the design fields in both landscape

PAGE 32

''I l and in 119741. 1377 , :50 . 42

PAGE 33

architecture and architecture. To change this situation, women are becoming involved in several endeavors. At one level, there is an effort to create a supportive community for women. One example is the organization, "Women in Architecture", which meets regularly throughout the country. This organization provides a forum for discussion and sponsors lectures and educational programs. Another example is the Women's School of Architecture and Planning, which is a summer program held in various locations around the country. This program encourages women interested in the built and planned environment to exchange ideas and skills. (Torre 1977, 160) On another level, great energy is being channeled into research on the history of women in design. This effort is motivated by the conviction that women will not attain full equality in the profession without suitable role models. Joan Iverson Nassaurer, who conducted the 1983 ASLA study, believes that: "Leader's mentorship may operate within a quasi-social group of men, making it difficult for women to get the training and visibility they need for advancement." (Nassaurer, 78) Historically, there was a pervasive attitude that women were not intellectually or emotionally capable of succeeding in the field. A noted architectural educator in the 1950's espoused this attitude, stating: "I have included all that an architect needs to know about that uncertain, coy, and useful branch of the human race . Architects do not like to employ women in their offices; contractors do not like to build from their plans; people with money to spend do not like to entrust its expenditure to a woman." (Hayden 1976, 923) Certainly there are some that still hold this 43

PAGE 34

belief. The increasing presence of women in the professional, public sphere continues, however, to whittle away at these misconceptions. Recognition and documentation of women's contributions to the design fields will also hasten an end to this attitude. This process of recognition is a long and arduous task. Available research is sketchy and difficult to find. Susana Torre, Diana Balmori, Dolores Hayden, Gwendolyn Wright, and Doris Cole, to name but a few, have been particularly involved in this effort. Additionally, the AIA and ASLA have both established task forces to focus on the recognition of women's contributions to the field. The findings from these efforts begin to weave together a history of women's involvement in the design profession. THE HISTORY It is heartening to learn that, in this country, women have participated in environmental design "From Tipi to Skyscraper," as Doris Cole appropriately titles her text. An interesting historical observation is that the most prolific periods for women designers generally coincide I with the presence of an underlying support system. This encouragement has come from a number of sources: women clients, fellow women designers, other professional women, supportive educational institutions, and husband/wife design teams. This observation will be highlighted through an overview of the pioneers in the field, supportive educational communities, and husband/wife teams. Three role models Three pioneers in the field include: Sophia Hayden, Julia Morgan, and Beatrix Farrand. The followin g highlights their achievements. Sophi a Hayden completed only one building in her lifetime, but that building had far reaching implications. She designed the winning entry for 45

PAGE 35

S0ph1i Building" (18931 . The Uorld's Chicago. Torri 1977, 56. 46

PAGE 36

the Woman's Building at the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 in Chicago. This three story building was designed in the Italian Renaissance style. The main floor included a large exhibition hall and smaller meeting rooms. The higher floors provided dormitory facilities, committee offices, and a library filled with books by women authors. The focus of the interior space centered around two large murals: "Modern Woman" by Mary Cassatt and "Primitive Woman" by Mary Macmonnies. The inclusion of this building in the exposition was the result of the efforts of Susan B. Anthony and others. Without their involvement, such a building would never have been considered. The original intent of the building was a headquarters for the women associated with the fair. Its goals were expanded, however, to present "a complete picture of the conditions of women in every country of the world at this moment." (Torre 19771 58) Upon its completion, the building housed some 7,000 library books. It became the meeting place for discussions and lectures by such notable women as Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Staton, and Julia Ward Howe. Moreover, "[w]hat the Woman's Building did, because of its novelty and the personal circumstances surrounding it, was to bring to focus critical attitudes about the role of women as architects that . . made it clear that they would seriously pursue that profession." (Torre 1977, 60) Julia Morgan (1872-1957) was perhaps the most prolific woman architect. In her career, she designed over 800 buildings. Over half of her clients were women or women's institutions. Despite the volume of her work, she is not well known as an architect. As one writer observes: "There are many reasons for this. She shunned publicity, her work was designed in an eclectic mode which 20th century historians are just 47

PAGE 37

Julia Morgan, YWCA, C a l l fortlla i 1'315J . F'h.:.to bf Jciit:; H. Edbl T:>rrt 1 ' 377, 84. Julla Morgan, San Siiii'C n , San Lu1s Otnspo, 1 .1'3i0-1'337J . F'!',.;.; . j \lalt;.r St;.1 ber. tro&, T.:. rr;, 1977, 81. 48

PAGE 38

beginning to appreciate and lastly it is possible that, as much of her work was done for women, it may have been ignored as out of the mainstream." (Boutelle, 94) Morgan received her training at the University of California at Berkeley and at the Ecole des BeauxArts in Paris (the first woman in the world to study there). She established her own practice in San Francisco in 1907. Morgans's most supportive and important client was Phoebe Apperson Hearst, whom Morgan met while studying in Paris. Buildings for Hearst include: the Hearst Hacienda in Pleasanton and the noteworthy San Simeon in San Luis Obispo, California . Other important commissions were the YWCA in Oakland, California and the King's Daughters of California Home for Incurables also in Oakland. Morgan, unlike many other women designers, worked both in the private and public spheres. This flexibility was possible because of the support of women like Phoebe Hearst and the support of women's institutions. Her contributions to the field are significant and have only recently become more publicized. Beatrix Farrand (1872-1959) was perhaps the most significant woman landscape architect. During her career, she designed some 200 gardens. Her best known projects include the Rockefeller garden, Dumbarton Oaks, and several private campuses including Yale and Princeton. Her work was strongly influenced by her friendships with several women most notably her aunt, Edith Wharton, and the English landscape designers of Gertrude Jekyll and Vita SackvilleWest. Much of her work was also commissioned by women such as Mrs Rockefeller. Farrand's work is not that well known, and it is only recently that she is receiving the acclaim 49

PAGE 39

School of Pla""i"g and "Cah Caripus." froa 1377, lt.O . 50

PAGE 40

due her. Her relative anonymity is the result of a number of factors. Gardens are fragile and constantly changing, and only a handful of her gardens remain in their original state. She did not write, so there is little documentation of her work. Lastly, she was a woma n in a time when it was difficult for women to practice, and consequently she did not receive any large public commissions which often bring with them fame and acknowledgement. Supportive Communities Each of the women above practiced in the late 1800's and early 1900's, which was a particularly rich period for women designers. The first wave of feminism in this country was a t its peak during that time. As a result of this movement, there was tremendous support for women to challenge themselves and the status quo, and to pursue their interests, whatever they might be. This support came from fellow women designers and from women clients and patrons who provided design opportunities in both the private and public realms. Support also came from educational institutions t h a t were specifically oriented toward women. Support for women in the profession was encouraged through two all women design schools: The Lowthrope School of Landscape Architecture, Gardening and Horticulture, and the Cambridge Sch ool of Design. Lowthrope was founded in 1901 by Mrs. Edward Gilchrist Low. The school was established to educate women and prepare them for pro fessional careers. The school was hailed for presenting "an alternative to what was the sole occupational prospect for women at that time -teaching." (Brown and Maddox, 66) Lowthrope eventually folded into the Rhode Island School of Design in 1945. By that time over 400 women had graduate d from this program. The Cambridge School was founded slightly later in 51

PAGE 41

Boston in 1945 and remained in operation for thirty years until 1945. During its existence, the school was affiliated with both Harvard . University and Smith College. When the school closed, it had graduated over 700 women. Both of these schools experienced difficulties in finding apprenticeships and professional opportunities for their students. These women received incredible encouragement to develop their talents and skills in the educational realm. Unfortunately, though, they were not greeted with the same encouragement when they left the academic world. Robert Frost, Direc t o r o f t h e Cambridge School, "attempted to counter the opposition of his students' would-be-employes, but made little headway; frequently he met with resistance that verged on violence. The general feeling of the profession . . was that the practice of hiring women would . . do little less than undermine the entire American way of life." (Brown and Maddox, 66) With the close of these schools, women's involvement in the profession became even more limited. "Women lacked the support and incentive to enter the profession at all and the women who did practice usually concentrated on the type of small scale residential commission whic h was unlikely to receive recognition." (Brown and Maddox, 69) Between 1945 and the 1970's, there were almost no role models, and the academic and professional environments offered little encouragement. Since the 1970's, women have been returning to the profession in increasing numb e r s . Th e mere presence of other women provides a sense of encouragement and support, but it is not enough. It needs to be supplemented by the recognition and documentation of women's pas t and present contributions so that we might learn from them. ,Additionally, the academic environments continue 53

PAGE 42

Marion Mahony, All Souls Unitarian Church, Evanston, lllinoi; 1 1902l. Torre 1977, 73. 54

PAGE 43

to be more supportive of women's endeavors than the professional. Full equality and integration will not occur without change at the professional level as well. Husband/Wife Teams Women designers have often been married to male designers. These relationships have provided an important source of support, particularly for the women. The husband/wife team has led to more acceptance of women's involvement in all aspects of design, and accommodates the dual desire for a career and children. The profession, as a whole, has been reluctant to encourage both. There are several examples of husband/wife teams. Magaret McDonald, a licensed architect, was the wife of Charles Rennie Mackintosh. Several of the drawings from Mackintosh's office have both sets of initials on them. Marion Mahoney was an accomplished designer and renderer. She worked for both Frank Lloyd Wright and her husband Walter Burley Griffin. Aino Aalto was a certified architect who worked closely with her husband Alvar. Sarah Harkness is an architect who is married to and works with her husband, Robert Harkness, at,The Architects' Collaborative. Denise Scott Brown is married to and a partner with Robert Venturi. And the list continues. The consequence of these husband/wife teams has been that for the most part the men have received recognition for the work, with the women's contributions trivialized, if acknowledged at all. Dolores Hayden writes: "As with women artists, the work of many women architects has been credited to their husbands . . so there are serious problems of attribution to be resolved." (Hayden 1976, 925) The question of attribution is virtually impossible to sort out. The motivation behind such an endeavor is not to take away from the 55

PAGE 44

accomplishments of Alvar Aalto, Charles Mackintosh, and Robert Venturi. Rather, it is to recognize that women have had a tradition in design and that they have and are contributing to the profession. In an interview in 1982, Denise Scott Brown expressed her frustrations with the tendency to credit the male partners to the exclusion of the women. She said: "As a wife I am very happy to see my husband honored, but as a collaborator I feel very unhappy to see my work attributed to Bob. . We have developed a body of theory together that owes a great deal to both of us." (Dean, 48) The efforts of the AIA and ASLA task forces along with the efforts of several individuals are aimed at changing this situation. EXPLORING ALTERNATIVES The office structure and professional organization nee d to be modified to accommodate the needs of women. The existing office structure continues to be dominated by men. This reality will continue until the profession becomes more supportive of pursuing both a career and motherhood. Generally, t h e two are still seen as mutually exclusive rather than as an acceptable lifestyle. In effect, this attitude is a form of discrimination which frustrates women's efforts to gain a larger foothold in the profession. To pursue a more flexible and open organization, several alternative offices have been formed. One of the most noteworthy is The Open Design Office, which was started in the 1970's. This office was f ounded by five women in Boston for the express purpose of encouraging women's development as designers. A n important consideration has been allowing women to combine a career with motherhood. This firm has challenged traditional, mainstream 57

PAGE 45

office procedures. The office is organized in a non-hierarchical manner. Hours are flexible, with each person working on an hourly rate. The office decides by consensus which jobs to accept and which jobs to refuse. Each job has one person who manages the project from beginning to end. If no one is interested in a job, either because of ethical reasons or general job interest, the job is refused. In addition to the organiztional structure, this firm has also been p articularly interested in working with women clients to better understand and satisfy their particular needs in the built environment. Several other offices of this sort have been formed across the country. They are not utopian situations, but they represent a reaction against and an attempt to change our overly restrictive and confining system. As they become more developed and publicized, their experiences can be incorporated into the mainstream professional environment. Currently, they continue to operate largely in a separatist manner. They can learn valuable lessons from this isolation, but hopefully this will serve as a transitional period. Indeed, the end is not a separate undercurrent, but the overall transformation of the profession. That transformation will eventually be visible not only in the office structure, but also in the built environment. As Doris Cole notes: "Architecture is not made of words; architecture is not what is drawn on paper, but what is constructed into physical form to be used and lived in. The office is where this process occurs, where a philosophy becomes translated into action as lines on paper become tangible structures." (Cole, 126) As offices place greater value on the contributions of women, aspects of the feminine will begin to become more apparent in the built 59

PAGE 46

environment. If that does not happen, either women have not achived full equality or they have assimilated and in the process supressed aspects of their feminine nature. Denise Scott Brown worries that success even at the expense of our feminine nature has become the goal. She believes that despite the advances of women "discrimination . . persists, though its forms seem less apparent and that it is in women's interest not to see it." (Dean, 49) To acknowledge that discrimination exists, suggests that there is still work to be done and that work rests primarily on the shoulders of women. As Susana Torre observes: "[I]t is not in the exceptional achievement of the few but in the steady advance of the many that real progress is measured." (Dean, 51) It is through that steady progress that the balance between men and women and the masculine and feminine will come. 61

PAGE 47

THE PHILOSOPHJES AND PRODUCfS

PAGE 48

'cHAPTER 5 THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT TilE GODDESS SOCIETIES A review of goddess cultures is instructive because in these societies both men and women were held in great esteem. "Archaeological evidence [from these cultures] indicates that male dominance was not the norm. A division of labor between the sexes is indicated, but not a superiority of either . [and there was] no ranking along a patriarchal masculine-feminine value scale." (Eisler, 14) Replicating these societies is neither possible nor desirable. Understanding these cultures, however, provides a glimpse of how life and its manifestations might be different in a nonpatriarchal society. Inherently, that search for something different implies a search for something better. These goddess societies were not utopias, but hopefully the following descriptions will help to illustrate how recognition of both the female and the male positively impacts society as a whole and, more specifically, art and architecture. These cultures have long since disappeared. Interpreting findings from these societies is clouded by our limitations in understanding societies that were fundamentally different from ours, yet our understanding becomes richer as our methodologies for study become more sophisticated, and as previously-held interpretations are continually challenged and re-evaluated. Remnants of goddess cultures appear in excavation sites scattered over a wide geographical area spanning both eastern and western Europe. These societies respected and revered nature. They

PAGE 49

Goddfss. Sanctuary of tht Two-Hfadfd A x ts at Kno;sos. Rfprinttd Platon 19&6, Platt 117. 64

PAGE 50

equated nature with women, and hence their religion focused on the worship of the Mother Goddess in the form of female imagery. The awe and mystery of the creative and life-giving forces of nature were understood as related to women's ability to create human life. Women's bodies which respond to cyclical changes in the seasons and the moon further solidified the sense of an undeniable connection between nature and women. To better understand these cultures, discussion will focus on archaeological findings from the Neolithic Age (7000-3000 B.C.) and from Minoan Crete (2600-1400 B.C.). The discussion of the Neolithic Age will focus on findings from two societies: Catal Huyuk and Old Europe. Catal Huyuk was located in what used to be the plains of Anatolia, which is now Turkey. Old Europe extended northward from the Aegean and Adriatic all the way up into Czechoslovakia, southern Poland, and the western Ukraine. As a frame of reference, human prehistory is divided into a number of periods "based on the typology of their tools and weapons in stone or metal: Paleolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic (Old, Middle, and New Stone Age), followed by the Bronze and Iron Ages." (Mellaart, 15) This classification system is becoming obsolete as more sophisticated methods for dating are developed, but it is sufficient for purposes of this discussion. TilE NEOLITIIIC Though our image of prehistoric civilizations is often one of primitive, barbaric peoples, excavations reveal the contrary. Findings from the Neolithic Age indicate highly-developed civilizations with an understanding of architecture and conscious town planning; an advanced economy based on agriculture, farming, stockbreeding and trade in raw materials; an advanced religion complete with symbolism and mythology; and an 65

PAGE 51

Royal Villa of Hagia Triada. Staircasf leading to the sanctuary. froij Platon 19661 Plate 20. 66

PAGE 52

emphasis on equality and peace with an absence of heavy fortifications. (Mellaart, 11) Without written histories, the excavations of buildings and their contents become a critical source for understanding prehistoric societies. The form, content, imagery, and means of expression all provide a glimpse into the lives of these people. In interpreting this art, it i s important to evaluate the imagery that is both present and not present: "what a people do not depict in their art can tell us as much about them as what they do." (Eisler, 17) Prevalent throughout these villages was a sense of the inter-relationship between people and nature with an emphasis on the creation and perpetuation of life. The secular and spiritual were fully integra ted. (Eisler, 2 3) Similar 1 y, art was an integral component of everyday life, rather than a peripheral activity. The recurring themes of relatedness and integration were further reflected through the equality of men and women and the recognition of both the masculine and the feminine. Evidence of the emphasis on inter-relationships and equality is found throughout the architectural ruins. The dialogue between the architecture and the environment is dynamic. The town plan and architectural forms respond to the natural surroundings; neither dominates the other. The organization of houses and shrines suggests an emphasis on community living. There is little evidence in the physical form of the town of centralization or a hierarchical social order. Discoveries "indicate a generally unstratified and basically eqalitarian society with n o m arked distinctions based on either class or sex." (Eisler, 14) Standardization is reflected throughout the town plan. Similarly, houses in Catal Huyuk generally 67

PAGE 53


PAGE 54

adhere to a standardized floor plan. There is also little distinction between secular and spiritual in architectural form. As the scholar Riane Eisler notes: "Even shrines are not structurally different from houses, nor they necessarily larger in size." (Eisler, 25) James Mellaart, a noted archaeologist, concludes that "though some social inequality is suggested by sizes of buildings, equipment, and burial gifts, this was never a glaring one." (Mellaart, 225) The full integration of the secular and spiritual, and female and male is even more readily apparent in the contents of these buildings. The archaeologist Marija Gimbutas observes : "[T]he world of myth was not polarized into female and male as it was among the Indo-Europeans and many other nomadic and pastoral steppes. Both principles were manifest side by side. The male divinity in the shape of a young man or male animal appears to affirm and strengthen the forces of the creative and active female. Neither is subordinate to the other; by complementing one another, their power is doubled." (Gimbutas, 237) Respect for the female is communicated through images of the Goddess which are found everywhere in murals, statues, and figurines. Female symbolism and imagery depict an underlying theme of the miracle of life. Women and nature are each revered for their ability to create this life. There is little distinction between the reproductive abilities of women and nature; the two are almost viewed as one. In Eisler's words , "This theme of the unity of all things in nature, as personified by the Goddess, seems to permeate Neolithic art." (Eisler, 19) The Goddes s is portrayed in various forms "as the Maiden, the Ancestress or Creatrix; she is the lady of the waters, the birds , and the underworld, or simply the divine Mother cradling her divine child in her arms." (Eisler, 18) The Goddess is often 69

PAGE 55

in full rroli Vinca. ltifth B.C . l . 1374, 1%. 70

PAGE 56

represented as pregnan t or giving birth. She is portrayed in conjunction with water, the inference being that each has life-giving powers. Other imagery associated w ith the Goddess are serpents and butterflies, which represent metamorphosis and transformation. S till other scenes depict the Goddess in the company of powerful animals, such as leopards and particularly bulls. The prominence of the bull horns is associated with the power of nature. (Eisler, Chapter 2) Absent from this art is reference to "noble warriors" and "heroic conquerors.'' (Eisler, 17) There are no extravagant burials for the rulers. Nor are there scenes representing weaponr y and warfare. Similarly, the town plan indicates an absence of military fortifications. As Eisler observes, in Catal Huyuk and Old Europe, "neither the Goddess nor her son-consort carry the emblems we have learned to associate with might -spears, swords, or thunderbolts, the symbols of an earthly sovereign and/or deity who exacts obedience by kiLling and maiming." (Eisler, 18) She continues, "The primary purpose of ar.t and of life was not to conquer, pillage, and loot but to cultivate the earth and provide the material and spiritual wherew.ithal for a satisfying l . i .fe." (Eisler, 18) We can infer from this art that these were peaceful societies with little inclination for or value placed on domination of any sort. Men and women each played important roles in these cultures. Women had power in these societies as a result of their association with nature and the Goddess. This power, however, did not translate into a subservience/dominance dynamic. As Eisler concludes: "[T]hat wome n played a central and vigorous role in prehistoric religion and life , does not have to mean that men were perceived and treated as subservient. It seems to have been a power that was more equated with responsibility and love than with oppression, privilege and fear." (Eisler, 28) 71

PAGE 57

Clay of geddes;. Reprinted froi 1967, 182. 72

PAGE 58

M I N O AN CRETE Cretean civilization begins about 6000 B . C . , with the a rrival of immigrants from Anatolia. These first settlers brought with them an agrarian society, founded on the worship of the Goddess. Discussion and analysis of Cretean history generally focuses on two periods: Minoan and Mycenaean. Minoan Crete, named after the legendary King Minos, begins roughly in 2600 B.C. and continues through 1400 B .C., when the island came under Achaean rule. The invasion by these outsiders brought the transition from Minoan to Mycenaean Crete, and the end to the worship of the Goddess. Following this transition through art and architecture is enlightening. The art and architecture of Crete were even more prolific than in the Neolithic societies. Crete was more civilized and highly developed, yet the underlying social structure remained based on the equality of men and women. The expression of this social fabric is readil y apparent in the archaeological findings of this society. Minoan Crete is recognized as a highly developed society. Nicolas Platen, wh o has worked as an archaeologist in Crete for over 5 0 years, comments: "amazing discoveries were made: vast multi-storied palaces, villas, farmsteads, districts of populous and well-organized cities, harbor installations, networks of roads crossing the island from end to end, organized places of worship and planned burial grounds. " (Platen, 16, 25) Many scholars argue that the city-state by definition requires warfare, hierarchy, and the subjugation of women . This assertion is simply not found to be true in Crete, where, for over four thousand years, men and women co-existed as equals. (Eisler, 38) In Minoan Crete, "the whole of life was pervaded by an ardent faith in the Goddess 73

PAGE 59

s(;•.Jth Pr-oylaio iiOIIIS a n d i1t. J.)._.:tQ5. Pn.jt•:. ;:•J \1 • Rcprlt \tcd ; T uiio br.:•UG< 1 ' 3 f L1 74

PAGE 60

Nature, the source of all creation and harmony. In Crete, for the last time in recorded history, a spirit of harmony between women and men as joyful and equal participants in life appears to pervade. It is this spirit that seems to shine through Crete's artistic tradition." (Eisler, 32) Minoan Crete was remarkably urbanized. The main town of Knossos may have had as many as a hundred thousand inhabitants. This inland community was connected to the south coastal ports by a paved highway, the first of its kind in Europe. This large-scale transportation system was supported by a network of roads within the major towns. The layout of these roads indicates an understanding of relatively sophisticated engineering and drainage principles. Additionally, there is evidence of sanitary installations, water pipes, fountains, reservoirs, and large-scale irrigation systems. (Hawkes, 60; Platon, 147, 163) All accounts of Cretan architecture emphasize its aesthetic quality. "The Minoans were very close to nature, and their architecture was designed to let them enjoy it as freely as possible," writes Platon. (Platon, 181) Minoan architecture is noted for its sense of life and movement, created through the use of light and shade, and enclosure and openess. At all levels, consideration was given to privacy, natural light, domestic convenience, and attention to detail and beauty. (Eisler, 34) In his book, The Earth, the Temple, and the Gods, Vincent Scully observes a sense of "reciprocity between architecture and nature." (Scully, 7) The use of architectural forms that are open, hollow, and non-monumental are compatible with and derived from the sculptural forms of nature. (Scully, 7) The built responds to the form and rhythm of the land and together the two create a whole. (Scully, 1 1 ) 75

PAGE 61

As Scully notes: "Each palace makes use, so far as possible, of the same landscape elements. These are as follows: first an enclosed valley of varying size in which the palace is set; second, a g ently mounded or conical hill on axis with the p2lace to north or south; and lastly a higher, double-peaked or cleft mountain." (Scully, 11) These landscape elements correspond to religious and artistic symbols. As Scully adds: "All the landscape elements listed above . [form] the basic architecture of the palace complex. They define its space and focus it. Within that space the constructed elements take their form and create four complimentary types of enclosure. These are: the labyrinthine passage, the open court, the columned pavilion, and the pillared cave. " (Scully, 11 ) There is an interplay of female and male imagery. The columns and pillars are suggestive of the male; the caves and labyrinths are representative of the female. The form o f the labyrinth "symbolizes initiation and birth, death, and rebirth -the return to the center, or womb. The true labyrinth [is] also related to the double axe or labrys of the Great Goddess. " (Lippard 1983, 146) The use of caves is also suggestive of womb imagery. Findings suggest that these caves were sanctuaries of sorts associated with fertility and protection. (Hawkes, 134) Gardens were an integral component of the architecture. The prominence of the gardens furcher reflected the Minoans' love for nature. As Platen observes, "Gardens were laid out around houses and especially palaces, and even sometimes inside them; flowers in a host of decorated vases expressed the Minoan awareness of the presence of nature. Special walks, porticos, retreats, terraces . . were designed for convenience and relaxation." (Platen, 181) 77

PAGE 62

on a Middle Minoan III f r a i Knossas. Reprinted froi Giijbutas l':Ji-t, plat e 152. 78

PAGE 63

This same aesthetic sensibility and respect for nature is found in Cretan art. Minoan art was rooted in sexual imagery that freely expressed the equality between men and women. The art "demonstrates a .frank appreciation o f sexual differences and the pleasure made possible by these differences." (Eisler, 39) Respect for the female was p ortra y e d i n female imagery similar to that of Neolithic s o cieties. The most frequent symbol was the double axe, which represented the "bounteous fruitfulnes s of the earth." Eisler adds, "[S]haped like the hoe, axes were used to clear land for the planting of crops, it was also a stylization of the butterfly, one of the Goddess' symbols of transformation and rebirth." (Eisler, 36) (It is easy to see how this form evolved into the Christian cross.) Masculine imagery was more phallic in nature. Symbols associated with the male w ere the freestanding columns and pillars, the mountain peaks, and the stalagmites in the cave sanctuaries. The significance of this artistic tradition is more fully defined through a comparison of Minoan Crete with other societies of that time, including Egypt and Babylon. Minoan cuture was a goddess society; in these other cultures, the Goddess had been displaced and men were becoming the dominant force in society. Repeatedly in the art of the Egyptians, Sumerians, and Babylonians , we find "the magnification of the divinely powerful man and the expression of this in grandiose architectural and artistic forms." (Hawkes, 73) The kings and Pharaohs of these cultures are portrayed as huge, impersonal, majestic human beings dw arfing anyone beside them. This magnification wa s also represented in massive ziggurats and pyramids. These buildings and statues were monuments to the rulers of the times, erected to immortalize their power. (Hawkes, 74) 7 9

PAGE 64

80 Clay ; atu@tte of goddess. R@prin ted from Mell aart 1 9 6 7 , 182 .

PAGE 65

In contrast, H awkes writes, " [ T]he Cretans had absolutely no counterpart t o these grandiose ima ges of the royal and the divin e o r o f the monumental temples that went with them." (Ha wkes, 74) Platon reaches a similar conclusion, pointing out that "even among the rulin g classes personal a mbition seems to have been unknown; nowhere do we find the name of an author attached to a work of art nor a record of the deeds of a ruler. " (Platon, 148) An evaluation of these cultures' art provides further suppor t to the different means of expression. The art of Egypt and Mesopotamia focused on the activitie s presumed to be most appropriate for kings: warfare and hunting. There are unlimited images of prisoners begging for mercy, of battle scenes and the resultant death to the enemy. These images are accompanied by scenes of the royal hunt , where the king stands victorious over the slain animal. (Ha'-'1kes , 75) Hawkes reflects, "It would seem it was almost inevitable that the kings would show their godlike power in triumph over foreign enemies, and their godlike strength in killing wild beasts. Yet in Crete . there wa s hardly a trace of these manifestations of masculine pride and unthinking cruelty. There are no grea t statues or reliefs of those who sat on the thrones of Knossos or of any of the palaces. Indeed so far as can be seen, there are no royal portrayals of any kind unti l the latest phase --and then the sole possible exception, the painted relief sometimes identified as the Y oung Prince, shows a long-haired youth, unarmed, naked to the waist, crowned with peacock plumes and walking among flowers and butterflies. Nor are there in Minoan Crete any grandiose scenes of ba1 .le or of hunting. " (Hawkes, 75) Minoan society and art were dedicated to peaceful life . A s Platon observes, "the fear of death was almost by the ubiquitous joy of living. " (Platen, 148) There are no lavish 8 1

PAGE 66

memorials to the dead, even among the ruling classes. There is an apparent lack of martial spirit in contrast to other cultures in the Bronze Age. The Cretans had weapons, but the protective shield is the only military item that is represented in their art. (Hawkes, 142, 153) Minoan Crete was not a utopia. It was a society that had problems and imperfections. There is evidence that Crete had a centralized government that was administered from several palaces. This centralization, however, did not result in autocratic rule. (Eisler, 33) There are some indications of social stratification. In contrast to other ancient high civilizations, however, there appears to be a rather equitable sharing of wealth. "The standard of living --even of peasants -seems to have been high," reports Platen. "None of the homes found so far have suggested very poor living conditions." (Platen, 178) Additionally, there is no sense that this power was achieved through exploitation and brutalization, both of which were common in other civilizations of the time. Power does not appear to be associated with dominance, destruction, and oppression. As Eisler comments, "Crete provides us with some fascinating clues on the origins of much that we value in Western civilization." (Eisler, 43) In this society, however, the underlying democratic traditions are based on the equality of the sexes and the equal recognition of the masculine and feminine. Male dominance was not the norm. In Catal Huyuk, Old Europe, and Minoan Crete, the social organizations were basically cooperative, with both men and women working together as equals for the common good. "Greater male physical strength was here not the basis for social oppression, organized warfare, or the concentration of private property in the hands of the strongest men. Neither did it provide the basis for supremacy of males over females or of 'masculine' 83

PAGE 67

Bull or acrobat. Ivory. of Knossos, 1550-1500 B.C. Reprinted fro& 1368, 107. 84

PAGE 68

over 'feminine' values.11 (Eisler, 43) There was an emphasis on life, and the creation and preservation of that life. This underlying attitude was expressed through both the art and architecture of these societies. As these societies were invaded, their prevailing values were lost. In their place, a social system was imposed that rewarded male dominance, violence, hierarchy, and authoritarian rule. Technology became concentrated on the development of weaponry and military fortifications. There was higher value placed "on the power that takes, rather than gives life." (Eisler, 48) Evidence of these changes are dramatic in Crete. Archaeologists note that the "Cretan art becomes less spontaneous and free." (Eisler, 58) Images of death and martial spirit, that were before almost non-existent, now prevailed. By 1100 B.C., all signs of Minoan Crete were destroyed. With that destruction, lost too was the emphasis on peace, creativity, and the life-sustaining powers of the Goddess. (Eisler, 56) These societies were reduced to mere myths and legends. Accounts of Greek myths are strikingly similar to life in Minoan Crete in the sixteenth century B.C. Some Biblical scholars similarly believe now that the Old Testament story of the Garden of Eden is based on memories of Neolithic societies. In this 11new world,11 11the old love for life and nature and the old ways of sharing rather than taking away, of caring rather than oppressing, and the view of power as responsibility rather than domination did not die out. But, like women and qualities associated with femininity, they were relegated to a secondary place." (Eisler, 104) Women's presence in the public sphere disappears. The act of giving birth is no longer celebrated in art; it takes on a sense of being tainted and 85

PAGE 69

and lyrt-player. Palaika;tro, Eastern Crete. Reprinted Platon 19bb1 Plate 119. 86

PAGE 70

unclean. Recounting this history of the subjugation of women and the feminine will be left to the already existing body of literature. What is important to note, however, is that "male dominance and authoritarianism are not inevitable, external givens." As Eisler argues: "Rather than being just a 'utopian dream,' a more peaceful and equalitarian world is a real possibility for our future." (Eisler, 73) Minoan Crete, Catal Huyuk, and Old Europe provide examples of such societies. To restore this lost world, the balance between men and women, and masculine and feminine, needs to be re-established in all parts of our society, incl11ding our art and architecture. 87

PAGE 71

CHAPTER 6 THE FEMININE IN ART Many individuals have immersed themselves in the study of feminism and its relationship to the arts. Their involvement stems from the conviction that the arts, in all forms, are a means of expressing and communicating fundamental individual and societal attitudes. Our perception of the relationship between men and women and the masculine and the feminine is translated into our art. As the understanding of those relationships changes, so to will our art. The dialogue between feminisim and the arts is still evolving, but architects and landscape architects can learn from this exploration. The design fields need to be integrally involved in this investigation because they translate societal attitudes into physical form. In contrast to other disciplines of art, however, the design professions have been slow, even reluctant, to engage in the discussion of feminism and its implications. : WOMAN'S ART Feminism has influenced the arts in several respects. At one level, effort has focused on the documentation of women artists to both recognize and learn from their contributions. As a result of this work, there is an ever-growing written history of women artists. Additionally, women's presence in and access to the arts is continually improving. Of more immediate importance to designers is the focus on developing a greater understanding of the feminine in art. Artists, who are sympathetic with

PAGE 72

Barbra Hepworth, "Nestin g Stones" 11937), Serravezza Marble, length 1 2' . Repr inted froa Chicago 1975. 90

PAGE 73

feminist theory, questio n the traditional portrayal of women in art. They argue that art has focused on the depiciton of women as vulnerable and subservient objects. They believe that "women are depicted in a quite different way from men . because the ideal spectator is always assumed to be male and the image of the woman is designed to flatter him. " (Berger, 69) They point quickly to the images of women as sex objects in the media and advertisements. They also refer to the lack of imagery associated wit h experience s that are fundamental to women such as birth. The critique of traditional values leads to consideration of how art might change as women and the feminine become more highly respected. As attention is directed toward women and art, the q uestion invariably arises: Is there an art unique to women? Responses to this question have been highly emotional. At one extreme is the argument that there are no differences between men and women. Proponents of this position believe that art is genderless and that any special consideration of women as artists merel y perpetuates the distinction between men and women, leading to derogatory connotations of the word "feminine." As one writer notes, "It has been argued that by emphasizing our femaleness , women are just playing into the hands of the men who have stereotyped and downgraded us for ages." (Lippard 1976, 145) From this viewpoint, the response to the question of whether or not there is an art unique to women would be a wholehearted "No." It is presumed that women, like men , find their place within the cultural mainstream and create accordingly. Any sense of woman ' s art should be aimed at raising consciousness and furthering the equality between men and women. This argument, though well developed in many respects, is short-sighted in others. Denial of differences between men and 91

PAGE 74

'Cufitul I' (1%8). 111arblr, 20' x 50" x 48'. fru11 Chicago 92

PAGE 75

women is unrealistic. We will never be able to sort out fully the sex/gender debate and determine whether the relationship between sex and gender is the product of socialization or biology. To deny that biology has a role in behavioral development, however, is naive. At the other extreme is the belief that there is a relationship between gender and art. These advocates argue that "to deny one's sex is to deny a large p<:irt of where art comes from." (Lippard 1976, 148) They believe that "there are aspects of art by women which are inaccessible to men, and that these aspects arise from the fact that a woman's political, biological, and social experience in this society is different from that of a man." (Lippard 1976, 143) This heritage, they argue, has contributed to the developmen t of a feminine sensibility which is manifested in both the style and theme of women's art. Lucy Lippard, the noted art critic, and many others base their conclusions on a review of women's art and on observations from the study of children's art. Lippard herself notes the shortcoming of this argument, as she adds, "It be ridiculous to assert that the characteristics of the female sensibility which arise from this situation are not shared to some degree by some male artists, and denied by numerous women artists." (Lippard 1976, 143) Artists work from many sources. To expect that all work by all women will express this feminine sensibility is simplistic . Additionally, all individuals -men and women -have a masculine and feminine side. T o deny men's ability to express feminine sensibilities leads to a sense of exclusivity. The end is not a separate art for and by women. The end is equal opportunity for men and women, integration of the masculine and feminine, and the equal expression of both. Nevertheless, Lippard's observations are of value. 93

PAGE 76

couteau' P oli;hed iarnlt. 2 6 " long. Repr1 n tta Lippard 1976, 2 4 7 .

PAGE 77

Though we can never define something as elusive as the feminine in art, if we do not attempt to define, it we risk losing it forever. As one writer states: "There cannot be any certainty about what is feminine in art . but we have to go on looking . for it." (Ecker, 21) Lippard appropriately concludes: "A s a result of the feminist movement, everything is open now. If we as women do not return to the sources of our art and our experiences before we attempt to transcend them in a newly humanized form, the results will be far less fertile." (Lippard 1976, 51) In a review of women's art, Lippard and others point to the following stylistic charac:terist.ics : "earthiness, organic images, curved lines, a centralized focus, a uniform density, an overall texture, often sensuously tactile, and often repetitive [in line and detail] to the point of obsess ion." (Majewski, 199) In a further attempt to define the feminine, Lippard observes certain thematic concerns: "Traditionally, inside represents female; outside, male. We have broadly accepted the male concern with monument and facade; the female concern with function and environment; the male concern with permanence and structural imposition, the female concern with adaptability and psychological needs; the male concern with public image, the female resistance to specialization; the male concern with abstract theory, the female concern with biography and autobiography." (Lippard 1976, 74) Similarly, in her book Originals: American Women tists, Eleanor Munro finds recurring themes among the women she interviewed. She concludes: "Relatedness, connection, continuity: these are the words I heard the women of all ages use. If there is a 'woman's art', perhaps it is here." (Munro, 58) Additionally, Munro finds an emphasis on the life process and a deeply ingrained sense of a connection with nature. Almost every artist she 95

PAGE 78

Athena Tacha, of Charles Sttp --Sculpture I (1974). F:cpri,,ted fr0i Lippard Aliu: Adaflls1 Large ; Jault. llood 15' 15' x 3'8'. Photo Bill Gordy. Reprinted iroru Lippard 19761 4b. 96

PAGE 79

spoke with referred to an association between their work and the "rhythm of nature", or words to that effect. (Munro, 472) The research in childern's art reveals parallel observations. The tendency is that "lines drawn by girls were . . more circular, that is, more flowing, organic, and curvilinear than lines drawn by boys. The boys' lines were straighter, more angular and geometric." (Feinburg, 186) Moreover, the content of the girls' work tends to emphasize interpersonal relationships through landscapes, domestic scenes, design, and drawings of people and animals. Their drawings are apt to be associated with beauty, nurturance, and tranquility. On the other boys generally focus more on objects and devices, and themes that are heroic. The prevailing imagery is of monsters and dragons, and situations of combat focusing on issues of good guy/bad guy and winning and losing. (Feinburg, 185-196) These observations are intriguing and parallel of the conclusions from previous chapters. The emphasis on circular, organic imagery may be a manifestation of women's biological cycles which are in turn a reflection of the cycles in nature. Furthermore, as discussed in the preceding chapters, the feminine has traditionally been associated with relatedness, connection, and the creation and preservation of life. The feminist vision for a "new world" is founded on these principles. A review of the sub-culture of women, particularly through the research of Carol Gilligan, reveals the repeated presence and emphasis on these qualities a s well as a bias toward contextual orientation. The goddess societies, which were based on the equal recognition of the feminine and the masculine, where heavily influenced by these attributes . Not surprisingly, these recurring themes are often 97

PAGE 80

Mary Bith 'Griat Godde;s' s ;,ries (1974l. Pain-; on ply
PAGE 81

observed in women's art. With this frame of reference, it is instructive to consider the work of women artists to explore more fully the feminine in art. This review will focus on Judy Chicago, who is dedicated to the exploration of art for women; and Georgia O'Keeffe, who is admired as a pioneer for her portrayal of the feminine. Additionally, this investigation will consider women environmental artists as a group; their work expresses the feminine in physical form and attempts to bring art back into the context of our everyday lives . ART FOR WOMAN-JUDY CHICAGO Judy Chicago is an artist who i s particularly interested in exploring the relationship between bein g a woman and creative expression. A discussion of her thoughts and work is instructive because of her commitment to improving the environment for women artists as a whole. Both her personal story and the story of her involvemen t with other wome n are enlightening. In her a u t obiography , Through the Flower, C h i cago recounts her development and growth as a person and an artist. Born in 1939, Chicago grew up and began her career when women were still not that visible in the professional world. As was often the case for women at that time, Chicago's professors were all male, and she consciously avoided f emale instructors because of their presumed inferiority. At that time, Chicago was not working within the c ontext of the feminist movement, nor was she educated in women's studies. Her art, even in its initial stages, was filled with female sexual imagery, but there was no audience to understand or support exploration of this imagery. Chicago began to feel that she was operating in a vacuum. Reaction from professors t o her work was discouraging, non-supportive, and 99

PAGE 82

Let ;..\ \ \\a\1\l uut • ;,.:r-, \ \ ( ,j(• c;.l.,. ,;;; , oii' ), 100 -

PAGE 83

I I even hostile. Chicago recalls, "I was putting something into my work that wasn't supposed to be there." (Chicago 1975, 34) Lacking refined technical abilities, her work emphasize d content more than craftsmanship; this made her imagery more uncomfortable and aggressive. In order to conform and be accepted, she began to abstract her art and hide the subject matter. She writes, "I had begun to compensate for my situation as a woman by trying to continually prove that I was as tough a s a man, and I had begun to change my work so that it would be accepted by men." (Chicago 1975, 34) Ti1e frustrations that she was experiencing at that time were expressed in her sculptures. She classifies this work in two categories: "small and rearrangeable which made the viewer huge in relation to them, or large, simple pieces that one walked through and was dwarfed by." She continues: "The duality [of this work] paralleled my own experience: in my studio, I was large and able t o manipulate my own circumstances, in the world, I was small and could get lost in values and at itudes that were hostile and foreign to me." (Chicago 1975, 43 ) Working primarily on her own, Chicago began to feel increasingly alienated by the traditional, maledominated art world. This led t o a growing need and desire to find a supportive environment for her work. This desire is common to many wome n artists and an important part of their development. Creation of a context for Chicago's art involved the identification of personally inspiring role models. This process of discovery was validating, and helped mitigate the feelings of isolation. To develop this context, Chicago read and looked at everything she could with respect to the work of other women artists. Initially, she concentrated on the lives and works of Barbra Hepworth, Georgia 101

PAGE 84

Lloyd 'B1rth Tiilagy . ' Ph0to riprlntid Ch1caga 102 I I

PAGE 85

O'Keeffe, and Lee Bontecou. As Chicago notes, these women were different in many regards, but "they all seemed to have made a considerable amount of work that was constructed around a center, as I had done. There also seemed to be an implied relationship between their own bodies and the centered image." (Chicago 1975, 142) As she expanded her study to include other women artists , she found that it was "clear that most female creators had not had a mode of expression that was essentially different from men's. Rather, they, as I, had embedded a different content, in the prevailing aesthetic mode of their time, and in so doing had rendered their point of view invisible to mainstream culture. Only in the twentieth century was there any attempt to express the idea that the form of art itself would have to be different if it was to communicate a female point of view." (Chicago 1975, 175) Through this review, she also observed that women artists "did not emerge singly." (Chicago 1975, 164) Their activity occurred "either during or after a period of active feminist struggle, or if spirited political battles were not actually taking place, they generally had the support of a small group of women or were sustained by the companionship of one woman . " (Chic;:ago 1975, 164) During this study, Chicago became convinced that she wanted and needed to work with other women. She believed that a supportive and understanding community would allow her to explore new ideas and share her struggles. She realized "that if the art community as it existed could not provide [her] with what [she] needed then [she] would have to commit [herself] to developing an alternative and ... the meaning ot the women's movement was that there was, probably for the first time in history, a chance to do just that." {Chicago 1975, 66) Her association with other women artists eventually 103

PAGE 86

Chicago, ; c,i D1nn.:r F'ad: " >.1'374-7' 3 ) . 011 :.11\it.: Cd.OiMi.:1 F'hat o h i r) Ripfifit.:d Chicag,:, 1 ' 3/5 . Judy Lhicigo, "Th.: Dinn.:r Party,• install a tio n viiw 48' x 48' . Photo Michat-1 Al.;xand.:r. R.:print.:d fr•ii* •:flicag•) 104

PAGE 87

led to teaching. As a professor, Chicago was committed to the development of a feminine artistic tradition. While engaged in teaching, Chicago continually asked, "Do women have different needs than men because they have been housekeeping, raising children, quilting, sewing, cooking, weaving, nuturing, pleasing men, and remaining in the background, while men ran the world?" (Chicago 1975, 103) In her work with women, Chicago has participated in numerous large group projects that have lasted several years. Working with a community of women has been integral to both the process of creating that art and the finished product. Her involvement has been aimed at elevating the traditionally defined decorative or minor arts . In two of her better known projects, The Dinner Party and The Blrth Project, Chicago used the medium of china and needlework. Initially, working with these materials was difficult. Schooling had emphasized the pre-eminence of painting and t h e fine arts and the secondary role of the decorative arts. Shedding t his bias was a difficult challenge and required a process of re-education. The Dinner Party is a historical tribute to t hirty nine women who have challenged traditiona l patriarchal values and in so doing have become sources of inspiration and leadership for other women. Another nine hundred and ninety-nine women are also recognized for their contributions to society and for the support that they gave to other women. The project takes the form of dinner plates arranged on a triangular table. The Birth Project, which Chicago bega n in 1980, celebrates the creation of life by r eintroducing birth imagery to our art. This imagery has been largely non-existent in Western art since the time o f the goddess cultures. A s Chicago notes, "Despite the fact that birth is a universal life experience and central to most women's lives, it is 105

PAGE 88

Photo. In the China -S:udio. Reprin.ted fro111 Chicago 1'379, 227. 106

PAGE 89

rarely depicted or described. This forces every woman to experience privately and usually abjectly what should be a triumphant confrontation with the life process itself." (Chicago 1975, 218) The themes of relatedness, connection, and continuity permeate this work. The expression of these ideas generally t akes the form of female sexual imagery. For inspiration, Chicago uses imagery from the goddess societies. Recurring images include female figurines, butterflies, and vaginal iconography. Additionaly, she relies on her vast knowledge of imagery developed and used by other women artists. Chicago has produced an ever-growing body of art. Reaction to her art is mixed. Her use of female sexual imagery can be objectionable because the theme is foreign and her renderings are overt, coarse, and aggressive. Chicago is undoubtedly a feminist and uses her art as a political statement. Her art expresses anger that women and women's needs and values have not been respected. Chicago can be criticized for separating hersel f too much from the mainstream and promoting an exclusive art. She is often viewed as a militant man-hater. Nevertheless, she is dedicated to the recognition of women and the feminine. She has alienated some of her audience by being so aggressive, but that same aggressiveness is one of her greatest attributes as she pushes the limits of art. Chicago certainly challenges traditional aesthetic values. For many women artists, this aggressive use of sexual imagery is merely a stepping stone that allows them to develop and express their feminine sensibilities; the sensibility remains but they move on to explore other expressions of the feminine. For Chicago, however, this overt use of female sexual imagery continues to be inspiring both as a political statement and as a personal 107

PAGE 90

O'Keeffe. 1979, 75. 108

PAGE 91

exploration. THE P I ONEER -GEORGIA O'KEEFFE Georgia O'Keeffe was born in Sun Prairie, Wisconsin in 1887 and died at her home, Ghost Ranch, in Abiquiu, New Mexico in 1986. She is one of the few women along Mary Cassatt to be included in art history books. So much can and has been written of O'Keeffe, as writers attempt to capture and define her spirit. That allure has been magnified with the ongoing retrospective of her work. Magazines from Newsweek to Eastern Airline Review to art journals of all types contribute to the frenzy. O'Keeffe has touched us in a way that few artists do, and one cannot help but ask "Why"? O'Keeffe "has become almost a cult figure, especially for feminist artists, despite the fact that she is adamantly uninterested i n making connections between her art and her female experience." (Munro, 50) As many writers and O'Keeffe herself have noted, "People are always projecting their own thoughts into her words and works. For this she has scoffed at them and drawn barriers tighter around herself. [but it is also] a measure of the artist's power and validity for our time that through so many changes of style and ideology she has lent herself to this kind of evolving interpretation. " (Munro, 50) To understand O'Keeffe, it is important to understand her motivations . Working with and learning from other artists, including her husband Alfr e d Stieglitz, allowed O'Keeffe to develop as an artist both technically and creatively. She worried, however, about merely doing the same kind of painting as other artists. For O'Keeffe, her art had to express her individuality; to mimic others' styles would have been futile. One of her oft-quoted remarks is: "I decided I was a very stupid fool not to at least paint as I wanted to and say what I wanted to when I painted, as that 109

PAGE 92

O'K
PAGE 93

seemed to be the only thing I could do that didn't concern anybody else." (Munro, 84) To explore her own identity, O'Keeffe isolated herself from society. When she was twenty-eignt, she moved to a desolate town in Texas determined to discover and paint her own art. To begin this quest, she decided to start over. She put aside color, working only in black-and-white. As she became increasingly confident of both her technique and ner expression, she began to use color but now with a new understanding and emotional spirit. Her first works were rather simplistic watercolor renderings of the Texas landscape, and a warmly colored series o f nude women figures. (Interestingly, these are the only figure drawings that she is known to have made.) From these early works, O'Keeffe moved on to the use of pastels and oils for the renderings of her legendary flowers. Except for a relatively brief time in New York City and occassional summers at Lake George, O'Keeffe lived the rest of her life alone in isolated areas of the country. This isolation allowed her to continue to develop her own style and expression. For O'Keeffe these empty, isolated landscapes were seductive. As Munro writes: "[T]he thing about emptiness is that one can fill it: an empty landscape, an empty paper. One can make one's own mark. And in a wide, flat, empty landscape, one is centered 11'lherever one is. " (Munro, 7 8) Furthermore, O'Keeffe had lived most of her life in windblown, empty landscapes. She had grown up on the prairies and wheat country of southern Wisconsin, and spent several years in the dusty brown plains of Texas. Her decision ultimately to settle on the deserts of New Mexico was not suprising. These l ndscapes inspired O'Keeffe's work, arousing feelings in her that kept "luring her back to try to capture it in paint." (Munro, 78) Her sense of 111

PAGE 94

'6t10st Ranch" (1948). Photo b y H.;lsiilan. Reprinted ff• )il C.;strl) 1'385, i l L Alfrt:d Sti;,9 litz, 'O'K e.:ff;,'s Hands 1nth Skull' (1930). Reprinted fro rit C.:.wc.r t \'387. 112

PAGE 95

attachment to the land intensified over time. She once said of that attachment: "Sometimes I think I'm half mad with love for this place ... My center does not come from my mind -it feels in me like a plot of warm moist well-filled earth with the sun shining on it." (Lippard 1983, 50) The impact of the lanscape on O'Keeffe's art is readily apparent. Adjectives used to describe her art include: "vast, lucid, spartan, epic, austere, healthy, clean-cut, unsentimental, pristine." (Harris, 304) These same adjectives describe the landscapes in which she lived. O'Keeffe surrounded herself with the natural , both in the landscapes where she lived and in the contents of her house. She collected small reminders of the world she loved. In recounting a tour of O'Keeffe's house, Munro writes: "She took me around her house, beginning with the famous rocks. They lay on the windowsill next to some plants in pots . . Then there was a cattle horn and a Mexican jar, and outside a window a table vdth yet more rocks. Those hard, natural shapes are her treasures . So is a tiny fireplace f o r pinon wood . and an aged tamarisk tree outside a windm.,." (Munro, 77) O'Keeffe was fascinated with "process-in nature". Her paintings tried to capture the two elements that she observed in the natural world: the steady permanence of the earth and sky; and the constant change in the land, light, and wind . (Munro, 78) O'Keeffe believed in an inextricable relationship between the human mind and the natural world. She believed that "nature presents the mind '"lith a number of symbolic expressions of an inner reality; that these various forms are related t o one another; and that between them all . . a clear correspondence exists." (Munro, 490) Her paintings are an exploration into and representation of the relationship between her own 113

PAGE 96

Geoiryia 'S1ngl t Lil y i.iith i : J28-', Oll on c,;n,o:;. 12" by f,-1/ 4". fr•:Oi l'tunro l 'j7' 3 , 8 ' 3 , 114

PAGE 97

nature, and the physical environment itself. As Munro writes: "Her paintings of the relics of natural evolution (rocks, cliffs, skull), her Western landscapes with their clefts and mounds, their Black Places and flesh-brown hills, their mountains we instinctively call 'ribbed' are our icons of the mystery of how, from its origins, human life has been integrated into the natural world." (Munro, 76) These feelings are translated into an explosion of color. The richness of her paintings creates an illusion of being able to touch and feel the images. Her paintings represent an eternal celebration of everyday life; it was unimportant whether that manifestation was realistic or abstract. She often painted out of context with one shape set inside another and with an intruiging mixture of scales. The intent and the result were to communicate the wonder with which she saw the world and to magnify the everyday so that others would notice. Flowers were a recurring image in her work. She loved the image of the flower as something fresh and fragile amid the hectic pace of our lives. (Castro, 56) She once wrote: "Do you feel like flowers sometimes?" (Castro,12) Through the image of the flower, she emphasized that "there was always another level or recess of nature to explore." (Munro, 80) She was also fascinated with skulls and bones. These images have been associated with symbols of death and transfiguration. Her pelvic series express "tensions between part and whole, centrality and asymmetry, convexity and concavity, largeness and smallness, nearness and farness." (Harris, 306) The way in which she uses the bones and their holes to view space "sets up a network of rich correspondences between the optical, the biological, and the spiritual.'' (Harris, 306) 115

PAGE 98

Giorgia G iorgi Bar n;' ! 1926). Oil on 2 1' x 32" . frofll 1 '37b, 305, 1 3 8 . 116

PAGE 99

Additionally, she often painted the landscapes in which she lived, particularly the Pedernal Mesa in the desert of New Mexico. To the Navajos, this specific place symbolizes the birthplace of the Changing Woman who signifies both earth and time, an appropriate image for and interpretation of O'Keeffe's work. {Lippard 1983, 50) O'Keeffe's work is often interpreted as being very sexual. Her paintings of flowers and undulating hills evoke erotic images of female sexuality. O'Keeffe's prevailing imagery suggests a preoccupation with shelter and its various forms: "those protecting the fetus {pelvic bones) and lower forms of life {clamshells); those offering protection from the weather {barns); and those providing sanctuary for the spirit {the Ranchos Church) ... it is easy to assume that they relate to the sexual and pshychological experiences of being a woman and to womb imagery in particular." {Harris, 304 ) In reference to her work, Stieglitz similarly noted: "Woman feels the world differentl y than man feels it . . if these woman-produced things which are distinctly feminine can live side by side with male-produced art . . we will find that the underlying aesthetic laws governing the one govern th other -the original generating feeling merely being different." {Harris, 304) O'Keeffe denied this association, criticizing the viewers for reading too much into her work. Her resistance to this interpretation has been the focus of debate. Some argue that she never intended this association. Others argue that O'Keeffe wanted to be evaluated on the same level as male artists and feared that any reference to women or the feminine implied a lack in her art. This feeling may have grown in response to comments from critics who mistakenly wrote, "All these paintings say is 'I want to have a baby.'" 117

PAGE 100

G.-orgia 0'KH ffr1 ' Ranchos Church' (\930) . Taos, Nt-11 Hexico. Oil on canvas . 24' x 36'. frolii Pd..rs 197f., 305, plate 13'3. 118

PAGE 101

(Lippard 1983, 50) Ne vertheless, O'Keeffe was sensitive to her feminine nature. A recent publication of her letters reinforces this observation. In one letter O'Keeffe wrote: "But a woma n who has lived many things and who sees lines and colors as an expression of living might say something that a man can't. I feel there is something unexplored about women that only a woman can explore men have done all they can about it." (Cowart, 180) On another occasion, she "I am trying with all my skill to do a painting that is all of women, as well as all of me." (Lippard 1983, 50) Her work and her personality express a duality. A t one level there is an austerity and a haunting sense of isolation from tradition and from other individuals. At another level, there is an overwhelming sense of emotion and life. As Munro writes: "She seems to have provided both a personal lmage and works that touch upon two fundamental intuitions about the nature of reality . These are that there exists motion (in the case of her person: a life of action, self-determination, will; in the case of the world: changing lights, shadows, wind, forms in mutation, music and the breath of life) and that there exists a permanent ground (in the case of her person: ritualistic, timeless costume, silence, the austerity of her isolation and manner of life; in the case of the world: stars, earth and bones." (Munro, 91) O'Keeffe is heralded by feminists for her ability to strike out on her own and her determination to satisfy herself. Many women artists have certainly been inspired by both her life and her work. The debate about the origins of her imagery will continue. While the imagery is important, of greater significance is her attitude about the undeniable relationship between humanity and nature. This sense of connectedness and continuity is at the core of her work and it is this 119

PAGE 102

Mary Miss, 'Sunken Pool' 11974!. GrHnwi:h, Connecticut. Inside 13' high; outsidt 10' high. II•Jod, st;,d, water. MISS 1'385, '34. Alice Aycock, 'Williaas College Project• 11974). Concate block chuber, 24' x 73' x 48', inside covered with an earth approx. dialli. 15'. Reprinted frofl Hall 1983, 11. 120

PAGE 103

sensibility that is a reflection of the feminine. ART IN CONTEXT-ENVIRONMENTAL ARTISTS Environmental art represents a tangible interaction between art and nature with the final expression resulting in physical form. The artists move out of the studio and into the environment. Women have been particularly active in this area and their work has received wide acclaim. The original earth works were predominately created by men. These works were generally isolated and inaccessible, located in the wide expanses of uninhabited land in the West. Their location was determined out of consideration for both size and subject matter. Nevertheless, they have been criticized as "exercises in awesome and even heartless futility ... inaccessible, hermetic, tragic or arrogant in their isolation." (Munro, 56} As environmental art matures, there is greater emphasis on accessibility and human interaction. It is at this level that women have been particularly involved and developed as leaders. The female creators of environmenta l art tend to build structures that "deliberately engage an audience in exercises of contemplation of a strikingly primitive order. There is a quality of childishness to the works themselves, often made of boxes, crates, sticks, rocks, paper, ropes, twigs, saplings." (Munro, 56} Their work explores: "scale, form, association, myth, archaeology, history, inversion of expectation, gesture, technology, procession, events, impermanence, perception, fantasy, and indeed the whole cornucopia of natural and built environments." (McDonough, 251) The more prolific and better known women environmental artists include: Alice Aycock, Nancy Holt, Mary Miss, Patricia Johanson, and Agnes Denes, to name but a few. The prevailing theme of the work by these women is "process-in nature". 121

PAGE 104

"TrH Mountain" (1983), Cherie Kluesing. Architect; Photo Scott Hyde. Reprinted trow Schwartz 19851 34. 122

PAGE 105

There is an emphasis on exploration of the relationship between the "landscape of the mind" and the physical landscape. (Munro, 78) These artists attempt to integrate art and nature with everyday life. For too long, we have defined art as a peripheral activity that is primarily produced by individuals who are outside the cultural mainstream and exhibited in the austere, foreign environments of museums and galleries or in the exclusive, formal settings of corporate offices and wealthy homes. (Lippard 1983, 13) These artists want to change that attitude. As Mary Miss once said: "There is a chance for the first time in years for art to be part of people's lives -something they walk through, or by, or stop and sit on while on the way to work." (Nevins, 102) Goddess cultures have been a significant source of inspiration for this art, because in these societies there was no separation between art, nature , and daily life. As discussed in earlier chapters, the imagery and content of that art and architecture were suggestive of the intertwined relationship between people, the built environment, and the land; there was an understanding that all were dependent on one another and evolved together. The location of the sculptural art and architecture reflected a sensitivity to the surrounding environment. Similarly, the form responded to the character of the landscape, both the permanent (topography) and the ever-changing (the light, and seasons) . (Scully, 7) To explore these same ideas, environmental artists have studied archaeological findings from the Neolithic societies, Crete, Stonehenge, certain Indian cultures, and many others. Rather than an identical replication of these pieces, these artists are striving for a contemporary expression of these ideas. What O'Keeffe studied and portrayed in two dimensions, these artists are exploring in three. Examples of these concepts are 123

PAGE 106

M iry F'cir ;.):\. C1t1 • \lo)u•:l. 12' (E.' a ; 5 0 ' B'i, 1 2 4

PAGE 107

readily apparent in the work of Mary Miss and Nancy Holt. There i s not much written o n t hese women , but that which i s availabl e i s instructive. Mary Miss has been active as an environmental a rtist. In her work, she is very interested in context. In a recent interview she said: "I like to do things that somehow come out of the place in which they are built. " (Nevins, 101) Like Holt, she explores the perception of time and the relationship between t h e viewer and the environment. Her pieces involve the "complete integration between materials, idea, and place. " (Lippard 1976, 210) As she once said, "I think one of the compelling things to me about working in the landscape is trying to integrate the organic with a built structure. " (Nevins, 102) One of her better known works that investigates the perception of space is on a landfill in Battery Park, N'ew York. As Lucy Lippard writes: "You are standing outdoors; you have approached something which appears flimsy and small in its vast surroundings, and now you are inside of it, drawn into its central focus, your perspective aggrandizing magically. " (Lippard 1976, 212) Another prevailing theme in her work is the use of space as a "sanctuary or refuge". (Hall, 38) Examples of this concept are illustrated in the Sunken Pool which was a walled metal cyclinder located on an overgrow n path in Greenwich, Connecticut. To get to the piece, "you had to walk across a field, through a pine grove, ford a creek; then you came to a very dense bramble area and within that you found a sunken pool. So the process of getting to the piece was a very important one. " (Nevins, 98) As Miss describes this work: "Standing in the center of the piece, everything is cut off from view except the sky. Rising slowly, you passed the marked layers, bands of steel, as though coming up through layers of the earth -like rising out of the center o f a 1 25

PAGE 108

Miff M iss, 'Fro p osil lor S0ut h P afL C1ty li984l . Susin Ch1ld S t i nton Ecks: u t , Land;c a p i A r cfillict;. Schwartz !S. 1 2 6

PAGE 109

crater .... it is by sighting down these long troughs that the outside landscape is first revealed over the rim. Continuing the vertical rise from the center, this circular pit with crossed arms becomes a target, a marker on the landscape." (Hall, 39) More recently, Miss has worked with architects and landscape architects on a variety of projects. Her interaction with the design profession is encouraging. Emphasis on collaboration and the sharing of ideas will positively influence design. The ability to interact as professionals moves us one step closer toward the realization of a built environment that is more interactive with the users and the environment. Nancy Holt began her work in environmental art in the early 1970's. Her works are influenced by her training as a photographer and her perception of the world through a camera lens. Her initial work concentrated on locating the viewer in space and in time. Her major works from this time include, Views Through a Sand Dune, created in Narragansett, Rhode Island, and Sun Tunnels, in the Utah desert. In these pieces, Holt uses "holes in tunnels, pipes, and other devices that made the viewer consider both outside and inside, perceptual and physiological sensations." (Lippard 1983, 106) Her early as well as her later work respond to both the permanent and the changing qualities of their specific sites. They engage the viewer in a dialogue with the sculpture at one level and the surrounding environment at another. In this interaction, the viewer explores the concepts of time and space. One description of her work is that: "The experience of Holt 1 s sculpture is both visual and kinesthetic .... The viewer actually enters the form to become its literal center, penetrate its internal dynamics, and become its focal point. From this vantage the viewer explores himself in relation to an expanded environ-mental field." (Shaffer, 174) 127

PAGE 110

Nancy H01t, 'Star Cross.:d' \l'37'HS81) , cono:r,;t.:, 11atH, and gr.;ss, x 4 0 ' OVHall, fr,ji• Shaffer 1 '383, 1 i Nancy H•jlt, 'Annual Ring' (!'380-Bli , Sag1na1J1 Mid11gan. bars , and f • )liting; , 3:)' 14'3' high . R;;pr;nt.;d ii"•)fi 1'3831 107. Niincy Holt, Thr•)ugh a Sand Dun.; ' 113721. and sand, x 6f.". Narrag.;ns.;tt Rhod,; [;land . R.:print.;u fror1 Hall 1'383, 30. 128

PAGE 111

The timeless and the ephemeral, permanence and passage are opposing yet complimentary concepts that Holt explores in her work. Similarly, she investigates the relationship between inside and outside and the relativity of these perceptions. These pieces reflect her guiding philosophy that one's "spiritual depth develops along with [the] understanding that [the] spirit partakes of and is reflected in the world of nature."(Shaffe r 175) This same attitude motivated the art of the goddess societies and of Georgia O'Keeffe. One of Holt's most recent projects is Sky Mound in the Hackensac k Meadowlands area of Northern New Jersey. The 57-acre site for the project is an abandoned landfill, which is located next to the New Jersey Turnpike, Amtrack rail lines, and a flight path into Newark Airport. Needless to say, the context for the project is challenging. Holt's proposal for the project was inspired by prehistoric Stone Age burial mounds. She designed a 100 feet high hill, which is oriented toward a variety of views. In one direction there are the broad, flat marshlands, in another there are glimpses of "industiral and post-industrial America: railroad tracks, iron bridges, smokestacks, highways, and airplane flyways"; and in yet another is the horizon of the New York skyline punctuated by the outline of 15 other landfills. (LeVeque, 82) The hill itself is built on 10 million tons of garbage. The design functions as a methane gas recovery system. While satisfying this immediate need, the site also functions as an environment for humans, birds, and other wildlife. Holt's design recognizes the variety of users and attempts to provide experiences that are stimulating for people who physically use the site as well as for those who move past in a car or train or overhead in a plane. 129

PAGE 112

$" -... Nancy H.j[t, 'Sky Mound.' fro1" 1988, 82. 130

PAGE 113

This project is a synthesis of a number of seemingly disparate parts. At all levels, Holt emphasizes human with the natural environment. She does not reclaim the landfill into a golf course or park. Instead, she allows the site to become a place where people can gain an understanding of humanity's role in changing the natural environment. (LeVeque, 86) A primary design concept is to create an awareness of the cosmos and to explore personal orientation to the universe. The design also reminds us that we have choices to make with respect to our attitudes about nature; we can choose to live with nature or we can continue to exploit it. This design recognizes dualities as complementary rather than competing elements. Holt, the artist, works in collaboration with a landscape architect and scientists. The design reflects an understanding of nature as a process in contrast to an object. Finally, the design emphasizes a relationship between humanity and nature that is based on interdependence rather than domination. Holt and Miss, as well as the other environmental artists, are a source of inspiration and innovation for the design professions as a whole. The architectural professions are often criticized for their presumption "that the built environment is at its best when it is controlled, stylized, quantifiable, and rational: all the things environmental art isn't.... [A]rchitecture, more than any other visual art, shuns ... aesthetic experimentation as an ideological or professional base." (McDonough, 243) As Miss herself notes, "I think that because of the restraints felt by architects and landscape architects, they aren4t free to test those ideas that I feel free to investigate. There is no real reason why they can't be involved in them, but they aren't." (Nevins, 102) 131

PAGE 114

The environmental artists, who are less constrained by clients and functional concerns, are freer to engage in aesthetic experimentation. They envision "city-nature environments, [and] structures entered into and moved by wind, sunlight, sound and time itself." (Munro, 57) In their endeavors, they are re-evaluating traditional aesthetic and societal values. Their art has a primitive quality to it which originates fro m and reflects an understanding of goddess cultures. In returning to prehistory, they are, in a sense, starting over. This provides the opportunity for new expressions and new content. The underlying theme is one of wholeness and the union of humanity and nature. Such a theme is dependent on the equal recognition of men and women and the masculine and the feminine. This understanding is undoubtedly of benefit t o the design professions. Summary The definition of woman's art is not rigid. There is an underlying desire to express a self-image and an image of society that is different from the prevailing interpretations. There is a move away from objectification, the portrayal of an image as an object that one controls or dominates. Judy Chicago seeks a definition of women as more than an aesthetic object. She seeks an art that speaks to women and all aspects of their lives -their biology, their history, their sensibilities, and their day-to-day lives. A s a vehicle for her exploration, she works exclusively with a community of women and with female sexual imagery. Georgia O'Keeffe and the environmental artists are also involved in this move away from objectification. Their exploration, however, has been expanded t o include the portrayal of both women and nature as more than aesthetic objects. In focusing on nature as a process rather than an object, they abandon the attitude that humanity controls and dominates nature and pursue an 133

PAGE 115

attitude of relatedness, connection, and continuity between humanity and nature. They believe that an understanding and appreciation for the physical world clarifies an understanding of oneself and vice versa; one mirrors the other. In all of this work, there is an attempt to understand human nature. As individuals, we have both a feminine and a masculine side. In our society, we have tried to control the feminine, not allowing for its full expression and viewing it as secondary to the masculine. Chicago focuses solely on the feminine because it has been lacking in our society. Her approach is that to understand the whole, we need to understand the parts. O'Keeffe and the environmental artists try to grapple with the whole from the beginning, without breaking it into parts. They focus on understanding human nature in relation to the physical world. The implication is that an ability to live with and in nature reflects an ability to live comfortably with ourselves, the feminine and the masculine. Each approach has merit and is being investigated by architects and landscape architects in the built environment. The conclusions from this chapter echo conclusions from preceding chapters and suggest implications for design. It is time to explore those implications. 135

PAGE 116

CHAPTER 7 THE FEMININE IN DESIGN The built environment is a reflection of individual and societal attitudes. As one writer notes: "Human environments reflect far more than the stylistic intention of their designers . . they display a mass of social images and symbols that suggest the character of the people who will be likely to use a particular space." (Wekerle, 4} Individuals sympathetic with feminism are concerned with the message that is embedded in the existing built form; they are questioning the old messages and searching for expressions consistent with the new messages. They are interested in the design of a physical environment that is more responsive to women's functional needs and is more reflective of the feminine sensibility. Feminists, along with many others are concerned with "the inhuman quality of the monuments of modern architecture . [and] the gap between life and pure aesthetics." (Thompson, 4) Feminists also believe that the prevailing architecture reinforces divisions between the sexes. Men and women, the masculine and the feminine, are distinctly defined as public or private, respectively. The presumption, as has been stated previously, is that women, the feminine, and the private are subordinate to men, the mascu_ine, and the public. The built environment has clearly responded to this dichotomy. In a dichotomized society, relationships are perceived as either/or . Female and male are considered opposites, at opposing ends of the

PAGE 117

spectrum. Society, on all levels, is divided into dualities: culture/nature; objective/ subjective; intellect/emotion; synthetic/organic; scientific/aesthetic; isolation/connection. (Thompson, 10) When applied to design, the masculine is identified as powerful, technological, permanent, isolated, "product-oriented, simplified, controlled, unchanging, aggressive, blunt, serious", and above all monumental. (Thompson, 12) The feminine in design is characterized as "process-oriented, nonhierarchical, nuturing, complex, inviting participation, organic, life enhancing, sociable, [and] playful", and above all human in scale. (Thompson, 12 ) As a result of our patriarchal orientation, the built environment has emphasized the masculine at the expense of the feminine. As Jane Thompson, of Ben Thompson Associates, observes: "If today' s products, cities, and buildings suffer from an imbalance of male and female emphasis, it is a lack of female awareness that we are suffering from" (Thompson, 9) With the Women's Movement, more women are entering the profession. This does not ensure, however, that the feminine will be emphasized in conjunction with the masculine. As Thompson writes: "At the moment . . most of the pressures on [women] are to mimic and match what men are doing in the field . . I have been disturbed to find the absorption syndrome is still very much with us." (Thompson, 8) To correct this situation, she concludes: "It is now time to recognize and end that imbalance and revalidate the feminine principles in design, in living, and in society. Men and women alike must do this. Men by allowing fuller professional influence to women, and by listening harder to the f emale voices themselves. Women by rising t o the task of they can be, and fighting for what they know of the truths of their experience. Both [menand women will be messengers 139

PAGE 118

of this change] by discovering the depths of their inner plural ism. " (Thompson, 16) In a more balanced society, the feminine and masculine exist n o t as an either/or but as complements to one another in a but/and relationship. The emphasis i s not o n polarity, isolation , and control but rather on integration, cooperation, equality, and relatedness. This sense of balance and wholeness will be evidenced i n the reorganization of our profession (as discussed in Chapter 4) and in the physical configuration and form of our built environment. Individuals, nature, and architectural form will no longer be viewed a s discrete objects, but rather as systems that depend on and interact with one another. Our designs will be more humane and concerned with context as well as practical and profitable. They will be functional, but they will also provide for individua l interpretation and exploration. They will b e oriented toward the user rather than toward the glorification of the designer. As Thompson notes: "If design confines, overpowers, and diminishes people, if produced for the creator alone, it fails in its objectives." (Thompson, 7 ) The s earch for the feminine principle in design is el sive, as is the search for the feminine in art. It is difficult to look at the work of wome n designers indiscriminantly. As Thompson notes: "The work that I have see n done by women architects is good, competent, serious, credible, but I find it often indistinguishable from the work of our much published m ale heros and leaders . . Now I'm not saying it should be different for the sake of being different, not to be a style which distinguishes m e n from women, heaven forbid. Bu t the essence of the work should be apart from male dominated design b ecause that shows the same form a n d character and the same flaws, irritations, and perversions that are visited upon us in the environment everywhere." (Thompson, B) 141

PAGE 119

Nevertheless, there are women who have and are exploring the feminine in design at a conceptual level and in the translation of concepts into physical form. These examples are not necessarily the perfect embodiment of a different sensibility, but they reflect the germination of new ideas and a new conversation. These examples can be discussed in several categories: those that focus specifically on the feminine and environments for women; those that consider modifications at the scale of the residence and neighborhood community; and those that explore the concept of contextual orientation or the built form in relation to people, and to the site. There are common themes in much of this work that echo observations from previous chapters. There is an emphasis on relatedness, connection, and continuity. There is a move away from simpification and spaces that impose a set of rigidly defined experiences on the users and thereby perpetuate traditional role definitions. Many designers are gravitating toward spaces that allow for personal interpretation and expression. Similarly, there is an effort to work with and recognize dualities and opposites in a positve rather than negative manner. In one writer's words: "The woman's form is collective. It is a tapestry or quilt, a weaving or collage, an interlacing of all the diverse parts which are obsessively differentiated in the dominant culture." (Metzger, 11) Many of the following examples reflect this collective spirit. There is an attempt to portray the concepts of feminine and masculine, private and public, user and object, and nature and building in a dynamic, interactive relationship with an emphasis on wholeness rather than fragmentation. 143

PAGE 120

'fantisy EnvironMent ; . ' R eprinted from Birkby, :s77, ::6 . 144

PAGE 121

ENVffiONMENTSFORWOMEN Many women architects are concentrating on designing spaces for women in particular. These spaces consider the specific needs of women and an expression of those needs in physical forms that are more typically identified with women. A research endeavor on this subject is being pursued by two architects: Phyllis Birkby and Leslie Kanes Weisman. The title of their project is Women's Fantasy Environments. The purpose of their project is "to help lay a foundation for a new architecture based on the experience, consciousness and creative imagination of women." (Birkby 1977, 116) In this sense, their work and approach resemble that of Judy Chicago, who has worked exclusively with women to understand the female sensibility and to express that sensibility in appropriate imagery. Birkby and Weisman have collected drawings of women's fantasy environments in workshops conducted across the country from Maine to California. In their research, they have attempted to tap a diverse cross-section of women who represent a wide range of life styles, ages, experiences, and educational backgrounds. An evaluation of these drawings reveals a number of common themes based on the frustrations, needs, and fantasies of the participants. The most prevelant theme is "the intense hunger for a truly supportive environment'' which can diffuse feelings of fragmentation and isolation. (Birkby 1977, 116) The community envisioned by the participants would be cooperative, non-competitive, and non-hierarchical. It would also encouage equality between the sexes by redefining traditional role patterns. The ideal environments designed by these women are 145

PAGE 122

"Fantasy 1'370 , 32. 1 4 6 fro;

PAGE 123

flexible, and adaptable, easily accommodating the complexities and ambiguities of modern life. Their definition of "architecture is not static and monolithic but malleable, expanding and contracting, organically evolving -stretchable nets, systems of attachment and separation, multiple purposes, recycleable forms." (Birkby 1977, 116) There is an emphasis on personal interpretation and choice. The spaces reflect a sensitivity to human interaction and activity with an emphasis on intimacy and sensory stimulation for the body and the mind. The ideal spaces are "multi-centered, fluid, informal and non-linear. Time is a continuum, often embodied in swirling movement and spiraling forms." (Birkby 1977, 116) The spatial organization has a sense of "multiple peaks rather than a single climactic moment -has a quality and rhythm which may parallel women1s ontological experience, particularly her experience of time." (deBretteville 1974, 15) The spaces also suggest an integration between buildings and landscape; continuity is expressed throughout. The exercise of collecting and evaluating these images brings women together to talk about their needs, expectations, and visions. As with Judy Chicago1s work, it provides a forum for discussion and future exploration. Women, perhaps for the first time, are considering environments specifically designed with respect for their collective needs. The next step is to move from the conceptual ideas to the translation of those ideas into physical form. A similar brainstorming session was conducted at The New Jersey School of Architecture in conjunction with a conference on wome n1s role in cities. The purpose of the session was to design an ideal community for women. Specific consideration was given to how women would modify an environment to better suit their own needs, 147

PAGE 124

in Sahara.' Reprinted froij Gail Pric• 1'381, 47. 148

PAGE 125

sensibilities, and visions. Though the project was contrived, the results parallel many from the Fantasy Environment project. The parameters of the project were to design a community for women. The original plan resembled an ideal Renaissance city. The community was laid out in the form of a square with a large central facility for public functions. This core was surrounded with a double row of individual dwellings. Four smaller public facilities were regularly interspersed within the residential areas. The original plan was hierarchical with a clear demarcation between public and private. All buildings were shaped in the form of a cube. The intial concept was that each woman would be responsible for maintainin g her own cube, with work on the public facilities shared by the community. The interior walls of the dwellings were decorated with woven cloths. The project considered how the community would evolve in response to the needs and sensibilities of women. The participants built a model of the original community plan and then considered how it might be modified. Their finished product consisted of six models, and an accompanying story of the evolution of the community. The first two models are identical. With the third mod l, the original community plan starts to chang e , beginning with the deterioration of the central public facility. In the fourth model, the central building declines e ven further, and some of the dwellings on one side begin to fall apart. By the fifth model, the modifications are substantial. The central facility is totally abandoned and dwellings on two sides of the perimeter along with two of the smaller public buildings disappear. The dwellings on the two remaining sides are no longer identically shaped cubes. The decorative wall hangings are now used to link cubes together and to create new spaces. 149

PAGE 126

Virg1nia Gray's Adobe froi Birkby !381, 2B. 150

PAGE 127

By the sixth model the original community is totally transformed. There is a much greater sense of community interaction. The original, rigid, hierarchical system is no longer apparent. In its place are units of varying size that integrate permanent architectural with decorative cloths. The community is more organic, and there is no c lear articulation between public and private, though there are still places to be alone and places for group interaction. The public space which is defined by a series of decorative cloths that are sewn together encourages a broad range of activities. The prevailing sensiblities include: adaptabi lity, community support and interaction. More tangible e xpressions o f these same concepts are found i n the homes and in the buildings designed by and for wome n . P articularly illustrative examples are found in Virginia Gray's adobe house in Santa Fe, New Mexico and in the Woman's Building in Los Angeles, California. Virginia Gray's h ome has evolved over time to satisfy her changing needs and lifestyle. The original floor plan for Gray's home was rectilinear. The space wa s rigidly defined and expressed a masculine sensibility. After living in the house for several years, Gray became increasingly aware of a need to modify the space and make it more responsive to her own needs and expressions. To do this, she broke through one of the original walls of the home. ' The additio n resembles many of the Fantasy Environments and suggests the imag e of a womb. Th e circular, organic form creates a fluid space that expands or contracts depending on the vantage point and the implied use. There is a sensitivity to sensory stimulation. The fireplace acts as the center of the space, the point at which the opposites meet. The contrast between the old and new is striking and dynamic. The two parts are 151

PAGE 128

, i The Wohlan' s Building, Los C alifornia. Reprinte.J Turri 158. 152

PAGE 129

stronger when combined as a whole then they are in isolation. As Birkby observes: "[I]n the end the new space does not entirely replace the old; rather it establishes . a dialogue between hard and soft, straight and curved, static and flowing spaces. Opposites are subtly transformed into options.'' (Birkby 1970, 29) Another example of a space designed for women is the Woman's Building. In 1973, Sheila deBretteville, Judy Chicago, and Arlene Raven realized their dream of designing a building for and by women. This building functions as a public center for women's culture. The building was named after the first Woman's Building designed by Sophia Hayden at the Columbian Exposition of 1893. The building "is a nonprofit collective, housing various research and art studio programs, offices, and gallery and performance spaces." (Torre 1977, 158) To shape the environment and create a space that was responsive to the users, the designers collected information from non-professional women who were interested in this endeavor. The information was compiled as part of a project titled: "Redesigning in support of ourselves." The women "document[ed] their movement and activities in public and private space, to identify their specfic needs as users, and [made] maps and models that could visually communicate their experiences." (Torre 1977, 158) The intent was to formalize their responses in qualitative rather than quantifiable terms. Results that mirrored those of the Fantasy Environments were then used in the design of the Woman's Building. First and foremost, the physical form of the building encourages all possibilities. It attempts to integrate elements of private life (the home) with public life (the professional environment). "The design emphasis was placed on open forms and circulation spaces as places of planned and chance 153

PAGE 130

meeting, conversation, protest, and celebration. By leaving an indoor street along the periphery, the natural light remained part of the shared public environment . . a minimum of new walls creates a variety of smaller, more articulate, and private spaces, with only a few restricted to a single use." (Torre 1977, 177) The Fantasy Environments, the New Jersey Project, Virginia Gray's home, and the Woman's Building each suggest modification of traditional architectural forms. Particular emphasis is given to understanding and defining the feminine and to the representation of this sensibility in appropriate physical form. Like the art of Judy Chicago, this approach focuses on the part as opposed to the whole. The justification for this approach is that the expression and validation of the feminine have been lacking in this society. Revalidation requires that women complete the process of self-definition. Proponents of this position argue that this process cannot be achieved within the dominant culture; it needs to be nurtured and encouraged in a more supportive environment. THE RESIDENTIAL SCALE An important consideration in the feminization of the built environment is the dissolution of the barriers between private and public. As long as a strict division remains, certain behaviors and attitudes will be more appropriate in one realm rather than another. There will always be a distinction between the two, but a rigid separation makes movement between them a frustrating rather than fluid experience. Feminists argue that this division is particularly inhibiting and cumbersome for women who are trying to juggle careers with hom e life. Statistics still find that women continue to be the primary tenders of the home even though they are becoming an increasing part of the 155

PAGE 131

Su;ana Torrt, "Spact as Matrix. • Puerto Rico. 1200 SGUirt Torre 1981, 5 2 . 156

PAGE 132

workforce. Several women architects are involved in research and test projects that address the melding of public and private. Much of this initial work has focused on the smaller scale: individual residences, and neighborhood communities. This scale is easier to tackle than the larger, less manageable divisions within the urban environment. Two examples will be discussed: Susana Torre's Space as Matrix, and Dolores Hayden's research on neighborhood communities. The architect, Susana Torre , is interested in modifying the rigid division between private and public within the house. To explore her ideas, she developed a conceptual model, which she called The House of Meanings. This project allowed Torre to investigate new concepts of residential space. Through her research, she developed a theme of "space as matrix". (Torre 1981, 51 ) This approach offers an alternative to the historically rigid, hierarchical division of space into enclosed rooms. It is also an alternative to the more contemporary open plan in which no space is delineated. The open plan has been criticized for creating power struggles amongst dwelling partners who competitively vie for space. "The matrix space assumes a breakdown of the conventional distinction between private and public, individual a n d shared, proposing an interaction between opposites: . spatial continuity and spatial hieracrchy. . open/ enclosed, isolated/connected, low/high, small/ large, intimate/monumental." (Torre 1981, 51) The model explores multi-functional spaces that accommodate modern needs. "The ultimate form of each house cannot be known, for it always exists in a 'present' state of completion, capable of being altered -in a state of equipose between permanence and change, art and life." (Torre 1981, 51) 157

PAGE 133

Torre has applied this model in the design of two homes: a residence for an extended family, and a residence for a writer who is vistied for long periods by friends and grown children. In the first instance, the need for privacy am ongst different family members was acknowledged through the siting of private rooms at the ends of the house. These ends are connceted by a loosely defined central space which can be divided in a number of different ways by sliding glass doors. The central space can be one large public area, or sub-divided into smaller more intimate spaces depending on the family's needs. In the second situation, there is a central core space for day-to-day living and gatherings. Adjoining the core are a series of spaces that are multi-functional; they can become private spaces for sleeping or more intimat e interaction or they can be opened to expand the core public area. The entire space is fluid and continuous. Notably, the concepts of adaptability, flexibility, fluidity, and connection are the same themes suggested in the women's environments. Dolores Hayden, an architectural historian and academic, has focused on the dissolution of private and public within the neighborhood communities. Her most recent book, Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family deals specifically with redefining the boundaries between private and public. Hayden argues that the conventional home organized around the kitchen, dining room, living room, bedrooms, and garage is inadequate for modern lifestyles. The neighborhoods that perpetuate the conventional home need to be re-evaluated as well. Hayden believes that neighborhoods need to incorporate a greater sense of shared community space to facilitate everyday household activities. "The problem is paradoxical: women cannot improve their status in the home unless their overall 159

PAGE 134

Haydtn, Sutuiban Bl0ck Plan. froii Chi:c.go P ro-ss, I '381, 181. ..._.., . • .,.. . -. ...... ••••• IIIII Hayden, Propost-d Ch1cago 1'381, 181. 160

PAGE 135

. -economic position in society is altered; women cannot improve their status in the paid labor force unless their domestic responsibilities are altered." (Hayden 1981, 173) As a solution, Hayden recommends an environment that "unites housing, services, and jobs." (Hayden 1981, 173) This change cannot occur, however, without a change in our value system and the revision of existing zoning regulations which perpetuate the clear demarcation between private and public. Several alternative planning arrangements are being proposed and tested. An important consideration in the development of these new communities is that most American families "desire not an end to private life altogether, but community services to support their private household. They also desire solutions which reinforce their economic inde pendence. and maximize their personal choices about child rearing and sociability." (Hayden 1981, 178) As an example, Hayden explores a typical suburban block of thirteen single-family houses. This block is characterized by a high degree of separation between private and public. The block as a whole encompasses four acres, which are divided into plots of one-fourth to one-half acre each. "Thirteen driveways used by twenty-six cars, ten garden sheds, ten swings, thirteen lawn mowers, thirteen outdoor dining tables, begin to suggest the wasteful duplication of existing amenities." (Hayden 1981, 181) As an alternative, Hayden proposes that the block be turned inside out with shared spaces in the heart of the block and private uses on the perimeter of the block. Community activities including play areas, day care, and vegetable gardens would be incorporated with the common open space to create an interior park. (Hayden 1981, 183) Additionally, some of the single family homes could be modified into multiple dwelling units to 161

PAGE 136

make attractive housing more afforadable to a wider range of individuals. Successful rehabilitation of existing housing blocks has been achieved in Radburn, New Jersey and in the Baldwin Hills district of Los Angeles, California. These prototypes and propsals are not without flaws. How is privacy on the perimeter of the block achieved without creating a wall of fences? They also require a redefinition of what we want in a home, hence the title of Hayden's book. The concept of communal living is unappealing to many of us who value privacy and our individual, personal space. To lower middle class individuals and single parents, however, such an arrangement may help relieve some of the financial burden of private housing and provide the option for shared day care. In order to succeed, these communities need to be integrated into the mainstream or they will become unattractive and risk being labeled as "projects". Housing and neighborhoods in the past have clearly emphasized a division between the traditional roles of men and women and public and private. The desire for privacy will always need to be recognized and accommodated. Torre, Hayden, and others are examining how that desire might be satisfied without creating isolation and such rigid demarcations between the private and public. They are motivated by the conviction that women's lives will not change until their houses and neighborhoods are re-evaluated and re-designed. As one writer notes: "By isolating the activities of the home from activities of work, alternative modes of behavior in each are prevented from emerging." (deBretteville 1974, 14) The result in the traditional approach is an emphasis on fragmentation; the desired result in the above examples is an emphasis on wholeness. 163

PAGE 137

.> / .... . Su;ana Plan Ftr < Statio n ii5, ColullOu ; lnd;ana. tr.:o1 1 Gu;.;;i cl; I '387, 8. < p 164

PAGE 138

CO TEXTUAL ORIE t TATION Another theme that female designers have gravitated toward is contextual orientation. This concept implies consideration for the built form in relation to its surrounding environment. Additionally, it suggests a concern for human interaction with the built form. This attitude moves away from the view of architecture as a series of unrelated objects toward an emphasis on systems and interdependence. This approach values participation between users, buildings, and site. The pursuit of this theme reminds us of previous discussions. It parallels observations made about women in Carol Gilligan's research. The goddess societies also respected the themes of integration and connection between humanity, architecture, and nature; and it is these same concepts that are being pursued by the female environmental artists. To explore further these ideas, two projects will be discussed: Susana Torre's Fire Station #5 and Maya Ying Lin's Vietnam Memorial. Susana Torre recently completed the design of Fire Station #5 in Columbus, Indiana. Over the years, Columbus has developed a rich architectural tradition and has attracted such notable designers as Kevin Roche, I.M. Pei, and Eliel and Eero Saarinen. In a sense, this small midwestern community has become a showcase for architecture, a museum of sorts. The opportunity to design here is one of the highest compliments. Torre's inclusion in this elite group is impressive on its own merit, but attains even greater significance because she is the first woman to receive a commission in Columbus. The site that Torre had to work with was located in a newly developed subdivision on the outskirts of the main downtown area. This site presented several challenges: it was a left-over triangular 165

PAGE 139

Su;ini Fire Stition ;5, Reprinted Gu;e v1ch 1387, r o . 166

PAGE 140

shaped piece of property surrounded by streets on all sides; there was no clear sense of entry; and there was a brook running through the middle of it. Torre1s overall concept for the design was to recognize the regional character of this midwestern town. At a site specific scale, she wanted to maintain the brook as much as possible; this requirement necessitated minimal grading and location of the building on one corner of the site. In the design of the site and the fire station itself, Torre emphasized harmony with the character and scale of the setting. (Gusevich, 15) The principal design elements are inspired by images of the midwestern farm. There are repeated references to the rural context through the use of forms that resemble silos, and barns. (Smith, 122) The understanding of the region is further evidenced by the prominent location for the basketball court. In all respects, this design is conscious of contextual orientation. As one writer observes: 11[Contextualism] can degenerate into taxidermy, a lifeless translation and display of images and symbols. Fire Station #5 avoids that danger in its architectonic integrity and severe discipline.11 (Gusevich, 15) Throughout the design, Torre was interested in the interplay o f opposites. There is a 11blending of f unctionalism, theory and purely visual associations -metal against brick I cold against warm, exposed steel frame within a masonry envelope.11 (Smith, 122) Furthermore, as in previously discussed projects, Torre was interested in the relationship between private and public space. She attempts to deal with these two needs in an interactive rather than divisive manner, while still accommodating the functional requirements for a fire station. The result is a meshing of private and public around a central courtyard, the exercise room, and a spiral staircase housed in one of the two silo-like 167

PAGE 141

..:::: . . . • ! :/ :1 ; ! 7-'i .... ;I •• -::., .... 168

PAGE 142

structures. (Smith, 122) Torre's design solution represents a departure from the prevailing architecural themes in Columbus. This community has provided an opportunity for designers to design and build exemplary buildings. Though functional, they become almost like pieces of art. There is little regard for the surrounding environment. Emphasis is placed not on the context but on the object itself, in this case a building. Torre, used this opportunity to design an exemplary piece of architecture as well, but one that responds to its regional context. Ironically, because Columbus has become a showcase for architecture Torre' s solution, which is modest and midwestern in character, is almost out of place. Another example of an emphasis on contextual orientation is observed in Maya Ying Lin's design for the Vietnam Veterans' Memorial in Washington D.C. Her design is powerful in and of itself, but it has also had an impact on memorial design in a more general sense; the design itself as well as the resultant trends will be discussed. Concepts for the Vietnam memorial were collected through a design competition. The design requirements included a memorial for those that were killed in the war without reference to the divisive subject of the conflict. Additionally, the design had to be sensitive to the existing monuments on the mall, particularly the Lincoln Memorial and the Washington Monument. Lin's design, which was one of 1425 submissions, received first place. Lin's design solution was a 440-foot long retaining wall faced with black granite and inscribed with the names of the 57,937 Americans killed or missing in action. The wall is divided into two 220-foot long sections that form an obtuse angle at their point of intersection. That angle is determined in relation to the two existing memorials: the 169

PAGE 143

Steve Oles, Sketch ol Ying Lin's ftt iOrt a l Design. 170

PAGE 144

Lincoln Memorial and the Washington Monument. Each wall begins at grade level and slopes down toward the angle to a depth of ten feet. The grade change symbolizes a scar or rift in the earth. The process of walking down also suggests the descent into a gravesite. The inscription of the names proceeds in chronological order from the first soldier that died to the last. The first name is on the right wall at the point of intersection; the last name is on the left wall at the point of intersection. As such, the angle represents a place of beginning and end, first and last, and the memorial itself becomes a complete story creating an implied circle. Reaction t o t h e Vietnam Memorial has been mixed. Some have said t hat it is nothing more than a giant retaining wall. Others, accustomed to war memorials of triumphant soldiers armed with guns, criticize the form and expression of the memorial. They suggest that it is too understated and not heroic or monumental enough. Still others believe that the memorial is not complete without an American flag. They recommend p lacing a flag at the angle where t h e two walls meet. Reaction has been strong enough that a second memorial of three soldiers in action , designed by Fredrick Hart, was placed nearby on the memorial site. Proponents of the addition of the flag are still pressing their case. The more predictable war memorials are exaggerated images of war heroes who have victoriously conquered the enemy. The message idealizes the power to conquer and win. Lin's design for the memorial is uniqu e in that it is not heroic and monumental. This memorial makes no reference to power or individual heroic feats. It engages the audience in a manner that is entirely different from traditional memorials. 171

PAGE 145

Lin's memorial design emphasizes not the individual but the collective experience. The reflective quality of the wall mirrors the image of each individual viewer. The reflections suggest that we are each a part of the wall. Though there are 57,937 specific names on the wall, those names are a part of each of us. The wall emphasizes a sense of connection and relatedness between all of us, those that died in the war and those that are still alive. That sensibility is heightened by the activity of people physically touching the wall, looking for the names of friends and relatives and collecting rubbings of those names. The emotion expressed in that activity is felt and shared by everyone else. As one climbs back out of the memorial, there are views to the Lincoln Memorial and the Washington Monument. The contrast between the memorials is powerful. The Lincoln Memorial and Washington Monument are awe-inspiring, as is the Vietnam Memorial, but in a completely different way. The first two memorials are monuments to individual leaders and their contributions to this country. The power and success of these men is expressed by using an overwhelmingly large scale, which physically dwarfs and diminishes the viewer. These men literally become larger than life, and unattainable to the common person. Maya Ying Lin's design expresses a different and new attitude and sensibility. "The truth that we sense in this work is not factual, not quantifiable, not translatable into language, least of all the triumphalist slogans to which a nation's experience of war is often reduced. The power of this elegantly simple wall incised in the earth, bearing the individual names of so many thousands of the fallen, has to do with the complexity of its message, the amigui ty of its form . " ( Howett 19871 9) This memorial embodies the feminine. It emphasizes 173

PAGE 146

Rat Kinoshita a n d Ann for tht WoQtn's Rights Historic a l !rot LeRoyer 1988, 14. 1 7 4 I I

PAGE 147

contextual orientation on two levels. On one level, it is extremely sensitive to the surrounding site. Lin responds to the presence and axial strength of other memorials in the area. Her design becomes an integral part of a larger whole rather than an object that is merely placed in space irrespective of its surroundings. On another level, she emphasizes participation between people and architecture. The memorial encourages human interaction and involvement. This expression has been recognized as being different and significant by others. Since the dedication of the Vietnam Memorial, there have been at least two other competitions for memorial designs: one to commemorate the first women's rights convention in 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York; and the other to recognize the fourteen astronauts who have died in the space program. Though the content of these memorials is different, the winning entries for both competitions are strikingly similar to the Vietnam Memorial. The winning entry for the Women's Memorial was designed by two recent women graduates of Harvard's School of Design, Ann Marshall and Ray Kinoshita. Their design protects the remains of the Wesleyan Chapel, which was the location of the convention. The chapel is incorporated into the rest of the site by exposing one wall to a newly created natural amphitheater with stone benches for seating. The amphitheater slopes away from the chapel toward a 120-foot long granite wall. The wall includes a 40-foot section of polished granite inscribed with the Declaration of Sentiments, patterned after the Declaration of Independence, and the names of the 100 signers. Water cascades over portions of the wall as a symbol of eternity. Though the project has not been built, descriptions suggest images of the Vietnam Memorial and its polished granite wall inscribed with the names of soldiers. In both, there is an attempt to create a 175

PAGE 148

Holt Hinshaw Pfau Jones, 'Astronauts' R;,p;inted f..-oli Di.on 1 '38B, 45. 176

PAGE 149

sense of connection between the viewer and the individuals recognized in the memorials. With the Vietnam Memorial, there is a distinct feeling that the viewer's name could be inscribed in that wall just as easily as the other 57,937 names. In Seneca Falls, the reflective wall suggests that the viewer has the ability to effect change and fight for a better world as did the signers of the declaration. The same expressive form is used again for the Astronauts' Memorial. The winning entry, by the firm Holt, Hinshaw, Pfan, and Jones, consists of a 40-foot by 50-foot refective plane of polished black granite, inscribed with the names of the fourteen astronauts. This plane, which will be controlled by a computer tracking device, tilts and rotates in response to the movement of the sun. The deliberate interaction with the changing qualities of the landscape is appealing; as the light changes so to does the experience of the memorial. The image of the sky as well as the viewer is reflected in the panel. Though the Astronaut's Memorial is technologically more complex, there is a suprising consistency in all three of these designs; one that relates and connects the viewer to the individuals recognized in the memorials. In comparison to the others, however, the Astronaut's Memorial is more monumental, diminishing the presence of the viewer. The scale and form of the design are extremely imposing. The object itself becomes of greater importance than its relationship to the surrounding environment. It is interesting to note that the first two designs were by women and the last by a team of men. Eac h of the above examples represent an attempt to explore new ideas in the built environment. There is an effort to better understand and represent the 177

PAGE 150

feminine in built form. The recurring themes of adaptability, continuity, and relatedness are evidenced in each of the projects discussed above. Additionally, there is a f o c u s on environments and buildings that are less imposing, static and sterile, with greater consideration for personal interaction and interpretation. There is a focus on process and interdependence, in contrast to an emphasis on discrete objects. These projects have focused on the expression of new ideas at the residential scale and through smaller public works. This emphasis has occurred because the scale is relatively easy to comprehend and manage. Change in the public realm has been more limited and is occurring at a slower rate. The scale is more difficult and less manageable. The skyscraper and densely urbanized centers are a fac t of modern everyday life, and modifying these environments will be challenging. The investigation at this level needs to re-evaluate the relationship between the building and the users and the building and the site; the same concepts that are being considered by designers at the residential scale and in the smaller public works. These projects signal a new direction and a new dialogue, one that emphasizes the feminine in conjunction with the masculine. These projects are merely beginnings. There is still considerable work to be done and a need for further discussion. 179

PAGE 151

CHAPTER 8 THE REMAINING DISCUSSION This thesis has explored the feminine through a number of avenues: the definition of feminism, its history and its visions; the discussion of the shared biology, history, and emotional qualities of women; the consideration of cultures that have embodied the feminine; the evaluation of women artists and the feminine in art; and the investigation of the feminine in the built environment. For much too long, our society has repressed the feminine. That repression has been portrayed through the subjugation of women, and the devaluation of the feminine within each of us and within society at large. As long as men (the masculine) and/or women (the feminine) perceive themselves (those qualities) as being innately superior or in competition with one another, wholeness is impossible. Wholeness is only possible when men and women are equal and when each of us as individuals understands and freely acknowledges both our maleness and our femaleness. The acceptance of the dualities of our own natures will impact every aspect of our society. When we no longer control and repress our own natures, our society will be different, and presumably better. The control of our ow n nature has been translated into every relationship between man and woman as individuals, between men and women in society as a whole, and between humanity and nature. In a society that reveres wholeness, men will not innately be better than women, nor women better

PAGE 152

a Burton ana K athH in Spitz , ot Art and SciillCi." frou. 1 '38&, .;'3. 182

PAGE 153

than men. They will live together, as equals, in cooperation with one another. Similarly, humanity will not, by its innate ability to think and develop technology ,control and exploit nature. We will live in nature and as a part of nature. When we no longer control our own natures, we will not dominate and exploit the physical environment. The mentality of conquering ourselves will disappear as will the mentality of conquering nature. The design professsions deal daily with opposite forces: art and science, intuition and analysis, nature and people, nature and buildings, and designers of each. Generally, within our profession, these opposites have been in conflict; the dualities have been viewed as competing rather than complimentary parts. Architects have dominated landscape architects, buildings have been imposed on nature with not enough consideration for the site, the context, or the users, and we have vacilated between emphasizing the science or the art, swaying from one extreme to the other. The theory of feminisim implies that these either/or, superior/inferior, and dominate/subordinate relationships are not inevitable, pre-determined truths. An alternative is a but/and attitude where seemingly opposite forces are acknowledged and reconciled to form a stronger, more complete whole. When applied to design, feminisim suggests that the relationship between building and nature and architect and landscape architect needs to be reevaluated. "[A]s the ideology of patriarcy usually obliterates and ignores the strengths and accomplishments of women, architecture usually obliterates and ignores the landscape." (Cann 1987, 89) The revalidation of women and the feminine imply a concomitant revalidation of the landscape. Such a change in attitude will dramatically affect the design profession as a whole and our interaction with the landscape in 183

PAGE 154

particular. Humanity's understanding of its relationship with nature in the last several hundred years can best be described as dominant/subservient. We have tended to reduce nature to a series of objects: earth, rocks, water, and vegetation that are then organized in a pleasing manner, supposedly representative of the natural world. The result is picturesque scenes that underline our ability to master and humanize nature. The nature that we present in our out-of-doors spaces is clean, com fortable, comprehensible, and ordered. (Howett 1987, 58) "Man's" control over nature is expressed in the triumphant and meticulous control of the garden. The epitome of this attitude is apparant in the gardens at Versailles. Here, the vast landscape is intensely manipulated as a manifestation of "man's" power. The gardens are extremely formal and the vegetation i s highly pruned. In this instance, the garden becomes an object and any sense of process and change is hihgly regulated. (Howett 1987, 58 ) This attitude was futher intensified with the advent of the Industrial Revolution. As we developed the technological ability to and exploit the land, we became fascinated with our seemingly limitless ability to develop and control our environments. At approximately the same time, the "English Garden 'leapt the fence' . . . and all nature was perceived as a garden. (Lippard 1983, 227) From then on, "man's" ability to master nature became the prevailing attitude. In the last twenty-five years, landscape architects, ecologists, and many others have questioned the presumption that "man" is the master of nature. One of the more prominent advocates of this evaluation has been Ian McHarg. His book, Design with Nature, offers a passionate argument 185

PAGE 155

for the end to such a presumption. He writes: "Among us it is widely believed that the world consists solely of a dialogue between men, or men and God, while nature is a faintly decorative backdrop to the human play. If nature receives attention, then it is only for the purpose of conquest, or even better, exploitation." (McHarg, 24) He continues: "Two widely divergent views have been discussed, the raucous anthropocentrism which insists upon the exclusive divinity of man, his role of dominion and subjugation on one hand, and the oriental view of man submerged in nature on the other. Each view has distinct advantages, both have adaptive value. Are the benefits of each mutually exclusive? I think not; but in order to achieve the best of both worlds it is necessary to retreat from polar extremes. There is indisputable evidence that man exists in nature; but it is important to recognize the uniqueness of the individual and thus his especial opportunities and responsibilities." (McHarg, 29) With the conviction that humanity and nature are inextricably linked to one another, McHarg proposed a new theory of landscape architecture. His theory targeted a richer understanding of natural processes and an end to the concept of domination. His theory, best known as "the overlay method", is now a well established technique for landscape architects; one that was used almost exclusively throughout the 1970's. McHarg's critical evaluation of "man's" control over nature is appealing from a feminist perspective; it is this control that feminists are also questioning. His solution, however, does not successfully reconcile the "polar extremes" His solution focuses almost exclusively on a scientific understanding of natural systems, in which information is collected, analysed, and synthesized. There is no suggestion, however, 187

PAGE 156

about aesthetic issues. His propsal focuses on the science and ignores the aesthetic and emotional aspects of design. From McHarg, we have the recognition of nature as process and an understanding that nature is more than an object to be exploited for economic gain or even aesthetic pleasure. There is a greater understanding that we live in and as a part of nature. McHarg's theory addresses one side of the balance, but the aesthetic and emotional merit equal consideration. The application of feminism to design suggests that opposite s need to be balanced and integrated to creat e a stronger whole. This idea means that art and science need to be balanced and equally understood and recognized. We continue to search for the appropriate expression of thi s balance. What t hat expression over time will be is impossible to a nswer. Undoubtedly, it will be different . As Catherine Hewett, a professor of landscape architecture, argues: 11 it is absurd t o ask what, exactly , these new forms will look like, or how they will operate. Who can precisely describe the physical form of tomorrow'a art? These forms will emerge from the play of mind and spirit, from risk-taking experiment and painstaking work . 11 (Hewett 1987, 6) Revelations from within and outside our profession can provide inspiration for this search. This thesis has focused on goddess cultures , women's art, and women designers for the source of that inspiration; there are, however, numerous other sources that are equally valid. From this review, we observe a common focus on the themes of relatedness, continuity, and connection. There is an effort to deal with dualities and opposites in a manner that is dynamic and interactive rather than in a manner that poses opposites in contrast to one another. Opposites 189

PAGE 157

are dealt with in a but/and manner rather than in an either/or fashion: men and women, building and nature, permanence and motion, enclosure and openness, masculine and feminine. The realization of these ideals begins with each of us as individual men and women. The attitudes and sensibilitie s to which we ascribe personally will be translated into our professional work. If we as individuals perpetuate traditional divisions between men and women and the male and female, our built environment will continue to have a clear demarcation between public and private, architect and landscape architect, science and art, building and nature, and building and user. If, however, we fully unders t a n d t h e implications of feminism and its applications, these divisions will dissolve, and the new who l e will be stronger and more d ynamic than any of t h e parts alone. Our profession has the ability to be a leader in the search for wholeness. If we attempt to work toward a balance between the seemingly opposite forces inherent in our work, we can serve as a model to others at an individual and professional level. The choice is ours. 191

PAGE 158

S ELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, Jane Addams. Icon ... Insight, " Human Face of ah American 23 November 1987, 58-60. Anderson, Dorthy May. Women , Design, and The Cambridge School. Indiana: PDA, 1980. Bardwick, Judith M . The Psychologv of Women: A Study of Bio-Cultural Conflicts. New York: & Row, 1971 . Beeler, Raymond L., ed. Landscape. The Princeton Journal: Thematic Studies in Architecture, v. 2 . Architectural Press, Princeton: 19 85. Princeton Berger, John. Wavs of Seeing . London: British Broadcasting Corporation and Penguin Books, 1972. Berkeley, Ellen Perry. "Architecture: Toward a Feminist Critique." In New Space for Women, ed. Gerda Wekerle, Rebecca Peterson, and David Morley, 205-218. Boulder: Westview Press, 1980. --------"Women in Architecture." Architectural Forum 137
PAGE 159

Birkb y , Phyllis and Leslie Kanes Weisman. " A Woman Built Environment: Constructive Fantasies." Quest 2 , no. 1 : B ovensche n , S ilvia. "Is There a Feminin e Aesthetic?" In Feminist Aesthetics, ed. G isela Ecker, Translated by Harriet Anderson, 23-50. Boston: Beacon Press, 1985. Braude, Norma and Mary D. Garrard, ed. Feminism and Art Historv: Questioning the Litany. New York: Harper & Row, 1982. Brown, Catherine R . and Celia Newton Maddoz. "Women and the Land." Landscape Architecture
PAGE 160

Carlisle, Susa n . Review of Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing , Work, and Familv Life, b y Dolores Hayden. In Landscap e 28 , no. 3 (1985): 37 39 . Castro, Jan Garden. T h e Art & Life of Georgi a O'Keeffe. New York: Crown Publishers, 1985. Chicago, Judy. The Dinner Party: A S ymbol of Our Heritaoe. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1979. --------Through the Flower: My Struggle as a Woman Artist. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1975. Chicago Women in Architecture at Artemisia Gallery . Chicag o W omen Archi ects: Contemporary Directions, 1978. Cole, Doris. From Tipi to Skyscraper: A History Q.f..Women in Architecture. Boston: i Press, 197 3 . Colorado Women in the Arts. (May 1 9 7 9 J • Coren, Stanley, Clare Porac and Lawrence M . Ward. Sensation and Perception. 408-410. New York: A cademic Press, 1 979. Cowart, Jack and Juan Hamilton. Georgia O 'Keeffe: Arts and Letters. With Letters Selected and Annotated by Sarah Greenough. Washington: National Gallery. of A l:"t, 1987. Dean, Andrea 0 . "Women in A!:chitecture: Individual Profiles and a Discussion of Issues." AlA Journal (January 1982): 42 51 . deBeauvoir, Simone. Vintage Books, The Second Sex. 1952. N ew York:

PAGE 161

deBretteville, Shiela. "Design From a Feminist Point of View." In "Proceedings of the West Coast Women's Design Conference Held at the University of Oregon 18 -20 April 1974," 12-19. --------"The Los Angeles Woman' s Building: A Public Center for Woman's Culture." In New Space for W omen , ed. Gerda Wekerle, Peterson, and David Morley, 293-310. Boulder: Westvi ew Press, 1980. J.M. "Editorial: Women's Place." Progressive Architecture 58
PAGE 162

Feinburg, Sylvia Gruber. "The Significance of What Boys and Girls Choose to Draw: Explorations of Fighting and Helping." In Feminist Collage: Educating Women in the Visual Arts, ed. Judy Loeb, 185-196. New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1979. "Feminism and Ecology." Heresies 13 (1982): entire issue. Flack, Audrey. Art & Soul: Notes on Creating. New York: E. P . Dutton, 1986. Flexner, Eleanor. Century of Struggle: The Women's Rights Movement in the United States <1959). New York: Athenaeum, 1972. Fo ster, Hal. The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays of Postmodern Culture. Port Townsend, Washington: Bay Press, 1983. Freeman, Allan. "An Extraordinary Competition." A I A Journal
PAGE 163

Gusevic h , Miriam. "Fire Station #5, C olumbus, Indiana. Inland Architecture
PAGE 164

Hess, Thomas B . and Elizabeth C . Baker, ed. Art and Sexual Politics: Women's Liberation, Women Artists, and Art History. New York: Macmillan Publishing, 1973. Hodgoon, Rosaria Flores. "Factors in the Career Choices of Women in Environmental Design." TMs, University of Oregon, 1977. Hewett, Catherine. no. 3 <1986) : "The Garden as Art." Places 3, 48-49. "a round about around a round about around." (1987): 57 -59. . Buildings Places 4, no. 3 -------"Systems, Signs, Sensibilities: Source for a New Landscape Aesthetic." Landscape Journal 6, no. 1
PAGE 165

Lenk, Elisabeth. "The Self-Reflecting Woman." In Feminist Aesthetics, ed. Gisela Ecker, Translated by Harriet Anderson, 51-58. Boston: Beacon Press, 1985. Lenz, Elinor and Barbara zation of America: changing Our Public Angeles: Jeremy P. Myerhoff. The Femini How Women'a Values are and Private L ives. Los Tarcher, 1985. LeRoyer, Ann. "GSD Student and Alumna Win National Design Competition." GSD News (Jan./Feb. 1988): 14-15. LeVeque, Terry Ryan. "Nancy Holt's 'Sky Mound': Adaptive Technology Creates Celestial Perspectives." Landscaoe Architecture
PAGE 166

Marks, Elaine, and Isabelle de Courtivron, ed. New French Fem inisms: An Anthology. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1980. Matrix. Making Space: Women and the Man-Made En-vironment . London: Pluto Press, 1984. McDonough, Michael. "Architecture's Unnoticed Avant-Garde
PAGE 167

Noveins, Deborah. "An Interview with Mary Miss." In l.andscape. The Princeton Journal: Thematic Studies in Architecture, v. 2, ed. Raymon d l.. Beeler, 96-104. Princeton: Princeton Architectural Press, 1985. Nicholson, John. Men & Women: How Different Are They? Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984. Nin, Anais. In Favor of the Sensitive Man and Other Essays. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976. Nochlin, l.inda. "Why Have There Been No Great Women Artists?" In Art and Sexual Politics: Women's l.\beration, Women Artists, and Art Hi s tory, ed. Thomas B. Hess and Elizabeth C . Ba ker, 1 39 . New York: Macmillan Publishing, 1973. Oldershaw, Barbara. "Blackfeet American Indian Women: Builders of the Tribe." Places 4 , no. 1 <1987): 3847 . Olsen, T i lie. Silences. l.awrence, 1978. New York: Delta/Seymour Orenstein, Gloria Feman. "Art History." Signs: Journal of w omen in Culture and Soc\ety 1, no. 2
PAGE 168

Peters, Sarah W. Georgia O'Keeffe." In Women Artists: 1550-1950, ed. Ann Sutherland Harris and Linda Nochlin, 300-306. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976. Platen, Nicolas. Crete. Cleveland: The World Publishing Co., 1966. Popenoe, David. "Women in the Suburban Environment: A U.S.-Sweden Comparison." In New Space For Women, ed. Gerda Wekerle, Rebecca Peterson, and David Morley, 165-174. Boulder: Westview Press, 1980. Preiser, Wolfgang F . E., ed. Environmental Design PP,rsoectives: Viewpoints on the Profession. Education and Research. Virginia: College of Architecture Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1972. Pr l ce , Ga i 1 . (1981): "Cubes in the Sahara."' Heresies 11 47 . "'Proceedings of the West Coast Women's Design Con ference Held at the University of Oregon 18-20 April 1974."' Raven, Arlen. Sisters' Feet." The Village Voice: Art Special, 6 October 1987, 6-9. Rohrlich, Ruby and June Nash. "Patriarchal Puzzle: State Formation in Mesopotamia and Mesoamerica." Heresies 13 <1982): 60-65. Ruddick, Sara and Pamela Daniels, ed. Workinq It Out: 23 Women Artists. New York: Pantheon Books, 1977. Schor, Naomi. Reading in Detail: and the Feminine. New York: Aesthetics Methuen, 1987.

PAGE 169

Schwartz, Joyce Pomeroy, ed. Artists & Architects: Challenges in Collaboration. Cleveland Center for Contemporary Art, 1985. Scott-Maxwell, New York: Florida. Women and Sometimes Men. Al"'red A . Knopf, 1957 . Scully, Vincent. The Earth, the Temple, and the Gods: Greek Sacred Architecture. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979. Shaffer, Diana. "Nancy Holt: Spaces for Reflections or Projections." In Art in the Land: A Critical Anthology of Environmental Art, ed. A lan Sonfist, 169-l77 . New Yorr<: E . P . Dutton, 1983 . Smith, HeLbert L . "Fire Station 5, Columbu s , [ndtara." Record
PAGE 170

Thompson, Jane. Speech in "Proceedings of the Conference for W o men in De3ign and Planning Held at the Boston Architectural Center November 1975," ed. Nancy Harrod a n d Susan Nairnark. Toire, Susana. "Space as Matri x." He -esies 11 (1981) : 51-52. -------' ed. Women i n American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporarv Perspective. New York: Whitney l.ibral' Y of Design, 1977. Tucker, Anne. The W o man's Eve. Alfred A . Knopf, 1973. Ungecs, Os wald and Liselotte . Communes in the U . S .A." Architect ral Desian B C\972) . Vetterling-Braggin, Mary, e d . Femtninitv. Masculinit"(. and Androgvny. New J e rsey: Rowman & Littlefield, 1982. w A l. A P C w o me n A l:' c h t e c t ::, , l. .::t n d .:. c.:.. p e .; r: c h i t e c t . 3 a n d Planne:t:' s). "The Case FoY Fle:-:ible Work S c h e d u l 2 .3 . " A i." c h \ t 2 c t "J l' .3. l F i"i"c • u ,n \ 3 7 ( S e p -t e m be l' 1 9 7 '2. ) : 5 ::; & Walker, Alice. In Search of Our Mother's Garden: Womanist Prose . New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1983. Weathecford, Elizabeth. "Women's Traditional A
PAGE 171

Women in Architecture." Pro gressive Architecture 53 CMarch 1977): 37-57. "Women in Design." Desig n and Environment val. 5, no. CSpl.Alng 1974): entire issue. Woolf, Virginia. A Room of One ' s Own (1929). New York: Harcourt., Brace & World, 1957. Wright, Gwendolyn. "On the Fr1ng e of t h e Profession." In The Architect, ed. Spiro K ostof, 230-308. New York: Oxford Unviersit y Press , 19 7 1 .