Citation
Heritage language learners : on the brink of language and cultural loss

Material Information

Title:
Heritage language learners : on the brink of language and cultural loss
Creator:
Trinidad-Sheahan, Cynthia
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Doctor of education)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
School of Education and Human Development
Degree Disciplines:
Leadership for educational equity
Committee Chair:
Anguiano, Ruben
Committee Members:
Boelé, Amy
Escamilla, Kathy

Notes

Abstract:
There is difficulty in defining the profile of a Heritage Language Learner (HLL) due to the experiences with language that individuals face in their social and academic world. There are questions centered on whether a categorical distinction between the native speaker and the native user can be upheld; this is inherently problematic when there is a variability within a language group (Zyzik, 2016). Heritage language refers to a language that is part of an individual's culture or family. Heritage Language Learners (HLLs) can be individuals who have been surrounded, introduced or have attained some heritage language through their upbringing, either from dialogue at home or some instruction in school programming, though neither has supported reaching full proficiency in reading, writing, listening and speaking. As a result, these adults may find themselves unable to use their heritage language for academic or professional purposes and may feel disconnected from their culture due to the lack of resources available to develop their heritage language. This qualitative study researched the experiences of Latino HLLs, who are in the field of education, it examined what types of supports a group of Latino HLLs received in school for the development of their heritage language and how those opportunities (or lack of opportunities) have affected them in their professional careers. The result of this study recommends authentic linguistic instruction for future HLL's that is within the theoretical framework of language socialization, which is purposeful linguistic instruction and use of the heritage language of Spanish.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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Copyright Cynthia Trinidad-Sheahan. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

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Full Text
HERITAGE LANGUAGE LEANERS: ON THE BRINK OF
LANGUAGE AND CULTURAL LOSS by
CYNTHIA TRINIDAD-SHEAHAN B.A., University of Northern Colorado, 2002 M. A., University of Colorado Boulder, 2005 Ed.S., University of Northern Colorado, 2013
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Education
Leadership for Educational Equity Program
2019


This thesis for the Doctor of Education degree by
Cynthia Trinidad-Sheahan has been approved for the Leadership for Educational Equity Program by
Ruben Anguiano, Chair Amy Boele Kathy Escamilla
Date: May 18, 2019
The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories and we find that both the Content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above-mentioned discipline.
IRB protocol #18-1630


Trinidad-Sheahan, Cynthia (EdD, Leadership for Educational Equity Program)
Heritage Language Learners: On the Brink of Language and Cultural Loss Thesis directed by Professor Ruben Anguiano ABSTRACT
There is difficulty in defining the profile of a Heritage Language Learner (HLL) due to the experiences with language that individuals face in their social and academic world. There are questions centered on whether a categorical distinction between the native speaker and the native user can be upheld; this is inherently problematic when there is a variability within a language group (Zyzik, 2016). Heritage language refers to a language that is part of an individual's culture or family. Heritage Language Learners (HLLs) can be individuals who have been surrounded, introduced or have attained some heritage language through their upbringing, either from dialogue at home or some instruction in school programming, though neither has supported reaching full proficiency in reading, writing, listening and speaking. As a result, these adults may find themselves unable to use their heritage language for academic or professional purposes and may feel disconnected from their culture due to the lack of resources available to develop their heritage language. This qualitative study researched the experiences of Latino HLLs, who are in the field of education, it examined what types of supports a group of Latino HLLs received in school for the development of their heritage language and how those opportunities (or lack of opportunities) have affected them in their professional careers. The result of this study recommends authentic linguistic instruction for future HLL's that is within the theoretical framework of language socialization, which is purposeful linguistic instruction and use of the heritage language of Spanish.


Keywords: Heritage Language Learners, language socialization, culture, heritage, value, programming
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved:
Ruben Anguiano
IV


DEDICATION
The work in this research study is dedicated to my husband Sten, my children Amanda, Shelby, and Cody; and my parents Sandra and Felix. My education has been a long journey that many didn't think would happen, but the family members believed that I always would reach my doctorate. This research study is directly connected and rooted in my family as language has either been stripped away from my parents’ generation, desired to be learned by my husband, children and myself, and fought for as an asset and resource in my career as an educator.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the Bueno Career Ladder Program-CU Boulder. Without Dr. Lorenso Aragon and Dr. Kathy Escamilla, my first steps into education may not have happened. Dr. Aragon and Dr. Escamilla are significant people in my career and I will forever be grateful.
These two individuals and others from the Bueno Center-CU Boulder guided me and other Latinos to not only pursue a college degree, but they opened the door to a career of opportunities, education and collaboration. I would like to thank the CU Denver faculty and especially to my committee for all the support and guidance in the Ed.D program. I would like to thank my colleagues in the Latinx Cohort, it is through our friendship, collaboration and the supporting of one another that we stood strong and completed our doctorate. " j Si Se Puede!
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION..................................................................1
Statement of Problem......................................................5
Purpose of the Study......................................................6
Research Questions........................................................7
Colorado History of Language and Culture..................................8
Language Policies.........................................................9
Initiatives..............................................................13
II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE........................................................15
Language proficiency.................................................... 15
Language programming.................................................... 18
Culture and 1 anguage................................................... 19
Social implications of language loss.................................... 20
Gaps in Literature.......................................................26
Theoretical Framework................................................... 27
Summary..................................................................31
III. METI 101)01.OY.............................................................33
Strategy of Inquiry..................................................... 33
Researchers Role.........................................................34
Participants and Recruitment procedures..................................35
Sampling.................................................................37
Data collection..........................................................39
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Interview protocol
38


Procedure................................................................39
Recording and managing data..............................................40
Data analysis............................................................41
Trustworthiness..........................................................43
IV. FINDINGS....................................................................42
Cultural Identity........................................................46
Language Proficiency.....................................................53
School Programming and Experiences.......................................62
Participants Recommendations.............................................75
V. DISCUSSION..................................................................78
Strengths and Limitations of the Study...................................83
Recommendations..........................................................84
Future Research..........................................................87
Researchers Subjectivity Statement.......................................88
Conclusion...............................................................89
REFERENCES......................................................................90
APPENDIX........................................................................95
A. Questionnaire.........................................................95
B. Interview Questions...................................................96
C. Force Field Analysis..................................................97
D. Code System...........................................................98
IX


Tables
1. Cultural Identity.................................................................22
2. Sociodemographic Attribute Data...................................................36
x


Figures
1. Generations of bilingual...........................................................16
XI


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Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
I wanted to be as "Mexican" as possible. My grandmother Felipa came from Torreon, Mexico. I loved my grandmother and admired her so much. When she passed away, I no longer had the stories of her experiences here in the U.S. or of my great grandparents. My parents did put me in bilingual programs, but they, themselves, did not speak Spanish unless it was in private. How was I to get better at a language that was only used in secret, when adults didn Y want us to know what they were discussing? When I was younger I wanted a name that was more Latino than "Cynthia " because Ifelt such a cultural disconnect. Being Latina but having to admit sometimes when I don Y know certain words in Spanish, makes me feel embarrassed. I love my culture and I know it is only half of who I am, but that sense of belonging is important.
People often make assumptions by looking at someone and thinking, "They’re Mexican, and they speak Spanish, so they must know everything about the community," but these judgements are not always true. There are people in society who are of Latino heritage, but neither learned the language, nor have they experienced their culture fully growing up. The experiences of their parents or grandparents will influence how much historical culture or culture in general the individual will be able to experience. Although teaching a language to someone who already has a background in that language might seem relatively simple and straightforward, the task turns out to be complex. Heritage Language Learners (HLL) vary widely in background characteristics, language proficiencies, and attitudes toward their home cultures and languages (Wiley, 2001). The education system in the United States of America in the 1940’-50’s forced many students to give up their native language and culture and most of the students who continued to speak their native language were punished, to force students to assimilate and use English (Aleman & Luna, 2013). Did these practices strip students of their identity? What impact did they have on these individuals and their future family members?


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The family plays a crucial role in providing the basic elements for successful functioning. These include: a sense of belonging, knowledge of who one is and where one comes from, an understanding of how one is connected to others and to events, the ability to deal with adversity, and knowing one's responsibility to self, family, and community. These are a few of many elements the family must provide children at home while they are growing up. This is the curriculum for home and the socialization process and what the family members give to their children (Wong Fillmore, L. 2000). The elements that are contributed or passed on from family may not be enough for children to become proficient in their heritage language. Furthermore, HLLs are a heterogeneous group whose proficiency in the heritage language differs from one another.
It must be recognized that the proficiency levels of HLLs across the three modes of communication (interpersonal, interpretive and presentational) vary greatly from speaker to speaker. It is common that HLLs rate their listening comprehension as their most highly developed skill whereas few HLLs regard their reading, writing or speaking abilities as nativelike. There are many factors that affect their proficiency level, including the age of onset of bilingualism, schooling, and the amount of time that the language is spoken in the home (National Heritage Language Resource Center, 2009). To adequately place heritage language learners in Spanish language courses and to develop successful Spanish heritage language programs, it is essential to conceptualize a pedagogical continuum with the English-dominant Spanish-speaker in mind. In the future, heritage language programs must become an integral dimension of Second Language Acquisition (SLA) theory and research if they are to succeed on academic, ideological and political grounds (Lynch, 2008).


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In Colorado, educators and policy makers have long been debating linguistic programming, bilingual education, and the many other foreign language programs developed over the years. Some have argued that “bilingual education was to be a form of atonement for the nation’s sins against Hispanics, and a means of easing America’s ‘guilt’” and that pride in their heritage and language, and an allegiance to their roots rather than their country, helps to diminish a sense of Americanism (Crawford, 1999). But as we force a sentiment of nationalism, which is one flag, one language, and one country, it is important to look at what the repercussions are for the students and adults they become. When belonging comes naturally to a given individual, they rarely have to contemplate their identity; however, when identity is somehow under threat, or viewed as problematic by the hegemonic majority, it becomes questioned, often resulting in the emergence of ambivalence (Beaudrie & Fairclough, 2012).
Society often projects a person’s identity on them simply based on their own biased perceptions: Latinos should speak Spanish, have a cultural name like Maria, Juanita, or Jose, and should know everything there is to know about their cultural background. These misguided assumptions lead to even more confusion. Latinos have many ways to describe their identity, including pan-ethnic terms such as Hispanic, Latino, Chicano, Mexican-American, or others referring to their family's country of origin. Choices vary among different Latino subgroups, with nativity and language usage being the strongest predictors of identity preferences (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012). In recent years, it has become necessary to include Spanish HLLs as a group of interest within the classroom, as 15.1% of the United States identify as Hispanic (Central Intelligence Agency, 2010). With the rising population of linguistically diverse students, and the intensified entrance requirements and rigorous expectations of post-secondary


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institutions, it is imperative to examine schools’ efficacy in preparing Latinos to find their place in the professional world while maintaining their language and culture.
In this study, I explored the following definitions, particularly how the experiences and education connected to these words impact the future of Latino HLL students:
Heritage language learner: The term “heritage language learner” is used to describe a person studying a language who has proficiency in, or a cultural connection to, that language; however, just as there are different kinds of heritage languages, there are different types of heritage language learners (Center for Applied Linguistics, 2010). For this research, the focus will be students who are Latino/Mexican-American and have Spanish as their heritage language. Language socialization: Language socialization research investigates how the processes of linguistic and cultural development are interlinked, and how these processes vary across cultural contexts. How children or novice learners come to master the situated discourse practices of their communities is explored through longitudinal, ethnographic inquiry, featuring detailed analyses of novices’ social interactions with more expert community members in socially and culturally significant activities (Howard, 2014).
Culture: Values, attitudes, and beliefs, customs and traditions, "heritage and contributions" or "experiences and perspectives," all of which is considered equivalents of "culture" (Gay, 2013). Value: Something or someone of importance to an individual, group or society.
Heritage: Heritage is often used to discuss a cultural aspect or tradition that has been passed down through generations. Modes of transmission include via literature, music, food or language (Center for Applied Linguistics, 2010).


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Linguistic (language) programming: Programming within a school or district that is leveled by language ability in reading, writing, listening and speaking. The program is to serve students or individuals in becoming proficient or fluent in the target language.
Statement of the Problem
The problem or focus of this study is the lack of proficiency in the Spanish language for individuals who consider themselves Latino and have been exposed to the Spanish language in their family growing up, but they themselves never developed it to high levels of proficiency in reading, writing or speaking. The lack of proficiency in Spanish may have contributed to language loss and/or cultural disconnect.
This study focused on the state of Colorado in particular. Colorado's educational system has served and continues to serve a large population of Latinos and Spanish speaking individuals (Colorado Department of Education, 2018). The linguistic programing in Colorado has gone through educational challenges, political influences through policies that have affected the way some Latino professionals view the language of their heritage, Spanish, and the connections language proficiency has had to their culture and views of their culture. Language programming in secondary schools and in higher education institutions are aimed at more of a focus on developing language as a “tourist” (foreign language programming). There is also programming aimed at supporting native language speakers’ literacy development at levels far above the academic language proficiency level of an HLL. These do not fit the needs required for HLLs to become more proficient in Spanish. These limited options in language programming often result in the misplacement of HLL students, lack of proper instruction, no progress monitoring, and can lead to failure in developing the heritage language (Thompson, 2015). The historical absence of programming for developing Spanish as an HL can have short term and long-term effects in an


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individual identified as an HLL. The lack of proficiency can affect adult HLLs’ ability to engage in professional endeavors with fellow Latinos, professional Latino communities and further their academic or career pursuits.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to better understand how Latino heritage language learners, who are in the field of education, value the development of their heritage language of Spanish, their cultural connection with the Latino culture, what types of supports they received in school for the development of their heritage language and how those opportunities (or lack of opportunities) have affected their professional careers. I consider myself an HLL individual and thus, I bring personal insights into this topic. My own experiences developing a heritage language bring an understanding to the legitimacy of the stories shared by the participants in this study. Legitimacy by way of my connections to the similar experiences in my home, school, community and professional world.
Understanding the demographics of the field of education provide a backdrop for understanding the experiences of the participants. Even though K-12 education is largely a female enterprise, men dominate the chief executive’s office in the nation’s nearly 14,000 districts, numbers that look especially bleak given that the pool of talent is deep with women. Women make up 76 percent of teachers, 52 percent of principals, and 78 percent of central-office administrators, according to federal data and the results of a recent national survey. Yet they account for less than a quarter of all superintendents, according to a survey conducted this summer by AASA, the School Superintendents Association. Despite that number represents improvement since 2000, when 13 percent were women, only 1% were Latina. Five percent of


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superintendent’s total are minority/ethnic group (PBS Newshour, 2016) (AASA,2017). For those who hold leadership positions, it is important to understand the biases they have experienced and what assumptions have come with their cultural identity that they should know Spanish. With such a small percentage of Latino leaders in education, it will be important to understand their stories and experiences to recommend changes to language programs or to better support students who are HLL so that they can become true bilingual/biliterate professionals and leaders in the field of education. Colorado has struggled to find bilingual individuals to fill positions, and the history of language policies has also been very challenging.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided my investigation of the experiences of Latino HHLs in developing their heritage language, the types of language programming they had in school and how these opportunities influenced them professionally. Through this research, my purpose was to gain a better understanding of the unique experiences and needs of this student population to better serve them.
1. How have Heritage Language Learners who are now professionals in the field of education identified with the language of Spanish as a value in their cultural and social development?
2. What have been the long term and short-term cultural effects with family and sense of belonging within the Latino community for HLL individuals with the development or lack of development of the heritage language of Spanish?


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Colorado History of Language and Culture
In this study, I focused on the experiences of HLL individuals in Colorado. Colorado has had a rich history of Mexican, Hispano, or Latino history. In Colorado, people of Mexican ancestry have occupied the land since the seventeenth century. Early members of communities in what was northern New Mexico and is now southern Colorado were subjects first of Spain and later of Mexico, after it gained independence in 1821. Thus, many with multi generational histories in what is now Colorado did not cross a border but had a border cross them (Escobedo, 2017). The factor of Colorado once being Mexico, where Spanish was the language spoken first, has generated a debate amongst educators and policy makers as to which language is important for people to learn in school.
Previous generations have experienced language loss due to political views and restrictive language policies in education. In contrast to other language groups, the number of Spanish speakers consistently increased between 1900 and 1960 (Macias, 2000). There are also contributing factors of pre-civil rights movement that influence first generation Latinos in teaching only English to the next generations.
In the state of Colorado, the history of migrant workers and Mexicans deported in the 1930's were indicators of many Latino’s struggle to hold onto their language and culture. The difference for Latinos in Colorado is the fact that Spanish is not a language of only immigrants and migrants, but a language that was here before Colorado became a state of the United States. Latinos in Colorado have experienced several stages of linguistic and cultural identity challenges. Spanish was not allowed in schools and first generation Mexican-Americans paid the price with stem rules and drastic consequences of striking and exclusion.


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In 1960-1980, the Chicano movement also known as the "movimiento"was strong in Colorado. This was a time of activism and protest for Chicanos. From improving farm working conditions to educational equity, Chicanos were standing up for what they believed in as a people (Esquibel, 2015). El Movimiento Chicano rose in an era when Mexican Americans vowed to create a better world. They called themselves Chicanas and Chicanos: terms that reflect a history of conquest that deprived people of their Mexican and indigenous roots and characterized Mexicans as inferior (Esquibel, 2015).
Bilingual education was what I participated in as a child during the time of the movimiento in Ft. Lupton Colorado. Students were receiving culture and history classes along with linguistic instruction. But as the political leaders changed, so did the support for bilingual education and the opportunities that Latinos would have in learning their heritage language of Spanish.
Language Policies
Colorado is a state that not only is rich in culture and language but has also been rich with debate and controversy over policies of language instruction, and funding for those programs that would support HLLs in learning their heritage language of Spanish as well as the history. Title VII of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act transformed the way language minority children are taught in the United States by promoting equal access to the curriculum. Under this policy, a generation of educators received training, which fostered achievement among students, yet it expired quietly on January 8th, 2002. The law was 34 years old (Crawford, 2002). Title VII, also known as the Bilingual Education Act, contained sections that encouraged support for instruction for language minority students and cultural diversity pedagogy. Title VII also states in section nine that there be quality bilingual education programs that would enable children to


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learn English and meet the high academic standards including proficiency in more than one language. It also goes on to state that due to globalization forces, multilingual skills constitute an important national resource which deserves protection and development (Improving America's Schools, 1994). In the financial support subpart of Title VII, it is written that the funds could be used to help children develop proficiency in English, AND to the extent possible, their native language. But as the policies changed and Title VII was eliminated, schools would now have Title HI. The focus of Title III was to teach English. English language acquisition, rather than culture, native or heritage language learning became the focus of the Language Enhancement and Academic Achievement Act. The purpose of language instruction, then, was the teaching of the English language. Children becoming bilingual or learning their heritage language was no longer valued (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). This would mean that now the focus of linguistic instruction would be students who need to learn English as a second language. No support for students who have English as their first language and have the influence or some knowledge of Spanish and the desire to become proficient in Spanish. HLL individuals would now become dependent upon foreign language courses to learn Spanish. Alternatively, students would need to depend on family teaching them and the next generations the language, traditions and cultures. But learning a language for many Latinos is not just learning a language to satisfy a graduation requirement, but rather an identity connection to who they are and where they come from.
Language policies in Colorado have been challenged over the years with Bilingual Education being valued and not valued. An example of a policy challenge took place between the years 2000 to 2002, when Amendment 31 was introduced and defeated in Colorado (Escamilla, Shannon, & Garcia, 2003). On November 5, 2002, Colorado voters went to the polls


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and soundly defeated Amendment 31, officially titled English Language Education for Children in Public Schools (Escamilla, Shannon & Garcia 2003). Amendment 31 was presented to appear as if this policy would help non-English speaking students attain English. The group that was proposing Amendment 31 was funded by a man named Ron Unz who was a wealthy businessman from California who supported English immersion. The funding of such policy was successful in Arizona and California. But gratefully, Amendment 31 was defeated here in Colorado.
The Amendment 31 focused on the development of English through immersion, but with a timeline to achieve English in one to two years. Amendment 31 constituted the most rigid and restrictive anti-bilingual bill to date. The passage would have led to the demise of bilingual education and dual language programs in Colorado. This would then deny the parents a right to select a preferred educational program for their children (Escamilla, Shannon, & Garcia, 2003). This taking away parents’ rights to choose a program that would support their children in maintaining or developing their heritage language would be a violation of parental rights.
The Amendment 31 was not just driven by Ron Unz and his "supporters”, but a group in Colorado led by Linda Chavez and Tom Tancredo titled “English for the Children;” they took the lead in trying to get Amendment 31 passed. Due to the organic growth of parent groups getting involved and university experts challenging the courts, communities came together to stop Amendment 31 successfully. There was research and reports that received great attention from top university leaders in Colorado. The following reports received the attention of the courts that assisted in the defeat of Amendment 31:
1. The Shannon and Milian study clearly established that parents of children in duallanguage programs in Colorado overwhelmingly supported these programs. Respondents


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to the survey included many immigrant parents who Unz had claimed did not want bilingual education.
2. The Weiner and Escamilla report documented that the majority of second language learners in Colorado Schools are not in bilingual programs, but in programs where English is the only medium of instruction (over 62%).
3. The Shannon-Gutierrez report provided important guidance to parents of second language learners, as well as parents of monolingual English children regarding their rights to choose educational programs that they feel are the most beneficial for their children (Escamilla, Shannon and Garcia, 2003). The remainder of the report explains the timeline and the political steps that needed to be taken to defeat Amendment 31 in Colorado.
Colorado today is still trying to define what linguistic programming should look like at all grade levels. With not all superintendents and school boards understanding the value of a second language or carrying their own historical experiences, it makes it difficult in some districts to decide how students who are native speakers, heritage speakers and those students who are pursuing a "foreign language" should be educated. One Colorado school district had established a linguistic program that would offer students the opportunity to become bilingual and earn the Seal of Biliteracy; which acknowledges a student first or heritage language. But that is now a dismantled program. This school district is predominantly Latino, with Spanish as the dominant second language. The superintendent of this district is from Arizona and formerly worked at the department of education in Arizona (Chalkbeat, 2018). This superintendent worked in the language department when Arizona adopted a four-hour English language development block for students whose first language was not English (Chalkbeat 2018). This


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type of inconsistent language programming of English, Spanish Bilingual, Spanish Dual Language, has contributed to the struggles of several school districts in Colorado in providing solid language programs that address the needs of students’ varying proficiency levels in both English or Spanish languages. In the language education field, more researchers are realizing that there needs to be a better understanding of HLL’s, not just their linguistic development or maintenance of the their heritage language of Spanish, but the cultural connections for these students as well.
Heritage Languages Initiative
In 1998 the National Foreign Language Center (NFLC) and the Center for Applied Linguistics (CAL) launched the Heritage Language Initiative (Wiley, 2011). The goal of the initiative is for the United States to be able to fully educate people who are linguistically and culturally diverse individuals who have a foundation of their heritage language. This initiative aims to serve the needs students and professionals who could support businesses, educational institutions, and media by having resources and opportunities to serve more than one demographic of speakers. The goals for the Heritage Language Initiative are as follows:
• Initiating and supporting dialogue among policymakers, language practitioners, and language researchers on both the need to address heritage language development and the most effective strategies.
• Designing and implementing heritage language development programs in K-12 school system, heritage language community center, and college, and university settings, and fostering articulation within and among those settings.


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• Encouraging and supporting dialogue between formal education system and heritage community educational schools and programs leading to collaboration, resource sharing, and articulation.
• Encouraging and supporting research, both theoretical and applied, on heritage language development and on related public policy issues. (Wiley, 2011).
Heritage language education has not been studied fully, thus the funding for in-depth studies or curriculum changes in schools is still in developing and are in early conversation.


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Chapter II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
There is a growing body of literature that documents first generation Latino immigrants’ native language development and how social interaction, cultural traditions and bilingual education support their language development; however, research regarding adult HLLs’ heritage language development and how language programming in school has affected them in their personal and professional lives is lacking. Four main themes emerged from my review of research on adult HLLs, which served to organize this literature review: a) Language proficiency, b) types of language programming, c) culture and language, and d) social implications of language loss. The literature reviewed for this study shares information regarding the profile of HLLs and the need to understand how this language group has different needs than native speakers or foreign language students.
Language Proficiency
In the United States, the terms heritage language, heritage language speaker, and heritage language learner are gaining currency, and instructional program initiatives using these labels are helping to promote language learning and in some cases to reverse language shift (Fishman, 1991). Moreover, the elasticity of the term heritage language learner raises several questions related to the politics of identity. For example, who can be considered a legitimate heritage language learner? Should the "outsiders" to the heritage language be encouraged to learn it? Which is more important in determining "outsider" or “insider" status: language proficiency or ethnicity? In the case of Spanish in the United States, Valdes observes that the language has served to bring the Spanish-speaking community together, to delineate borders, and to provide a means for entry into the work domain where bilingual skills are needed (Wiley, 2001; Valdes,


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1997). When determining who is a heritage language learner there are certain characteristics that are part of that profile.
Students who are heritage speakers of Spanish have typically spoken Spanish as a first or native language or interacted in both Spanish and English at home. The degrees of language proficiency cases and the number of variables in the profiles of these students are complex and dependent on multiple circumstances. Some heritage learners of Spanish may understand basic informal communication but may have limited repertoires and registers and be unable to speak with much confidence in Spanish without resorting to English, which is their dominant language (Colombi & Roca, 2003).
Generation Possible Language Characteristics
1st Generation Monolinguals in Heritage Language A Incipient Bilinguals Ab
2nd and 3rd Generation Heritage Language Dominant Ab English Dominant aB
4th Generation English Dominant Ba English Monolingual B
Figure 1. Bilingualism of Different Generation (Valdes, 2001).
Figure 1 explains bilingualism and how becoming bilingual can follow a generational pattern. The incipient bilingual, which is beginning, would be or could be either Spanish English, but then can be the HLL individual who is monolingual English such as generation 2, 3 and 4, who then would be developing his or her heritage language of Spanish. Valdes explains how generations will share the experience of the development of language, but at different ends of the


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spectrum. As we examine the experiences of the participants in this study we will see how everyone has moved through his or her linguistic development and cultural identity. How they begin to view themselves and the struggle of learning or relearning the language of Spanish.
Andrew Lynch proposes nine principles for a theory of HLA (Heritage Language Acquisition) of Spanish in the U.S. context. These principles assume, based on a wealth of previous research on Spanish in the U.S, that: 1) English is the language of more frequent everyday use among most Spanish HL Speakers; 2) English is the socially "preferred" language of interaction among Spanish HL speakers; 3) most HL speakers do not insist that one must speak Spanish to be considered "Hispanic" or "Latino"; 4) English literacy skills and the formal discourse of the majority of U.S.-bom bilinguals are prescriptively superior to the Spanish skills. Principles 1 and 2 describe the act of language acquisition; Principles 3, 4 and 5 refer to the process of language acquisition; Principles 6, 7 and 8 constitute macro-level issues of Spanish in the U.S. context; and Principle 9 encompasses the phenomenon of sociolinguistic recontact (Lynch, 2003). The world in which HLLs live in daily presents the opportunity to practice the heritage language or can hinder the practice of the heritage language. In some cases, HLL students have been mistakenly placed in classes with native speakers of the heritage language. Other students may be first generation immigrants from Latin America who arrived in this country at an early age, having already had some schooling in Spanish. They may be placed in the courses for native speakers. These students may then find that they are more advanced than our U.S. bom native speakers of Spanish. With so many complex variables, proficiency levels, and varied cultural backgrounds, how can heritage language instruction best serve these students who need to recover and/or develop and build upon the language abilities and cultural knowledge that they bring to the classroom? (Colombi & Roca, 2003).


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Language Programs for HLLs
The design of linguistic programs does not suit HLL students. Students are misplaced in foreign language courses that lack rigor, or native language courses that are too rigorous for HLL students (Valdes, 1997). The programming that is available is not supportive in students connecting to their culture. Which then leads HLL students to make the connections to the language instruction and its purpose in their everyday lives. Heritage language learners identify with their culture, and yet feel like foreigners within their own families by not being proficient in Spanish, which feels like a disconnect with their culture (Delpit 2001; Fishman, 1994).
Language and identity have been linked by several researchers, whether the identity is Chicano, Mexican, Mexican-American Puerto Rican and or Mexican; and the list could go on (Potowski, 2007).
HLLs use their heritage language for academic and social use, however, not all HLLs are in the same place, developmentally, with language. Because there are few methods that adequately assess HLLs, there are few (to no) language programs that can support and instruct them well while also differentiating in rigor (Beaudrie, 2011). The article by Beaudrie goes on to share how students are misplaced when only relying on self-placement. Self-placement is then dependent upon the way the individual sees themselves and that is influenced by families, community and society. There were two instruments used in the study. The first, ten-question survey of receptive and productive language, determined whether the students were HLL or not. The second instrument consisted of three parts: A) This section was labeled “Language Awareness,” and consisted of ten questions in Spanish about general knowledge. The students could answer in English or Spanish, with the intent being to measure their basic knowledge of the Spanish language; B) The translation section determined the level of bilingual skills,


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consisting of seven questions designed to measure understanding of the use of the word “gustar” (to like), use of the subjunctive, and standard translation skills that contained vocabulary common among monolingual Spanish speakers, but misused by Spanish heritage populations;
C) A short composition that students could choose one of the three options and respond using the past tense. The 10-question survey was a Likert scale of yes and no. The open-ended questions were given a numerical score and shared by a continuous histogram. The design of the instruments was based off previous research done by Ascher 1990, Lam et al., and Valdes as well as the experience of the test designer (Torres & Turner, 2015). This research is relevant to my study because it is important to understand what placement practices in educational institutions have been in previous studies. The emotional implications of misplacement of students and lack of cultural connection could then be the short term and long-term effects for HLL learners.
Culture and Language
A sense of belonging is important to the development of individuals, and the relationship between language and culture is deeply rooted. Language is used to maintain and convey culture and cultural ties. Different ideas stem from differing language use within one’s culture and the whole intertwining of these relationships start at birth (Neil, 2008). When examining programming, it is important to understand that learning about the culture connected to the language is important and creates or supports the purpose for learning the language. Being Latino or of Mexican descent does not mean that all people of this culture have the same experiences and or traditions. Even though people are brought up under similar behavioral backgrounds or cultural situations, yet speak different languages, their worldview may be very different (Emmitt & Pollock, 1997). The participants in this study can share their experiences in


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cultural situations with their own Latino culture and reflect on how others outside of the Latino culture perceive them and treat them due to possible cultural biases or Linguicism. The structure of Linguicism includes some of the same political philosophies and goals that underlie racism and classism: the maintenance of privileged access to resources, the accumulation of wealth, power and maximization of profits (Hernandez Chavez, 1989).
Social Implications of Language Loss
Losing one’s language means that people cannot communicate with certain family members, cannot maintain, nor pass on a vital piece of heritage to their own children.
Somewhere along the educational journey, individuals are told to “Leave who you are at the door.” It is a hard battle to try to get back language. It becomes a process of learning, forgetting, trying again, and being afraid to speak it for fear of being corrected and great embarrassment. Loss of the family language by the children has a great impact on communication between the adults and the children and, ultimately, on family relations. Tension grows in the home; adults do not understand the children, and the children do not understand the adults. Father, mother, and grandmother do not feel they know the children, and can no longer relate to what happens in their lives (Wong Fillmore, 2000). This hardship potentially drives a linguistic gap, where there may already exist an educational and generational gap, thus driving families further apart. In response to a sociocultural environment that does not appear to value their home language and culture, linguistic minority students are likely to reject and abandon their heritage language (Wong-Fillmore, 2000). Eduardo Hernandez-Chavez (1993) stated, "Communication between different -language community members is weakened; the sense of a shared destiny is lost; intra ethnic conflicts arise; historical knowledge fails to be passed on; and individuals suffer feelings of alienations from their shared historical ethnicity. These are some of the consequences, at least


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in part, of language loss (Beaudrie & Fairclough, 2012).
Our language embraces us long before we are defined by any other medium of identity.
In our mother’s womb, we hear and feel the sounds, the rhythms, the cadences of our “mother tongue.” We learn to associate contentment with certain qualities of voice and physical disequilibrium with others. Our home language is a viscerally tied to our beings as existence itself (Delpit, 2001). Take it away from the culture, and you take away its greetings, its curses, its praises, its laws, its literature, its songs, its riddles, its proverbs, its cures, its wisdom, and its prayers. The culture could not be expressed and handed on in any other way (Fishman, 1994). What would be left?
Research has captured the language and emotional connections that Spanish heritage language students develop over time. There is an emotional connection to learning or maintaining a language. The identity of belonging to a community is important to the development of individuals cultural connections. Research has shared that there is a social turn in academia, in recent decades that have seen a growing interest in the multifaceted relationship between language and identity as well as in the role of identity in learning and education. Researchers are paying an increased attention to the relationship between language and identity (Block 2007; Leeman, Rabin, & Esperanza 2011). Language indeed plays a crucial role in the construction of identity as explained in Table 1, which as a construct has seen a large body of research in the social sciences accumulate during the past thirty years. The first approaches that arose in sociology in the late nineteenth century held that individual’s identities were largely determined by their membership in groups determined by social class, religion, educational background, and peer networks (Potowski, 2010).


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Table 1. Individual and Collective Identity Types
Ascription/Affiliation Based on
Ethnic identity Shared history, descent, belief systems, practices, language and religion, all associated with a cultural group
* Racial identity Biological genetic makeup, i.e., racial phenotype
National identity Shared history and practices associated with a nation-state
Migrant identity Ways of living in a new country, on a scale ranging from classic immigrant to trans migrant
Gender identity Nature of conformity to socially constructed notions of femininities and masculinities
Social Class identity Income level, occupation, education, and symbolic behavior
Language identity Relationship between one's sense of self and different means of communication
*Although anthropologists dispute the notion of race as having any biological reality, most people do utilize a concept of race as a meaningful category (Potowski, 2010; Source: Block, 2007).
The study by Beaudrie and Ducar looks at students of Mexican descent and no other Latino backgrounds. By focusing on the Mexican culture, this exposes different linguistic expectations, cultures, and tradition development. Mexican-American students with different levels of multilingualism with rich family lives, a strong use of the Spanish language, solid traditions, and tight cultural ties, still search for identity and development of different perspectives within their own culture (Beaudrie & Ducar, 2005). The results of this study confirm that these HLL students need programing that allows for the further development of Spanish. The desire to learn Spanish can be influenced by the hegemony of English. Shannon provides the working definition of wherever more than one language or language variety exists


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together; their status in relation to one another is often asymmetric. In those cases, one will be perceived as superior, desirable, and necessary. Whereas the other will be inferior, undesirable and extraneous (Shannon, 1995).
Heritage language learners' perceptions of acquiring and maintaining the Spanish language is an important consideration. The value of learning Spanish could come into question if the individual does not feel supported outside of his or her social and family circle (Tallon, 2009). The word Hispanic instead of Latino per the U.S. census is used in several articles, which then lends itself to the notion of HLL individuals identifying themselves as Hispanic which would be an unfair assumption. This is important to understand since within the Hispanic/Latino/Chicano/ Mexican and other Latino identifying words there is diversity within this community. The unit of analysis in the Tallon’s study were HLL students interviewed at the university level to study the motivation, emotional connection, and anxiety surrounding the culture and language connections as a part of their identities. The study shared information about the lack of opportunities HLL students have or may have experienced in using and developing their native language and discusses the influence of historical events on Hispanic students in maintaining their heritage language. To analyze the data, Grounded Theory was used to enable the researcher to study and examine the relationship between the interviewees, the language use, and the cultural connections. This mixed methods study used interviews with a focus on students at the university level of study. The interview protocol was created by the research team, which was conducted a time and location most convenient for the interviewee. The study investigated eleven university-level Hispanic heritage speakers who experienced the Spanish language at various levels of producing and listening and considered Spanish as a part of their identity (Tallon, 2009).


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There is an emotional connection to learning or maintaining a language. The identity of belonging to a community is important to the development of individuals cultural connections. The subjects for the study were students in 27 different sections of a Spanish course at a large university in the southwestern United States. A total of 413 students participated in the study, split into two groups. More than half, 209 students, were HLLs who had been exposed to Spanish either within their families or had been students in previous educational instruction (in a bilingual format or dual language program). The next group, 204 students, were monolingual, non-heritage students whose only language was English and would learn Spanish as a foreign language. The group sampling was purposive to study the difference between students who were heritage language learners and those students who were not of the culture and have had no prior instruction in Spanish. The mixed methods study consisted of students in the Spanish language programs at the University of the Incarnate Word.
The quantitative data in Tallon’s study was gathered using questionnaires. The first part gathered demographic data, anxiety levels, and the student’s self-definition of being a heritage language learner. The second part of the quantitative section of the questionnaires collected data of the experiences of the students participating in learning the language of Spanish. This consisted of 33 items that were answered on a five-point Likert scale of “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree,” which would be ordinal, in addition to the use of the FLCAS (Foreign Language Anxiety Scale) (Tallon, 2009). In education, there are numerous studies regarding anxieties, but this article addresses a unique point in that speaking is very interactive and the expectations of the listener becomes very important in that interaction. Finally, it concludes that the use of the language of Spanish needs to be purposeful and make connections to everyday use. By making learning a text to world connection, this would then connect to the theoretical


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framework of Language Socialization which is language learning in real world situations and experiences. And how individuals attain language through their social circles and experiences.
Through the theoretical framework of Language socialization and sociolinguistics it is possible to link micro analyses of children's discourse to more general ethnographic accounts of cultural beliefs and practices of the families, social groups, or communities into which children are socialized (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986). The heritage language movement has grown out of a deeply felt desire on the part of immigrants and indigenous people to preserve their languages and cultures (Compton, Gambhir, & Kono, 1999). The importance of linguistic and cultural ties is emphasized in the works of scholars such as Fishman and Wiley who argue language maintenance depends in large part on the communities where the languages are spoken (Fishman & Wiley, 1991). The difference between past and present approaches to linguistic development is due in part to the size of the populations of Spanish speaking students or students like HLLs who have background knowledge and experiences with the Spanish language. While bilingual education remains a highly charged topic, there is growing recognition in schools and in government that speakers of a language other than English represent an untapped resource for a country that suffers from a critical shortage of citizens able to function in language other than English (Peyton, Ranard, & McGinnis, 1999).
Bilingualism in Adults
Bilingualism in adults is another topic which needs attention as our participants had continually attempted to become bilingual. Montrul’s work focuses on adult second-language acquisition and bilingualism, syntax, semantic, and morphology (Montrul, 2004, 2008). She investigates language loss and retention among minority-language-speaking bilingual, or heritage language speakers. Dr. Montrul's work contributes to the study of heritage language learners by


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exploring that HLL's are bilingual. These heritage speakers would be considered sequential bilinguals because one language is in place before the other is acquired. Regardless of whether they are simultaneous or sequential bilinguals, what heritage speakers have in common is that by the time they reach adulthood the heritage language is their weaker language. In recent years, there has been increasing research on understanding the specific linguistic abilities of heritage speakers and how their abilities compare to those of fully fluent speakers on the one hand, and to second language learners on the other (Montrul, 2012).
Gaps in the literature
In the literature review it became apparent that there is rich literature to support the elementary age student who is being instructed to become bilingual/biliterate. But there is not rich literature that can describe the secondary language learner of Spanish or HLL of Spanish. There is not an explanation of the short-term and long-term affects on heritage language learners who participate in a typical foreign language course and what that means to the development of language and culture for the HLL. The literature describes, anxiety, misplacement, and the need for belonging to a community of Spanish language speakers within the HLL’s family, friends and community. But, there is a need for literature to guide the secondary instruction of Spanish to HLL’s, program design and the monitoring of the secondary programming. As the young HLL’s become adults the learning style and needs are different than those who are in elementary or primary grades. This study not only brings up the needs of HLL individuals, but recommendations for further research that could add more literature to guide those who are instructing heritage language learners.


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Theoretical Framework
Research on language development reflects the times, both socially and politically, but what remains forgotten with program planning, implementation, and budgets are the people behind the numbers. The theory of Language Socialization (Ochs, 1994) informs this study as it includes the examination of individuals’ cultural connection to their heritage language.
Stemming from the field of sociolinguistics, Language Socialization represents a broad framework for understanding the development of linguistic, cultural and communicative competence through interaction with others who are more knowledgeable or proficient in the heritage language (Duff & Talmy, 2011). Language socialization studies have systematically investigated the 'critical' transition from home to school and provided ethnographic and sociolinguistic evidence about the dynamics (social, linguistic, cultural) involved in this process (Ochs & Schieffelin, 2011). In this study, that language is Spanish. Language socialization focuses on the purposeful use of language in day to day, situational contexts. That context being the use of the heritage language within the community, family, friends, and neighborhoods in which HLLs identify with daily. Language socialization does not always pertain to the individuals’ first language or LI; language socialization can pertain to the individuals’ L2, or goal second language. HLLs may be considered part of the L2 group as the goal language of Spanish is not at a high level of proficiency in one of the linguist domains. Some HLLs may be highly motivated to become socialized into the norms and practices of new L2 communities but may face resistance or opposition from those expected to nurture them; or, regardless of the target community's attitudes toward them, they may not be fully invested in becoming socialized into the ways of this group because they remain actively involved in and committed to their


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primary communities, or because they cannot straddle both simultaneously, for practical, logistical, or ideological reasons (Duff, 2006).
An important construct in the research of HLL individuals is how they personally self-identify, and how that perception connects to their Latino heritage in connection with language. Additionally, it is important to understand how HLL individuals link their heritage in connection to the language of Spanish. Understanding the depth that HLL individuals value the development of Spanish will help us understand their motivation for learning the language. The desire and need to feel a belonging to a family, community and friends can be influenced by the commonalities that we share. People will tell you that what they like about their language and culture is the kinship and the words of endearment (Fishman, 1994). What needs to be understood is if the value is coming from within the individual or if the expectation is coming from family members to develop their language proficiency, and ultimately connecting them more deeply to their culture within their social groups and communities. For some HLLs, language programming in schools is a very important resource in maintaining and developing the goal language.
The constant shift in language programming within schools throughout time that were dual language, English only or maintenance of a language, has affected second and third generation HLL individuals and influenced their professional experience. The courses for HLLs that have been offered presently in past decades, have led to limited language choices and little to no cultural support for further development. This possibly resulting in the language and value lost in connection with the Spanish language. One previous approach, “English only” of the 1950's, did not support English Language Learners (ELLs) in learning English. In fact, this approach was subtractive to culture and language and was not beneficial for students. This was


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prior to Lau vs. Nichols (1972), which outlined instruction for native speakers of a first language that was other than English (Crawford, 1999). There were no HLL designed courses for the maintaining students’ heritage language. The alternate language program was solely designed for English speakers to learn a “foreign” language. Both systems, without question, have not been designed for HLL students who have had exposure to Spanish, yet still limited in their proficiency. Consequently, heritage language students may still have very strong ties to cultural traditions and cultural practices but lack the ability to communicate fully with family and friends who also identify as Latino and speak Spanish.
From my observations as an educator in the field for twenty years, historically, educational institutions support a “one size fits all” model when it comes to investing in programs, but, at the same time, teachers are continually expected to differentiate. How can this happen when schools become increasingly more and more diverse, with the stakes even higher for students and teachers to succeed? Unfortunately, students and adults have had to leave their cultural identity at the home to conform to already existing programming, rather than the programming conforming for them. Students do not have the opportunity to participate in language.
Research by Schieffelin and Ochs (1986) states how the theoretical framework of language socialization has as its goal to understand how persons become competent members of social groups and the role of language in this process. The social groups being family and friends that the HLL individuals interact with daily. The growing interest in language use in social context expanded the boundaries of child development and enculturation theories to include a focus on language as central to learning. Within this context language socialization research emerged as a distinct orientation to study language and cultural development


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(Baquedano-Lopez & Hernandez, 2011). Given that there is an expectation for students to attend a four-year college and the linguistic expectation is to have four years of a "foreign language," it makes sense to offer programming that values languages other than English and to support those students with instruction that help HLLs become proficient in their heritage language.
Placing HLL students in the typical foreign language class neither respects the student nor their cultural connection. The instructional needs of HLLs are distinct from those of foreign language learners. There is a need to develop materials, instructional strategies, and assessment procedures and instruments for this new population of language learners (Peyton, 2001). These must be ever changing due to the diversity within the group of HLLs, as the profile of the HLL and the language proficiency levels will very within the group (Colombi & Roca, 2003; Valdes, 2005).
This research study examined the repercussions of the limited choices in foreign language or language maintenance courses for HLLs, which do not offer the authentic use of the language of family, friends and community. The theoretical framework of language socialization allowed me to examine the experiences of HLLs as they developed their heritage language in their home, school, and community. I was interested in the experiences of HLLs with their heritage language not just at one moment but from the time they were bom and throughout their life. Language exists only in the minds of its users, and it only functions in relating these users to one another and to nature, i.e. their social and natural environment (Haugen, 1972, p. 325). Language socialization shares how language and discourse become the most critical tool for the child's construction of the social world, because it is through language that social action is generated (Schieffelin and Ochs, 1986). Contemporary scholarship considers language socialization to be a lifespan process that transpires across households, schools, scientific laboratories, religious


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institutions, sports, play, media use, artistic endeavors, medical encounters, legal training, political efforts, and workplaces, among other environments (Ochs, Schieffelin, et al., 2011).
School districts continue struggling to understand their HLLs’ needs, not realizing how they are linguistically and culturally different than “foreign language” learners and different from proficient native Spanish speakers. In the effort to effect change for these students, the goal of this study is to shed light on needed modifications in language programming to honor the cultural connections of Latinos developing their Spanish skills in K-12 school districts.
Language Socialization represents a broad framework for understanding the development of linguistic, cultural, and communicative competence through interaction with others who are more knowledgeable or proficient (Duff, & Talmy, 2011). Without opportunities for purposeful interaction with language and chances to develop Spanish proficiency, HLLs’ identity can be negatively impacted. Students can experience cultural disconnect from their traditions and families. Language is a tool of belonging and the mirror of the mind and soul of a people through which culture is shared and transmitted (Fishman, 1996). In contrast, language socialization research seeks to account for and explain learning in much broader terms, examining not only linguistic development, but also the other forms of knowledge that are learned in and through language. These other forms of knowledge include culture, for example, and stances of morality or respect that are learned along with linguistic forms that mark them. They include social knowledge as well, such as how certain types of language practices produce and reflect social stratification, hierarchy, and status marking (Duff & Talmy, 2011).
Summary
The literature and research on adult HLLs have grown over the years. A conclusion from this body of literature is an increasing recognition of the diversity that exists within this language


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group, their unique needs and the difficulty in defining who or what determines what truly is a heritage language learner. The research also highlights the importance of language in the formation of cultural identity and the need for authentic language instruction that is purposeful and not focused only on grammar. The theoretical framework of language socialization supports the instruction of language to be authentic, purposeful, and connected to the utilization of the language in community and social settings.


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Chapter III METHODOLOGY
This study employed a qualitative inquiry design to examine the differences and commonalities of the experiences of second and third generation heritage language learners in their development of their heritage language of Spanish. This study inquired about the cultural connection to the development of language and what that means to heritage language learners in the development of their identity a member of the Latino community. It also explored the language programming that these individuals experienced in school and how that affected them throughout their education and in their professional careers.
Strategy of Inquiry
The approach used in this study was a qualitative inquiry design. The focus was developing a theory for understanding the experiences of HLLs related to culture, language, and education. The unit of analysis consisted of a sample group were six individuals who have shared experiences about the development of a heritage language and who identified as members of the Latino community and identify themselves as heritage language learners (Creswell, 2007).
In contrast to quantitative research, qualitative researchers use a lens not based on test scores or experimental research designs but a lens that considers the views of people who participate in the study (Creswell & Miller, 2000). For example, qualitative research may utilize the method of member checking to revisiting data with the participants to check constructs, categories and data interpretation.
Rooted in this qualitative research approach, the focus of this study was developing an understanding of the experiences of heritage language learners related to culture, language and education. The study is informed by a theoretical framework of language socialization. This


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framework provides a lens for examining factors within the participants’ communities, families and schooling that influenced the development of their heritage language.
In keeping with qualitative research methods, I conducted interviews to solicit accounts of both historical and present experiences of Latino HLLs in developing their heritage language. To begin the research study, I completed the IRB process to gain permission from the university to begin the research interviews. The purpose of these interviews was to capture the dynamics and structures of the educational school system experienced by Latino HLLs in relation to the development of their heritage language, spanning multiple decades. The sociodemographic attribute data captured the description of the participants and a quick description of self-identification for this study.
Researchers role
My role as a researcher in this qualitative study is that of an “insider” who brings personal experiences to the development of heritage language. Growing up in a household that had parents who spoke English as a first language and used Spanish as a secret language, I did not have opportunities to practice Spanish in context. My only connection to a fluent speaker who used Spanish for daily interactions, was my grandmother who was Mexican. She used Spanish in her daily interactions even when I would respond to her in English.
The instruction that I received in Spanish was in a dual language program format. This took place in Fort Lupton Colorado during the 1970’s and the program was funded by the Bilingual Education Act/Title VII. I was taught all content areas in both languages, English and Spanish. The program was very well structured, and I was able to not only develop language, but I was also taught Mexican and Chicano history. The Chicano history was happening in Ft.


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Lupton, in fact I witnessed the Brown Berets marching down my street in front of my home for educational equality when I was only seven years of age.
But all of that changed when my grandmother, who was my only link to the language of Spanish passed away, and we moved to Loveland Colorado. Loveland was English only in the elementary grades, and Spanish levels 1 and 2 were only offered in middle school and high school. My own personal experiences with language acquisition and language attrition support, not only support my interest in this study, but also my understanding of the experiences and needs of the participants to develop Spanish and the culture connected to the language of Spanish.
Participants
Recruitment procedures. The materials used in identifying the participants began with an email that was sent to individuals within the University of Colorado Denver (CU Denver) Latinx cohorts and Latinx participants in the CU Denver Next Gen Ed program (program for future teachers). The email explained the study and asked that those who were interested to respond to the email. After obtaining email responses, a questionnaire was then sent via email to identify individuals who would fit the characteristics of the convenience sample group as a heritage language learner. A convenience sample group due to the accessibility and proximity of the sample group. All the participants are leaders in the field of education at the secondary or university level of education. The criteria were that the individuals identified as a member of the Latino community, desired to become proficient in Spanish, and acknowledged their own lack of proficiency in Spanish. In Table 2, a participant sociodemographic attribute data table describes


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the participants and their thoughts regarding their proficiency level in the heritage language of Spanish.
Participant demographic and attribute data Table 2. Sociodemographic attribute data of participants
Name Gender Age Generation Self- Identificat ion Self-language proficiency evaluation
Luiza F 47 Bom in Mexico Mexican (Came to U.S. as a toddler) Somewhat proficient but feels that she has gaps and is losing vocabulary.
Ben M 38 Bom in the U.S. 3rd generation Blaxican Biracial Not proficient. Admits that he knows more slang and is not fluent enough to take the risk to speak within social or academic circles.
Jorge M 27 Bom in the U.S. 1st generation bom in the Main land of the U.S. Puerto Rican Somewhat proficient but feels nervous when speaking in public and does not like speaking to native speakers because he has been corrected and it makes him feel uncomfortable.
Benita F 44 Bom in the U.S. and is 2nd generation in the U.S. Mexican- American Limited proficiency. She shared that she feels intimidated by those who are proficient. Stated that she feels bad because she "should" know Spanish.
Ramona F 46 Bom in the U.S. and is 3rd generation in the U.S. Chicana Limited proficiency. She shared that she knows slang Spanish and does not feel comfortable speaking in public and has a great desire to become proficient.
Tony M 40 Bom in the U.S. Mexican- American Somewhat proficient. Receptive is much better than what he shared he can speak.
* Pseudonyms are used for participants


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Once the questionnaires (See Appendix A) were received and reviewed, I contacted the participants to set up a time for an informal interview that would then take one hour to one and a half hours. At the end of the recorded interview, I explained that I would contact the participant later to member check the information or to ask to follow up questions since the interview questions were semi-structured (See Appendix B), which allowed for more questions or followup questions.
Sampling. The study included a purposely selected sample that consisted of six individuals, three females and three males. Participants were between the ages of 27 and 46 years of age who were Latino/a professionals working in the field of education. This is an age range of 20 years, which explores two decades of educational experiences. They were selected from a group of educators who volunteered to respond to a short six question questionnaire that asked questions regarding cultural self-identification, education, family and community experiences with the Spanish language, and experiences with biases in the workplace and school programming. From these questionnaires, six participants who fit the selection criteria were selected. These criteria included self-identification as Latino/Mexican-American, specifically second and third generation Latinos/as, and having experiences with the development of a heritage language, or heritage language loss, in connection to their Latino heritage and their “family.” The participants have taken some form of Spanish class or have friends and families who use Spanish in their presence even though the participants may not consider themselves to be fluent in Spanish. Once the participants were identified, they were asked to participate in an interview. Interviewing individuals who are second and third generation Latino and professionals in the field of education allowed me to gain insight as to what they recommend for future Latinos who desire to learn or maintain their heritage language and enter the field of education.


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Data Collection
The data for this study were collected through interviews. The interviews were conducted individually and were one hour to one hour and half. The location of the interviews varied dependent upon the available time of the participants. For two of the interviews I went to the location of their employment in a quiet secure office. The other participants were interviewed via zoom and follow up questions were by telephone. The questions were semi-structured which allowed for follow up questions and deep reflection from the participants. Member checking the data that was collected was done by emailing transcribed recordings and notes taken during the interview (See Appendix D) (Shenton, 2004). This allowed reflective time for the participants to read and add information or correct information that was collected during the interviews.
Interview Protocol. The interviews used discussion questions that clearly targeted how the participants’ families and the participants themselves value their heritage language, culture, and traditions. The questions began with HLL self-identification and then moved towards questions that asked about language and the importance of language in their lives as well as usage and its connection to the development of individuals’ cultural identity. Other criteria to participate was that the participants were also interviewed about their experiences in Colorado and the Colorado educational system in which they are now working. This adding not only an understanding of the language instruction in Colorado, but an experiencing of the Colorado educational programming.
Through these interviews, information was gathered regarding the short-term and longterm effects that the lack of Spanish language development and cultural support may have had on individuals of second and third generations in connection to language loss and cultural disconnect. These informal interviews were critical to determine how linguistic programming


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has influenced, supported or not supported the participants in attaining Spanish proficiency and how this has influenced them culturally and in their professional careers. From the individual interviews, common themes informed the development of a storyline of HLL experiences to explain how the education system did or did not support them in the development of their heritage language. The interviews gathered information for this study on how connected the participants feel now towards their culture, and how these experiences have influenced them professionally. The reflections of the six participants led to recommendations that focus on effective programming that could support students in pursuing proficiency Spanish, and how to create culturally relevant programs that speak to the needs of HLL students.
Procedure. To begin the research the IRB university approval process was completed to have permission to start the research project that did not involve a partnership with a school district as students were not involved in this study. The semi-structured interviews included sixteen questions that solicited information regarding the following topics: language experience, culture experience and value of both cultural and linguistic connections for monolingual Spanish to heritage language learners. The purpose of the interview questions was to identify the historical experiences with developing Spanish to proficiency and how its value or importance may have changed dependent upon the linguistic programming offered in school and how the programming or lack of programming may have influenced the participants’ desire to develop Spanish.
During the interviews, the participants were asked to share their own perceptions of the value of the language of Spanish, whether that perception was influenced by parents or other family members’ desire to maintain their heritage language or to learn English due to the previous generations’ experiences in school, military or social settings. Some follow up


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questions were aimed at understanding the participants’ perceptions about their heritage language. For example, the extent to which they have or have ever needed to use Spanish and what has influenced their decision to use or not use Spanish. With language perception, it is a constant negotiation not just externally but internally as well. Linguistic hegemony is constantly negotiated as a language dominant status is strengthened or weaken, as persuasion is successful for the popular consent, and as it is resisted. The consequences of linguistic hegemony involve the violation of linguistic rights because all individuals have the fundamental human right to speak their mother tongue (Shannon, 1995).
Recording and Managing Data
All items such as questionnaires, interviews and correspondence with the participants were kept in a folder that was password protected on a password protected computer. During the interviews, handwritten notes and audio recording were completed to capture the answers of the participants. By taking notes and having recordings I was able to go back and check for accuracy to have full responses and create follow up questions.
The audio recordings were captured using a recording application that I then stored in a google folder that was password protected. Each recording was numbered by the order in which they were interviewed. The transcribed interview data were stored using the ATLAS.ti Qualitative Research software. The software account is also password protected. I chose this program due to its user-friendly components. This software also supported the coding process and analysis of the data.


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Data Analysis
I started the data analysis by using open coding to identify the factors that have impacted the individuals’ heritage language development and the effects on their cultural identity and their professional careers (Emerson, Fretz & Shaw, 1995; Miles & Huberman, 1983). Open coding consists of organizing data into meaningful passages and assigning a category or label to help identify its topic as it relates to the research questions. In addition to using an inductive process during open coding, my data analysis also included a deductive process in which I looked for factors that I had previously identified in the literature review as relevant to my study. More specifically, I examined the short-term and long-term consequences of inconsistent or no language instruction reported by the participants, and how that has impacted the development of their heritage language and their professional careers. I used constant comparison to identify similarly coded data and began to organize it into categories; from these categories I then developed themes. The categories that first emerged were: biased leadership, cultural identity, English as a first language, language importance, school programming, use of language, and who spoke Spanish in the families. Using thematic analysis (Appendix D), I identified trends that emerged from the participants’ interviews about their experiences developing their heritage language. I then coded the information gathered from the interviews and reviewed and member checked the transcriptions with the participants. The emerging codes were then collapsed into common or umbrella topics. These were very similar in message but were said or explained differently. With member checking the participants were asked to clarify when making statements such as, “In school..I asked a follow up question asking what grade level specifically. Knowing what grade level is important to this study because of the focus on the school programming that may or may not support Spanish language and cultural development


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that is connected to the Latino Heritage. This was to ensure the trustworthiness or reliability through conferencing and member checking. Through this process, discrepancies in coding were resolved, and unnecessary subcategories were eliminated.
Informed by a language socialization theoretical framework, I looked for trends in the emotional, linguistic and cultural connections that the participants had to the language of Spanish and its connection to the Mexican/Mexican-American culture. The relationship of the theoretical framework of language socialization and the methods in this study is the purposeful interaction of language to reach proficiency in Spanish and to have the opportunity to learn more about the Latino culture. The construct of the relationship between language and culture is deeply rooted in a language socialization perspective (Beaudrie Ducar, 2005). Language is used to maintain and convey culture and cultural ties. Different ideas stem from differing language use with one’s culture and the whole intertwining of these relationships start at one’s birth (TEFL.net, 1997). This construct of the intricate connection between language and culture was central to my analysis. Through thematic analysis, I connected the experiences of the participants, and then created a story line for each of them. The connection that they shared with the lack of opportunity to learn and develop language and culture at a proficient level became evident when the experiences were a trend in the responses from the participants. The Latino HLL who participated in this study are connected by their stories and their experiences using their heritage language in purposeful situations within their families and communities.
The method of constant comparison allowed me to determine whether similar instructional practices have influenced the educational outcomes reported by the participants through their interview responses. The constant comparison of the descriptions, or language used to describe: educational, cultural and linguistic experiences. By examining their education


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experiences and the role that their heritage language has had in those experiences, I aimed to better understand how language programming failed or succeeded in supporting these HLLs in achieving proficiency in the Spanish language.
Trustworthiness
The process to guarantee trustworthiness for this qualitative study included two peer reviewers to debrief with me to check for the accuracy of the interviews and to check my data interpretations and findings (Creswell & Miller, 2000). After the interviews were transcribed, I used the procedure of member checking with participants to see if there was any follow up information that they would like to add or clarify in their responses (A.K. Shenton, 2004). As the researcher, I was reflective to the answers to the interview questions in connection to the research questions. Another lens to check for trustworthiness was the procedure of triangulation to search for convergence among multiple and different sources of information to form themes or categories in this study (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Triangulation by revisiting all the responses both in the transcriptions, audio and member check process. I could then check for the similarities with the responses to the interview questions with all six participants.
The themes that emerged after the coding of the transcribed interviews were then supported by the literature and research that is available regarding heritage language learners.
The themes again were cultural identity, language proficiency and schooling or educational programming that supported culture and language. But, again there was no support in connection to the secondary focus of language programming in schools. In fact, all six participants communicated that the language they have learned was during conversations, tv or movie programming, or observation. These methods are far from "direct language instruction, but rather "purposeful learning" of the language. Language Socialization has explained that


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learning a language within the context of daily life and real situations has been more supportive of realistic use of the language.


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Chapter IV FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to understand the experiences and self-reported needs of heritage language learners who are adults in the field of education, within the themes of cultural identity, language proficiency and educational programming. The questions that needed answered were regarding, how as adults have they identified with their Latino community, desired to learn their heritage language and what type of linguistic programming is needed for future heritage language learners to have the opportunity to learn the heritage language of Spanish. By the interviews that were conducted with six individuals who identify with the Latino culture, I can gain insight on what further research is still needed by the stories that emerged from this purposive sample group.
As we explore the findings we need to remember that there are different definitions that categorize HLLs as individuals who lose their heritage language. However, Valdes's (Valdes, 2000) defines HLLs as "Individuals raised in homes where a language other than English is spoken and who are to some degree bilingual in English and the heritage language." Valdes goes on to further explain that the crucial criterion is that the heritage language was first in the order of acquisition but was not completely acquired because of the individual's switch to another dominant language or become attired under pressure from the dominant host language.
A critical piece to remember is the level of proficiency that HLL's develop or do not develop with the heritage language. The variations of the ability that HLL's have with the proficiency of the heritage language varies (Polinsky & Kagan 2007; Silva-Corvalan, 1994). After examining the responses from the six participants in this study, the variation in the development of their heritage language of Spanish became clear. Additionally, findings from this


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study concur with previous language socialization studies reporting that the level of language proficiency affects and is connected to the individual’s sense of cultural identity.
Though the participants did experience biases in school and the workplace, their responses did not go into that too deeply. In fact, it appears the biases and assumptions were expected.
Cultural Identity
The research question that needed answered regarding the cultural and social development was; How have Heritage Language Learners who are now professionals in the field of education identified with the language of Spanish as a value in their cultural and social development?
The questions started with the participants identifying themselves. The participants were interviewed in no order. The responses varied as to how the participants identified themselves. This is interesting as there are so many ways in which we as Latinos identify ourselves. Depending on how we were brought up and what our parents and grandparents experienced we may identify ourselves by those influencers. Knowing how the participants identify themselves is critical to understand the importance of the language of Spanish to them culturally. This may look different by participant dependent upon the generation of the participant.
Participants shared how they identify themselves culturally. In the beginning of the study my focus was regarding only those who identified as Latino, but more so as Mexican, Mexican-American or Chicano. But one of the participants identified as Puerto Rican. This was an interesting discovery during the interviews because though Puerto Ricans are identified as part of the United States by the United States, this participant shared how he was treated not like an


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"American” and did share the biases that he experienced as the other participants who identified as Mexican, Mexican-American and Chicano.
The finding that is significant is that though the participants are Colorado residents, and all identify under the “umbrella” of Latino, they did not choose the word or title of Latino. But rather other words within the Latino community that are acceptable, such as Chicana, Mexican, Mexican-American and Puerto Rican. The census word “Hispanic”, was not used by any of the participants.
The first participant will be referred to as Luiza. Luiza is 46 years of age and is an
elementary teacher in a bilingual school. She identifies herself as Mexican. Luiza shared that
she came from a family of 9 and she is the second to the oldest. Luiza was bom in Chihuahua
and came to the U.S. at such a young age that she does not remember living in Mexico. She
stated that her identity was built according to what she would consider a "Typical Mexican
household." When asked about how the culture was present in her household in connection to
her statement of "Typical Mexican household" she shared:
It was Mexican Culture in the house. Spanish is what we spoke. Friends came over and there was my machismo dad. Controlling. No friends can't bring friends over. We had to clean we had to make dinner. Once we got older, English took over, during middle school/high school. There was always music, food and went to Mexico every Christmas. Home was still Mexican tradition. We had expectations and that was taking care of what needed done. And education was an emphasis (Personal Communication,
September 20th, 2018).
Ben, a young man who is an educated professional pursuing a doctorate degree reflected on how he identifies himself culturally in connection to being Latino and speaking Spanish. This young man who grew up here in the United States shared his experiences in Denver Colorado. What is unique, is the fact that he identifies as biracial. He stated "I'm Blacxican. I am Black and


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Mexican." The stories Ben shared about his experiences growing up in the projects of Denver
with a mom who is Latina, spoke Spanish only in family settings, described his experience with
the Spanish language as "having it spoken at me", never able to communicate or respond to them
in Spanish. His mother grew up in Mestizo Curtis Park, and attended the all-girls school Sacred
Heart and Annunciation, which he went on to explain, did not "allow" Spanish to be spoken, or
any identification with "Culture". Ben also stated:
It was frowned upon to speak Spanish. The demographics in this red line community, which was 5 points. There was a high influx of Chicanos and in the border, there was a Black community and an all-white community which they all went to Manual High School. It was a mix but in Larimer it was predominately Chicano. (Personal communication, September 24th,
2018)
Ben is very involved with youth today and explained to me that cultural pride and identification is a huge issue. "And you would think that Denver having such history with Chicanos would have stronger programs for kids growing up, and maybe even some for adults who need to reconnect." During the interview, Ben talked about life at home, and his life was not a typical path to be a professional in education. In fact, all six participants had different upbringings and education systems in their past. Yet, they all share very similar experiences and outcomes. When I asked about culture apparent in the home, Ben responded by explaining it as follows:
We had a picture of the last supper (laughs). My twin sister and I were Chicano’s, but it was evident that I was brown, my last name, the green chile, my families drinking. My auntie only drank Miller Light. Coors was racist and a part of the clan. And so, it wasn't allowed in the house. We didn't watch Spanish t.v.. So, it was only by appearance my identification. But cleaning the house on weekends was mariachi and banda, but also Kenny Rogers (Personal Communication, September 20th, 2018).


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It was very interesting that most of the participants see themselves as "multicultural", or "biracial." The next participants who responded to the cultural identity questions talked about navigating the U.S. as a Latino, even though they are U.S. citizens.
Jorge identified as Puerto Rican. He explained that he identifies himself as Puerto Rican, but that his father struggled with identifying that way. His father was an "American” and would only describe himself that way. Jorge shared about his upbringing:
I was born in Stamford, Connecticut. In Connecticut Spanish was looked at or being bilingual was not valued in the workplace where my parents lived but we lived in the city that had a lot of big Puerto Rican population.
So, my experiences with bilingualism in my city was positive, but my mom and dad told me stories of them being made fun of and things like that because of their accents in the workplace (Personal Communication,
September 20th, 2018).
Discrimination is felt not only because of ethnicity, as determined based on the color of one's skin, but also by the sounds that emanate from one's mouth (Shannon, 1995). He went on to explain that it wasn't intentional to deny themselves as Puerto Ricans, but rather to be an American and viewed as a foreigner. Jorge went on to tell me that his father grew up on a military base, and that only enforced the wanting to be only viewed as an American and nothing more. As we continued talking, Jorge stated that he does also identify as Puerto Rican-American. Just as Benita identifies as Mexican-American. I find it interesting that the hyphen of the group’s cultural identity was not for all six.
As we get into the experiences of Benita, who is female and a professional in education, she was adamant about her identifying as Mexican-American. Benita, who is a mother, shared how she has tried to hold onto her culture of being Mexican-American, and that through her undergraduate studies she realized how much she has lost of her culture. Today, she works with students who are predominantly Latino, or first-generation Latinos in college. She explained


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how her parents were focused on learning English and acculturating and that preserving their heritage language of Spanish was not critical. “Having the culture around me was there, some ways”, Benita went on to say:
My mom played a lot of Mexican Music, I remember that kind of stuff. Dances, music, but nothing intense. But college was culture shock. I learned about Chicano history and migrant farmers, and then I learned more. Found out some of my family worked in the fields. That is really when I learned more about my culture and my family. (Personal communication, October 12th, 2018).
What Benita explained is what Wong-Fillmore explains about what the family teaches a child as compared to the schools and what those implications are for a child. The curriculum of the home is taught by word and example, by the way adults relate to the children of the family, beginning at birth and not end until the children are mature and on their own. When parents send their children to school for formal education, they understand that their job of socializing their children is far from done. They continue to teach their children what they need to know as they mature. The school can take what the family has provided and augment or modify it even, but the foundation must be laid by the family (Wong-Fillmore, 2000). Unfortunately, what has been explained through this study of HLL individuals, is that the foundation passed on from their families was not valued in school, only attempts with superficial culture nights and "foreign language" experiences at school has the culture been valued. But for those hungering for more to their culture, to bring more to us as HLL Spanish speakers, the schools have failed to honor the Latino culture in a way that has been honorable and deep. As was explained by Ramona who is an administrator in the Aurora Public School system.
The next participant Ramona identifies as a CHIC ANA. She is a female administrator who has a wealth of experience in the treatment of Latinas in our Colorado school system that did not honor her as a Chicana, but as she states, "treated me as if dropping out would be better because


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no one really tried to understand my culture." When I ask why she identified herself as Chicana, she quickly responded:
Well because I am not Mexican-American that's my Heritage and I grew up in a family that really embraced and recognized Chicana and Chicano a new sort of identity that was forged by Latino people who are from the United States and so I adopted that myself, it was passed down from my parents (Personal Communication, September 20th, 2018).
Ramona explained that not many in her family graduated from high school. This young woman who is Chicana, who not only graduated from high school, but also graduated college and is now pursuing a doctorate degree. She shared how education has a lot to do with why she thinks that she values Spanish and has a desire to learn or understand it more than previous family before her. When asked how she tries to incorporate culture into her life to preserve her Chicana, Latina culture she shared that she listens to Spanish music and watches telenovelas.
She giggled a bit when she shared this and stated, “People always ask me if I even understand what is being said, I always tell them that I get the gist of what is going on or being said". As she went on to higher education she explains that when she was in one of her courses Chicano Studies, she realized that she had "culture". "That word, culture", she stated "I thought that was about other people, till I went to college." That is when she explained that she realized she had culture and what she was listening to, watching and attending the Catholic Church was all culture and it was culture that was handed down to her through family. But through the interview she goes on to explain that the little words she can utter, and the "Spanglish", is all that she had now of the language of her culture.
The Spanglish words and little words are what only some HLL individuals may hold onto as they progress through their education or lives. And when a person happens to be biracial as Tony explains of his mom's U.S. hippie culture and his dad being from Mexico, it becomes


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apparent that even though he was born in the United States, he would navigate different cultural paths. He explains that it can be a challenge to maintain a culture and language, as well as being what is the expected culture every day at work and in the world that is predominately English and has little to no support for your language or culture. His father grew up in Chicago and had Spanish as his first language. Tony states that his father was involved in gang activity when he was young, where is mother was a hippie. It seems like two extremes in his history, but he goes on to talk about how as he grew up his father sheltered him from that life he had and for some reason that meant also keeping him from being around his Mexican roots regarding culture.
Tony also stated:
I think that there was a perception in my family that the Latino culture was associated with drinking and partying and so we were somewhat sheltered for that that side of my family that's interesting. I remember going to a wedding a big wedding all my Mexican side of my family was when I was real little I was like four or five and we only went in for like a half an hour and then we left right away because I think my parents didn't want us to see the drinking or the dancing. I don't know what the reason was. That's it. And then also my grandparents were divorced. My-my dad's mom and dad which made us not as close to that side of the family. It was just a weird dynamic. I don't know how to we didn't visit him that much we did but we did. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018).
The culture in the household was not really speaking Spanish, he explained, in fact he shared how his siblings got even less of the culture in the household than what he did, "it's weird, but it became less and less as we grew older. We ate at Mexican restaurants and had tamales, but as we grew older, being Christian was important not the Mexican culture or speaking Spanish." Summary
Cultural identity is taught, inherited from one generation to the next. Our environment and interactions socially and academically are to support the development of not only our identity, but the cultural identity of students as well. The world of English that our students live


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in shapes the dominant interactions, but this can mean the sacrifice of what our students bring to school. This being the richness of their Latino culture and Spanish language from their families. Being a heritage language learner can have individuals wondering where they fit in a culture that can have differences from their home culture. And language that is different than what they speak at home or hear at home, can have individuals feeling that one needs to be lost to learn a new language, or that their heritage language does not have value.
Language proficiency
The research question that need answered regarding the effects of language development was; What have been the long term and short-term cultural effects with family and sense of belonging within the Latino community for HLL individuals with the development or lack of development of the heritage language of Spanish?
In this research study of HLLs, it was very interesting that when asked about the importance of Spanish or the usage of Spanish, they all stated their feelings and thoughts regarding the proficiency of the language. Silvina Montrul, who is an expert regarding language loss and retention, debates the definition of Heritage Language Learners given by Guadalupe Valdes. The definition by Valdes specifies that a heritage language is experienced in a non-English speaking home. Montrul shares that though this is helpful and can be true in some situations, HLLs are not always in homes with non-English speaking family. To MontruT s point, Valdes's definition is still useful for grammatically orientated studies because it considers knowledge and use of the heritage language (even if minimally) rather than just a cultural connection to the language with no actual knowledge of it (Montrul, 2004). The proficiency level among HLLs varies, as Valdes does explain, meaning all domains of language development


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in the heritage language of Spanish can vary from HLL to HLL. This is the case with the participants in this study.
The significant finding from participants regarding language proficiency, was that the six participants shared their fear of speaking with “native speakers” of Spanish or those who are more proficient. The lack of confidence to participate speaking with families, friends and community. Another part of the finding is that the participants did not think that they had enough opportunities to practice Spanish in context that would be purposeful to daily life or daily interactions.
Luiza, who identified as Mexicana, shares how Spanish was her first language, but
gradually has become her second language. Luiza had parents that really tried hard to maintain
the heritage language by setting boundaries. She shared:
Yes, English was for school and Spanish was for home. Yes, that was clear. But the more sisters we got and then there was more English in the house. English communication between siblings and Spanish to the parents. If we were by ourselves, we spoke English. It was some code switching. Pretty equal between. There is 5 of us and then a big gap between the last 2 and I didn't grow up with them, but their Spanish is pretty good. (Personal Communication, October 5th, 2018).
As in earlier studies, the ability of the speaker of Spanish varies, and what is considered native speaker to heritage speaker varies. Though Luiza was a native speaker in her childhood, by time she became an adolescent she was now a heritage language speaker of Spanish. As an adult she was reflecting on how she left at age 17 from home, married a non-Spanish speaker and of a different culture. Because of their differences in their culture and language she only used Spanish when visiting family. This made maintaining the language difficult. "My whole world was English." She goes on to explain that she did feel as though she was losing her language.
By comparison her siblings Spanish was better, she attributes this to the spouses of her siblings


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being of Mexican culture and speak Spanish as their first language. This coincides with the theoretical framework that I described earlier, which is rooted in Eleanor Ochs’ framework of language socialization. From this theoretical perspective, language usage must be purposeful. The heritage language was an important role in the world of Luiza’s siblings for day to day communication. However, most of the participants reported that they do not need to use Spanish to function, therefore the usage is minimal to none. Participant number one had to make a point to put Spanish in her life; she did this by making a choice to study Spanish as part of her master's degree program. This, she shared, helped her with academic language, but again she could only use the language in situations where it was needed or with family.
Language Socialization research supports the fact that language and culture are together; when an individual is learning a language, they are also learning the culture. With participant number one it is evident that because her world became predominantly English, then this was the dominant culture that she began to learn and be supported by in her daily life. The language programs in school were built as a foreign language program that seemed to only focus on grammar all the time, as well as nothing useful as she stated. Luiza is frustrated by her lack of proficiency in Spanish and wants to go abroad to teach and learn more, she said "My Spanish is not sophisticated enough." By going somewhere where her world would be all Spanish and needed for daily survival, she feels that this would support her in maintaining the language and developing it further.
Ben who identified as Blacxican does not speak Spanish. He explained that he is embarrassed when people come up to him and start speaking in Spanish and he must stop them. As he explained, he has "introduction Spanish" and that is it. Other than being able to say a word here or a word there, his proficiency is limited. During my time as a teacher and claiming


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to be bilingual in my early years of education, I too felt the same as Ben. I was able to speak a word or two, and always speaking in present tense. Ben shared that his nino (godfather) spoke Spanish. But only a few words were picked up and he stated that he was very confused between male and female usage of the words in Spanish:
Never got to learn in a formal way. It was the culture around me and I started reading La Voz because it was in Spanish. I would read the articles because they were in both English and Spanish. I am better at listening and reading. I can understand if I listen intently. In my crew there were so many Ben’s that we even had to give each other nicknames. I went to so many quinceaneras that I can dance. I am just not confident enough to speak it. (Personal communication, October 2nd, 2018).
Language loss in a family is not always typical, but Valdes (2001) shares how generations could experience heritage language loss, and English becomes the dominant language. But in the six participants as second and third generations, language began to be lost, or it was lost entirely. In many places around the world, bilingualism and even multilingualism are commonplace. In the United States, however, and in other societies like it, powerful social and political forces operate against the retention of minority languages. To many and perhaps most Americans, English is more than a societal language, it is an ideology. The ideological stance is this: To be American, one must speak English (Wong-Fillmore, 2000).
An interesting finding was the experience of Ben on a trip. The finding is the expectations from others that expect or assume a Latino “looking” individual should be able to speak Spanish. This finding shares how participants feel that individuals outside their communities have an expectation for them to be proficient in the language of Spanish, and to have an in-depth knowledge of the Latino community regardless of the Latino group being discussed or in question.


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During a trip for Ben he was in East LA assisting as a political consultant. He stated, "But when I was East in LA for a year it was shameful that I couldn't speak. I was campaigning for someone and I needed a translator with me. But I think it is important. It is needed, especially the work I am in." Language loss is the result of both internal and external forces operating on children.
The internal factors have to do with the desire for social inclusion, conformity, and the need to communicate with others. The external forces are the sociopolitical cones operating in the society against outsiders, against differences, against diversity (Wong-Fillmore, 2000).
As the theme regarding language proficiency emerged, a finding was evident that the participants had very strong emotional reactions and very thoughtful answers regarding the loss of language and how they struggled. In several occasions during the interviews, the words "frustrated", or "struggled" emerged. During the coding the words frustrated and struggled were repeated 15 times during the interview from three of the participants.
Jorge, who identified earlier as Puerto-Rican, felt loss of language but also had dealt with stuttering growing up and that interfered with learning Spanish according to Jorge. He stated:
For me to answer because when I was a kid, I only spoke Spanish, but once I started school, I only spoke English because I had had a speech impediment had a stutter when I was transitioning to school and learning English. So, at that point my parents focused on just speaking English in the household but just speaking English to me so that I could learn English faster. Both my parents could speak English, my father grew up on a military base in Puerto Rico. So, he learned English from school and plus English is taught in the high schools in Puerto Rico. (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018).
What Jorge shares is in alignment with Wong-Fillmore’s assertion about the ideology of being American. In fact, the description of the ideology of being "American" connects to Jorge description of his father being raised on a military base. Puerto Rico being a part of "America", but having Spanish as the first language, and the Latino culture of the Puerto Rican people can


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put individuals from this territory of the United States feeling as though they are not truly U.S. citizens. Citizens who are encouraged to speak only English and not maintain their heritage language of Spanish. Jorge does have siblings and had this to share regarding his siblings speaking Spanish:
It's funny my do I have a younger sister with my mom and dad and she didn't speak that much Spanish growing up and she couldn't really understand that much growing up. But then my father married to an Ecuadorian woman didn't speak much English. So to kind of get in order to communicate with her we had to learn to speak Spanish - at that point my dad started speaking to us only in Spanish which was funny because when I was growing up, he had stopped speaking to us in Spanish and then when he remarried he only spoke to us in Spanish and kind of expected us to know what was going on. (Personal communication, September 20th,
2018).
Language at that moment became important due to purpose. Purpose to communicate with family, community and friends. Participants sharing that learning language in context would have creating more meaning for them by attempting language usage in real world situations. This was shared seven to ten times during the interviews by all the participants. Again, this finding adds to the language socialization literature that supports the importance of world to language connection and the usage becoming a way to communicate due to need.
The participant who identified as Mexican-American had similar experiences as Jorge. Benita realized how much language was lost in her family when she went off to college. Now her career is with predominantly Latino students, and this has impacted this participant. She grew up in home where she shared that her family had acculturated so much that the language was not really spoken in the house as a child, which now as an adult she wishes her parents would have spoken Spanish. "I would feel whole, if I could speak Spanish." This was the consensus among all the participants. Each stated that they have either lost a part of themselves, or that they do not feel like their identity is completely developed due to loss of language.


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Ironically Benita experienced having Latino friends who also did not speak Spanish, but now her children and her children's friends speak Spanish and try to speak it in public. "It's almost like it skipped a generation." What is very interesting about Benita as compared to Luiza is that Benita’s spouse is bilingual in English and Spanish, yet Benita shared that she still has struggled to hold onto the language. Luiza shared that she did lose the language due to one of the reasons of her spouse not speaking the language and therefore contributed to her not being surrounded by the Spanish language and thus, lost some language. The work that Benita does with Spanish speaking college students has allowed her to be around the language. However, Benita finds herself doing what many HLL individuals do; which is inform the Spanish speaker that she can understand but will respond in English. Luiza does purposely put herself on committees where Spanish is spoken and attend Bilingual Mass at her church. "I love the language, I just was immersed in an English world in college that made my world all English, I didn't have to speak Spanish to survive." Purpose of language gives meaning and the desire to achieve proficiency. Language socialization is just that, it is speaking in social situations which means that to survive or participate, the individual senses the importance to learn the language. The central tenant of language socialization research is that the novice’s participation and communication practices is promoted but not determined by a legacy of socially and culturally persons, artifacts and features of the built environment (Ochs & Schieffelin, 2011).
Ramona, who is Chicana and like the other participants, bom in Colorado surrounded by the rich history of the Chicano Movement ...El Movimiento. Ramona could only utter a few words of Spanish, and still as an adult states that she struggles to speak Spanish though her understanding of the language is better.
No, my parents didn't speak any Spanish to me. Maybe a few words here
and there but nothing fluid my grandmother spoke Spanish both my


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grandparents on both sides spoke Spanish. So, some of the Spanish that I learned was from them and then from the social relationships that I've had with a lot of my peers my adolescence all the way through college and then I also took Spanish it was originally my major and major because while I got tired of being singled out and expected to know Spanish.
(Personal communication, September 20th, 2018).
Ramona experienced some embarrassment with the fact that people in her family knew she was not proficient in Spanish. For example, her grandmother would keep phrases simple and short so that she could understand. This only made her want to try to learn to speak Spanish even more. The relationship with some family members showed her the importance of having Spanish for communication, but her lack of proficiency in the language prevented others from speaking to her, knowing that she was not able to understand. Language is our bridge for generations to communicate to other generations, when that is lost then one must wonder what the connection of communication be for the generations.
Tony, who identifies as Mexican-American, shared that he does not identify as a "Native speaker" of Spanish but does identify as a Heritage Language Learner. Tony shared that he sometimes struggles with not having enough vocabulary. "I had to go to Mexico over summers to learn from family I had down in Mexico". The participant went down to Mexico at two-three months at a time when I turned 17 years old. That is when things began to click...it was weird". Tony shared that he knew the more he went to Mexico and "had" to use the language, then he would have no choice. The language was purposeful and meaningful because he had to use the language for day to day functions. It was his great-grandmother and his grandmother that spoke Spanish. Tony had strong memories of this because it stood out to him due to the minimal amount of people that were in his world that did speak Spanish fluently and daily. Tony shared that being biracial contributed to the language being lost slowly in the family. He is the oldest


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and has more language and did try to make efforts to achieve proficiency, but his younger siblings do not have much Spanish language. Tony also stated:
No, they didn't speak any Spanish to me. Maybe a few words here and there but nothing fluid my grandmother spoke Spanish both my grandparents on both sides spoke Spanish. So some of the Spanish that I learned was from them and then from the social relationships that I've had with a lot of my peers my adolescence all the way through college and then I also took Spanish it was originally my major and major because while I got tired of being singled out and expected to know Spanish, where is more acceptable for me to be an English dominant speaker.
We visited the White side of the fence not much and probably I was exposed more to Spanish than my brothers and sisters because we hung out with the Mexican side more when I was a little kid, but as we got older it was less and so my brothers and sisters didn't see it as much wow, and their perspectives were a lot different than mine. That's interesting how the generations change. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018).
All six participants have a common theme that the desire to achieve proficiency was there and still resides in them. But all strongly expressed that the generations changed through time with the importance of the language usage.
The finding from the participants stating that they feel that the importance to assimilate to the dominant language of English became important to the generations before them, either because they wanted to feel more “American” as Jorge shared about his father, or because they did not want the later generations to be discriminated against. This was explained by Ben, Ramona, Tony and Benita. This is interesting regarding the world connection and the outside factors that play a role in the desire of generations handing down the heritage language. Either handing down the language so that it is not lost, or the other side of extreme approach of protecting the next generation from any type of racism or discrimination by not handing down or expecting the maintenance of the heritage language within the family. Now in 2018 the six participants who range in ages but have also attended either public school in Colorado or higher


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education in Colorado, expressed the biases they experienced in education regarding their language experiences.
Summary
Language proficiency was found to be very important to the participants. What was very clear from the interviews is that the participants did not feel supported in the development of their heritage language of Spanish. It was expressed by the participants that there was a feeling of anxiety when speaking to people in their families or communities that were fluent and proficient in Spanish.
School Programming and Experiences
During the 1970's in Colorado, Bilingual Education was prominent in a little town called Fort Lupton Colorado. A district that was and still is a small community. At that time Fort Lupton had a true Bilingual program that taught students from pre-school to sixth grade all contents in both languages of English and Spanish. The community of Fort Lupton was majority Latino, but the teachers were diverse, yet were able to instruct in a dual language format. This was a plan to maintain the Spanish language and or to also teach the Spanish language to all students regardless of cultural background or linguistic background. Unfortunately, the plan in Fort Lupton was not the plan in other parts of Colorado.
A finding with the participants was their educational experiences. All six participants explained how the school programming, particularly at the secondary level were not supportive in advancing their proficiency in Spanish, and the instruction did not have good cultural connection to all Latino groups that pertained to traditions, art, music, or history. Our participants shared their experiences in Denver Public School and the San Luis Valley of


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Colorado during their upbringing; and they also shared what their experiences have been in higher education and at work in the field of education.
Luiza who identified as Mexican, grew up in the San Luis Valley after coming to the United States, entered into our U.S. school system that did not honor her culture and fell short of supporting her Heritage Language of Spanish. Luiza also stated:
In kindergarten. I was ALWAYS pulled out of classes. We were always pulled out. I have this memory. I could not say nests, so they put me in intervention I think it was both speech and reading. I think most from what I remember, I only remember a few teachers that were supportive. I remember other kids didn't like that we spoke Spanish to each other, they didn't like it. (Personal Communication, October 5th, 2018).
Being pulled out of class because she could not pronounce words correctly, or according to the standard of the teacher shows bias in how Luiza as a student was perceived. For example, the Boston dialect of the Kennedys or the southern dialect of Jimmy Carter are never pointed to as evidence of cognitive and linguistic deficit. But let a poor urban Appalachian woman speak for only a few minutes and powerful attitudes of prejudice and assumptions of inferiority are elicited (Delpit, 2002). This finding that Luiza brings to the research is children learning to speak by hearing and interacting with their first teachers of language, their parents; only to then be corrected to speak words differently. We learn our social cues from our surroundings. To judge a student on how they speak when starting school, or the language they bring, disvalues and send the message to the student that the way he or she was taught to speak is incorrect.
A key finding with the confidence level of the participants, was that they each stated how it seemed intimidating to attempt speaking Spanish due to the fear of correction. Correction by those who were not of the Latino culture.
Luiza went on to share that as she went through school and began to forget and lose her language, she realized in school when she took Spanish as a foreign language; her teachers who


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were "White", spoke better than she did, and that, she stated "Made me shy to speak in front of
them in Spanish, because I didn't feel like me I could speak good enough".
The cultural piece of school she shared was not good. "Teachers were not prepared to
teach us "Mexicans”, they didn't understand our culture or our families." Most of her teachers
growing up were White, and she shared how it was hard for her to make connections with them.
Luiza shared that she never learned about her culture in school, and nothing with her instruction
growing up was culturally relevant to her. The first time that she had the opportunity to engage
in a cultural course or materials, was in college. The class was an African Studies course. And
what inspired her to take the course was her husband who was of the African Culture. There was
no valuing of Luiza culture or language, but rather viewed as wrong.
Ben seem to have floundered to find a language. I state that because as I visited with Ben
he shared how there was absolutely no language instruction for him growing up in the Denver
Public School system until he got to high school. And, at this point it became more about the
requirements to graduate and not what would culturally connect for him. He shared that Italian
was offered in high school, so he took it. Ben went on to say:
I took Italian as an immersion class, in 7th grade. They didn't have Spanish. The reasoning was it was like Spanish. And if you can learn Italian you can learn Spanish. The next year they put me in French. Then in 9th grade I was stuck in Italian again. All world language classes. But different classes that were not Spanish. I think it was both that there was no room in the Spanish class, but we have to fill your schedule so here is Italian. (Personal Communication, October 2nd, 2018).
This finding brings back the issue of our students conforming to what schools have to offer as opposed to the school conforming to the needs of the students. The experiences of the participants explain the lack of differentiated instruction or linguistic programming.


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Ben continued to explain that in DPS, there was not a sense of urgency to support students of color. "There weren't options for us Brown and Black kids, it was take what we have, or you don't have the requirements to graduate."
When asked about the cultural instruction or learning opportunities the common theme
was that there was not enough cultural instruction, understanding or opportunities to learn more
about the Latino culture. The finding here is that teachers are not prepared well to teach students
of diverse and cultural needs, even though the students are all considered Latino; there is a miss
understanding of the diversity within the Latino community. As Ben shared, "What I learned in
my neighborhood was more than what the school was giving me." He went on to explain how he
learned more about his Latino culture:
I would say there was, I knew the story of Che, and Zapata. My uncle was in the Brown Berets and had an uncle who boxed with Corky. There were people that my family was connected to during the movement. I heard all the stories I started to learn the history of the Chicano's, but at West High I was taught Chicano History by a White Teacher. I challenged him. I became a Chicano Studies Major. (Personal communication, October 2nd,
2018).
Ben continued to explain his frustration with teachers and their assumptions with him as a Latino. One of his professors in his undergraduate studies shamed him class. Ben states, "That White professor didn't care if I got the credit for the class. His name was Mr. Bauck. This guy knew I was working full time and going to school, and he did nothing to help me; only to shame me in class for not knowing certain information." As he worked his way through higher education Ben communicated that in some ways it got better, but when it came to information regarding Mexico and Mexican history, there was always an assumption that he should know everything there was to know about Mexico and Mexican history. "Those two female teachers had blinders on about my culture and who I was as a person." Ben explained further:


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Most of my teachers were White. All through elementary all White, but my principal was Black. 7th grade all White, 8th grade I had minority teachers. In high school was where I had the most teachers of color. Mr.
Cordova was my principal. But all the administrators were Latino or Black. My social worker was Latina, she impacted my life. I ran into her a year ago, and she would give me target gift cards, bus passes. GRASP, helped me, it provided extra security in my life. I was really close with them. (Personal communication, October 2nd, 2018).
Ben went through the DPS district, and where DPS is today as compared to back during his time,
he shared that there has been little change, little growth for this troubled school district as Ben
explained.
In examining the school programming experience, the finding is that there is a lack of intentional cultural instruction and linguistic care for students of color was not isolated to only one location in Colorado.
For Jorge the immersion into the White culture is what he calls his upbringing. MMy
world was in English, the culture was White, and there was not a concern from my teachers for
me to feel a sense of belonging." Jorge wanted to learn Spanish badly, and would end up taking
four years of Spanish. Jorge also stated:
I first took it because I thought it was going to be an easy A' in high school. But I took Spanish all four years. And by the time I got to the fourth year, I had gotten a chance to experience speaking Spanish before and I got to be in that higher class because we were starting to read and write Spanish and that's when I kind of realized that, Oh, I don't I don't know it all and that was that was challenging but it was interesting at the same time. Like I really enjoyed my Spanish class that last year because it was different. (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018).
Jorge had the same experience as Ben, the choices of foreign language were few, and it was all about requirement for graduation and college and not about the individual. His choices were French and Spanish. He chose Spanish, and found it challenging. The major languages French, German Spanish, Italian, Polish, and Yiddish claimed around one million or more Speakers in


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the United States during almost all the 20th century. Whether widely spoke or not, immigrant languages have rarely been regarded as a national resource, for the most part have suffered the same sad fate here that immigrant languages typically suffer around the world (Fishman, 1991).
In some cultural groups, to preserve language, culture and tradition the community has organized schools that focus solely on the maintenance of the language and culture so that it will not be lost. But as Fishman explained in an article published in an article titled 300-Plus Years of Heritage Language Education in the United States, Spanish is a language that has been in the U.S. for centuries, and it will continue to arrive on our shores (Fishman, 1991). That being the case, our Colorado school districts have done a poor job historically with consistency in educating our HLL's in the language that they are culturally connected with in their lives.
Jorge continued as to state that remembering who was in his classes when he took Spanish in school, all the Puerto Rican kids including himself stayed together. "We knew we knew more Spanish than what we were able to speak, but now that I know the term Heritage Language Learner, I think that is why we stayed together. We knew more than beginners, but not enough to pass as a Native speaker."
This participant explained that in his Spanish class he knew that his teacher wasn't pronouncing words correctly. "It sounded funny." His teacher was Polish, and he said that he would correct her sometimes and he added that her accent sounded funny.
"I can say that we were definitely not celebrated in that class, and that's when I realized that as a Puerto Rican, our accent and words were different sometimes." This made it challenging for Jorge, finding your place in a Spanish class that was predominantly focused on the Mexican culture, but knowing you are Puerto Rican. Jorge found himself questioning where he fit in if he was American, but not seen by some as American, and then in a Spanish class not


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seeing his culture celebrated in one area that he had hoped Puerto Ricans would be, in Spanish class.
There was no cultural instruction that Jorge could connect to until college. He explained that was when he found his voice to ask, and the courage to purposely look for Puerto Rican connections. In the workplace it has been interesting because there are assumptions that he can speak Spanish because he is Mexican, which he stated, "I am not Mexican, if I was I would be proud to be Mexican, but I am Puerto Rican, and in Colorado because there are not a lot of us Puerto Ricans, I have to explain my heritage." By pursuing higher education Jorge was able to search for Puerto Rican history, culture and vocabulary that connected to him as a person. As we continued to discuss his experiences it was clear that the instruction in Colorado was not conducive for other Latino cultures, but rather a focus on Mexican and New Mexican studies. Jorge shared that Chicano studies was interesting, but again not valid to his Puerto Rican culture. Most of his teachers were White except for one teacher who was Dominican, "He really got me and made connections with me, but that is just one teacher."
At work at his job at an alternative high school he explained that this is the largest group of Mexican individuals he has worked with and it brought his attention to the vocabulary. "The first time I was told mande I thought she (the other employee) was taking me somewhere, but then she explained that she wanted me to repeat what I had told her." This is only one of many encounters where Spanish is not the same across the Latino spectrum.
Our participant who is Mexican-American attended school in DPS and described her experiences as foreign language class. "We learned songs and Mexican dances, but it was a Foreign Language class and that is all I really remember learning." When she was in elementary school she shared that it was “kinda a bilingual format”, but she doesn't remember a lot about her


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linguistic schooling in the beginning. But for her children she has been very intentional in placing them in a dual language school and they do speak both English and Spanish. She shared how they have tried at home to continue learning Spanish. "My children are bilingual, my husband is bilingual, and I really want to be more conversational in Spanish, but it is hard for me." The cultural instruction was missing for Benita as well, in fact the only topic that she could recall was in college when they studied migrant workers. That is when she shared that she discovered some of her family members worked in the fields. But this does not qualify as a true cultural instruction. Her teachers were not Latino, and she expressed that when asked if her teachers were of her same cultural background. "My teachers were all White. I look back, I probably had two Latino male teachers. In high school I had two Latino, so total 4. My middle school teacher Mr. Martinez, he had the most influence."
She shared that in her workplace in Boulder she is always treated with the assumption that she speaks Spanish. "I look very Mexican, so people assume that I speak Spanish and that I have a deeper connection to being Mexican." She also shared that she embraces these experiences and is not offended by them, she just wishes that she had more of the Spanish language
The schooling experience for Ramona was in the Denver Public School system as our #2 participant, but just a few years ahead of him. But her experiences were very similar. Foreign language was the format of the instruction that she received.
Ramona described the programming as not having a lot of depth to the programming. There were students in her class that were considered Native Speakers, but there was no programming that was specific to the needs of the Native Speaking students. Ramona expressed that as an educator she knows how important it is to differentiate instruction and be prepared for


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the different levels that our students to us with regarding language. But she also knows that this
was not a priority from her teachers when she needed differentiated instruction. "I took Spanish
in middle school and high school and it was the same experience. Nothing was different, and I
felt like I was learning the same thing over and over."
There is a trend with the participants discussing how not until college did they feel the
opportunity to learn more Spanish language and feel culturally supported. It was stated ten times
in the interviews that college or university level was when the participants finally felt culturally
valued. Their experiences that describe not having the opportunity to really "use" the language.
The focus was grammar, spelling and greetings. Ramona went on to say, "The classes were good
if you were going to be a tourist, but not if it was a part of who you are, you know, your
identity." As she continued through school she felt as though her Spanish teachers would single
her out during class, and it seemed as if they expected her to "know Spanish". It really made her
uncomfortable and difficult to want to continue learning Spanish, even though it was a passion to
become bilingual and proficient. Ramona also shared:
I would say something, and I would say it incorrectly. I guess I would say it in a slang way and I got embarrassed by it more than I did feel encouraged by it. So that was some of the frustration I felt you know. That they would come and correct me and just because I was still learning and so my effective filter went up. I would always get called on because of because of my last name like I remember what one Professor calling me out and he’d like start speaking really fast. (Personal communication,
September 20th, 2018).
The bias that Ramona experienced was not an isolated experience and was a trend through this research project. Either the last name or the appearance of the individuals sparked teachers or professors to call on students or expect students to know language, history and cultural traditions of the Latino community.


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Ramona grew up near a Native American Reservation, and she explained how her teachers who were predominately White would either assume she was Mexican or Native American and assumed that she did not have enough English. "I felt insulted, I was judged before I was given a chance to be a student." Ramona told her story to me and continued to repeat that she had a void in her life. That as life went on with her family and they became acculturated and busy raising a family; "They forgot to pass on some important pieces to my identity." Language indeed plays a crucial role in the construction of identity, which as a construct has seen a large body of research in the social sciences accumulate during the past thirty years.
As Ramona went through high school she became disengaged. "You know I became disengaged with school, I think like a lot of Latino students do." She began to have attendance issues and felt like no one really cared at school if she attended. And Ramona continued to share that teachers treated her with bias, bias in the fact that they treated her as though she had no potential and would drop out eventually. Ramona did graduate from high school, earned her bachelor's, masters and is now in a doctorate cohort. In her daily job now as an administrator at a high school she shared that she does all she can to re-engage her Latino students. "I know how it feels to feel as though you don't matter, or you're not a priority."
Tony, who identified as Mexican-American, biracial participant did not like school.
Tony explained that that schooling system was not welcoming, and he never felt a belonging in school. Having attended four different high schools, it was hard in his adolescent years to "like" school.
Now being an assistant principal Tony shared that he works extremely hard in supporting Latino students. "I want them to like school or find something that they can connect to at


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school." Tony explained that his language and culture was not evident in school and that it
seemed as if educators of the schools he attended, didn't know what to do with him or other
Latino students. Tony was once a Spanish teacher, and when asked if he felt prepared or
proficient with Spanish he responded by saying:
I took a little bit in high school but not enough. I moved around high schools the whole time. I went to four different high schools. So, it was like I just took whatever they put me in. I was going to say they put me in Spanish one in Spanish to which I didn't have any problem with it was easy and then I didn't take it anymore after that and then I went to I made some friends with some foreign exchange students my senior year in high school from Mexico and they came and lived with us for a while. Then they invited me to go down there and live with them and I stayed with them for a month and then my grandpa would send me some money. My dad's dad sent me money to go visit my family in Mexico, and I've been visiting that side of the family ever since. (Personal Communication,
September 24th, 2018).
Tony valued and does value his time in Mexico. Without that time in Mexico visiting family he would not have developed the language. The self-immersion into the language and the constant pursuit of developing the language was necessary. Tony knew that without being intention in his actions to develop the language it would not have happened in his public education experience.
A key finding was that of the experiences with the secondary programming not supporting heritage language learners with the development of the Spanish language. The foreign language program he experienced in school did not support the development of his culture as well. Tony explained:
All I remember from Spanish class were games, you know the games to learn a word here and there but nothing that would help me with a conversation. It was really for the White students who thought it was fun and didn't have a cultural connection to the language. We would have Spanish names and, you know it was just games and nothing that I could use like I did when I would visit Mexico. I had to experience the language to learn it. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018).


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This participant recalls his time at school in Chicago prior to moving to Colorado. His teacher was White and had learned Spanish in Spain. "I didn't learn anything in that class honestly." He felt picked on whenever the discussion in class was regarding the "Hispanic Culture". Tony shared that the teacher and the class made it seem as if he was supposed to be the authority or the holder of all knowledge regarding the Latino community, culture and language. When he moved to Colorado, he attended school in Pueblo Colorado. "My experience in Pueblo was being placed in a class full of Heritage Language Learners." He went on to share that none of them (Latino students), were proficient in Spanish. "We all had a lot of slang.". Tony did not feel like his teachers were prepared to teach him the language or culture. "My teachers were horrible, and one guy was a burned-out teacher that didn't care if we learned the language to proficiency."
Tony tells of a time that his Spanish teacher put a movie on and the students were to take notes. All the students were warned that if they fell asleep then they would get would get an 'F. Tony felt that all the time he spent in foreign language class was not purposeful. "My teachers would spend time talking about things that had nothing to do with learning Spanish. One guy would talk about the girls’ volleyball team since he was a coach, again it had nothing to do with learning Spanish." A growing number of language educators believe it is time for the United States to reexamine its language policies and its orientation to both bilingual and foreign language education (S.C. Wang, 2010) (for detailed discussion of U.S. language policy, see Kloss, 1977/1998; Ruiz, 1984).
One lesson that stood out to Tony was a lesson about sun tan lotion. "It was so dumb, and I didn't want to learn about going to the beach or sun tan lotion, I wanted to learn how to have conversations in daily life." Again, this explains how it is critical that instruction be purposeful in our students lives. The instruction that students receive in class is what will carry


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them into adulthood and must connect to their real world. It wasn't until Tony reached college that he felt that his teachers, professors were trying to make connections. Tony stated:
All of my professors were Latino, and they actually make connections that we haven't talked about them. Hmm, they made cultural connection and they connected literature and art and learning and that was higher learning for the first time that wasn't from all white authors. That was like meaningful to me. So now you're including my culture and literature and language, and it's valued at a high level something that was never given to me in in high school or any other time in school ever. It was like night and day that may be passionate to because they were they were awesome teachers. They well. One of them was white. There were three main ones one was from Colombia one was from Mexico and one was from Spain, but he was like grew up in Spain, but he was bom here. So, it was Columbia and Mexico she was from Mexico City. I believe and the one from Colombia. She taught at Columbia University in New York. She was an Ivy League teacher the Mexico when she graduated from I believe I wanted to say hail. Wow. I think the guy from Spain was Yale and she was like, California Berkeley. So, we had good professors. They were top-of-the-line professors. That's great and they helped me they helped me to a high standard like they're like, even though you know more Spanish than all the other kids in the class like they did not let up on me. They had super super high standards and they would differentiate, and we had really small classes like three or four students because there wasn't that many Spanish Majors. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018).
For Tony waiting till college was very discouraging regarding the valuing of his heritage language and his culture. "When I was in school in Pueblo my counselor asked me what I wanted to do after high school." As soon as Tony stated he did not know what he was going to do, he was placed in "easy classes", and college was no longer his pathway, according to the counselor at his Pueblo school. When Tony went to Mexico at age 17 was when he learned that many of his family members were teachers. This made an impact on the participant and was the reason for him deciding to become a teacher. The reason why he decided to become a Spanish teacher was due to his own experiences with the lack of impactful instruction. "I wanted to work with Latino students and help them make connections that I never had when I was in school."


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Participant recommendations for the future
The participants were asked at the end of the interview to process what would they like to
see different for today's Latino Heritage Language Learners; the answers were outstanding and
were very heartfelt thoughts from this group of Latino educators.
Luiza stated that she would encourage students to not allow others to change their names.
"I now introduce myself with the Spanish pronunciation of my name." She went on to explain
that as a teacher she speaks to her students about having pride in their culture, name and
language. And how important it is to be bilingual.
Ben shared that he would like teachers and administrators to keep in mind that not all
Latinos are the same, nor the experiences they bring to the classroom. Ben stated:
They see our last names and see as the same and not different. I look at it like this is that it is a puzzle. Each piece is who we are, and if a piece is missing then we are not fully developed. I want to speak Spanish I want to go into countries and speak, but I can't. So, my picture is not complete.
Language is such a definition of who we are. (Personal communication,
October 2nd, 2018).
The approval of your own Latino community is critical, this was shared by Jorge who identifies as Puerto Rican. "I would want to validate different kinds of Spanish languages. You know, like that doesn't make you any less Latino not knowing Spanish." Jorge shared how he had to stop himself from becoming or believing the stereotypes of his own culture that were pushed on him by the White community. By Jorge not having his culture and language supported in schools, he shared that it feels like a piece of him is missing, and now that he is in education, he shared he does not want that feeling for other students.
For Benita, she shared her frustration with schools not seeing Spanish as an asset and how for Latino students "being American English speaking" seems more important than developing Spanish as their heritage language and being proud of what Latino students bring to


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school every day. " For students who are not Latino, learning Spanish and becoming bilingual is celebrated, but if you are brown or Mexican-American, it is expected not celebrated." Benita shared that this needs to change in our schools
Ramona explained that for our female students who are Latina, "We need to get past the stereotypes of what a Latina's role is in the family. There are teachers that play into these stereotypes." She shared this due to the identity struggles for our Latina students. "Not just having the language and culture, but what that means for our young girls, this is added to the confusion adolescents deal with growing up. Ramona shared that trying to fit in with your White peers and having to give up a piece of you adds to the struggle of who we are and become. Ramona stated:
Identity for myself not having fluid or even basic understanding of my language in a way that would allow me to speak confidently, I guess with the individuals but I work with I think I feel like I was stripped of that opportunity and that that was somehow a void in my upbringing as a child and missing and I think when I got to college and having the opportunity to the work towards acquiring Spanish and at the same time taking classes that do build that cultural identity. (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018).
Tony summed up his thoughts by sharing that schools need to do a better job with showing value and honor to being bilingual and not just for White students. "We as Latinos need to know that what we are bringing is valuable and be encouraged to develop our heritage language."
With all the participants it was very clear that they as Heritage Language Learners were not taught to develop their language. With the foreign language instruction that was available, it was not purposeful, and did not make great connections for the participants. What needs to be understood is that the participants attended schools in different times, and in different locations in Colorado; yet the experiences and frustrations were similar.


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Summary
During the interviews with the participants it was evident that there were clear trends in how they, as students, did not feel valued culturally, there was language loss but a desire to learn, and the lack of support and connections that they received in their educational experiences. The message that was common throughout and in the end of the interview, is that their cultural identity was affected by the lack of Spanish language proficiency. This has also been a common theme in the research regarding Heritage Language Learners. Cultural identity and heritage language development are connected. When one is not supported, the other is lacking and affects how the individual sees him or herself as part of his or her cultural and linguistic community.


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Chapter V DISCUSSION
As Heritage Language Learners there are definitions that define or categorize HLL individuals as individuals who lose their heritage language. However, Valdes's (Valdes, 2000). Defines HLL's as "Individuals raise in homes where a language other than English is spoken and who are to some degree bilingual in English and the heritage language." Valdes goes on to further explain that the crucial criterion is that the heritage language was first in the order of acquisition but was not completely acquired because of the individual's switch to another dominant language or become attired under pressure from the dominant host language. A critical piece to remember is the level of proficiency that HLL's develop or do not develop. The variations of the ability that HLL's have with the proficiency of the heritage language varies (Plinsky & Kagan 2007; Silva-Corvalan, 1994). As there is further examination of the responses by the six participants in this study we will understand this variation with the development of their heritage language of Spanish, but also with that, how the level of proficiency affected and is connected to their sense of cultural identity within their own cultural and family communities. This is important to this study because it is important to understand the diversity of language proficiency within the group of heritage language learners.
The themes that emerged were in alignment with the research that has been conducted in the past and the literature. The research questions that I set out to answer which were centered around the cultural identity, language proficiency, school experiences that have now influenced them as professionals in education were supported by previous research. Though the participants did experience biases in school and the workplace, their responses did not go into that too deeply. In fact, it appears the biases and assumptions were expected from people in their


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professional world. Expected, due to the past experiences that the participants encountered with non-Latinos during their upbringing; from teachers, to administrators the spoke about during their schooling.
Educational systems continue to be the vehicle for the linguistic and cultural assimilation into the dominant language and culture, still to the detriment of heritage language maintenance efforts (Beaudrie & Fairclough, 2012). This by Beaudrie and Fairclough is supported by the findings in this research study of HLL’s.
Heritage language is a language that has community, family and culture connections.
This research project investigated the experiences of six individuals that varied in age and had different levels of Spanish language proficiency. The six participants shared their cultural experiences within their families, communities, schools and their present experiences in the professional field of education. The historical practices in education that produces or produced adults that lack the development of their heritage language are not just attributed to the HLL's family, but also the social and academic communities. A heritage learner is an individual that has been exposed to the heritage language of his or her culture. Exposure by way of parents, grandparents and other family members, some HLL students or adults did participate in course work to learn the heritage language but without great success. The project shares how there is minimal success in the development of the language of Spanish from classroom instruction, but more success when the individuals who are heritage learners advocate for their own learning of the Spanish language. By advocating would mean taking steps by self-immersion into the social community or pursuing the language in higher education with real world connections to the usage of what was being taught. Through this study the research that explains the shortcomings of culture and language and its effects on individuals is supported by the interviews in this


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project. The participants continually shared their experiences with their cultural identity, language development of the heritage language of Spanish and how their education did not support them in the development of Spanish.
Cultural identification is one construct that is important to this study because without individual self-awareness of how they identify themselves would then not have a relevant cultural connection. Through the interview process the participants shared how they identified and the reason for their self-identification. More importantly what experiences with their heritage language and cultural development contributed to their identification and how they view education in their development of language and cultural identity. The participants shared the lack of purposeful instruction they received in learning Spanish to proficiency. All participants of the sample group shared their frustration with the teachers they had in their past due to the lack of knowledge the teachers have with culturally responsive pedagogy or true understanding of how to teach language with culture. This is important because to truly understand a language and its origin, one must also understand the cultural and traditional ties embedded in the Spanish language community.
The second theme that is important not only to the study of HLL individuals but to future study is the development or maintenance of the heritage language, is the value in the maintaining or future development of the heritage language. Within this emerging theme of valuing language, it became important to keep in mind the theoretical framework that this research study connects to and that is language socialization. In the theoretical framework of language socialization, language socialization researchers have typically acknowledged some degree of agency, contingency unpredictability, and multidirectional in terms of learners and their language learning trajectories-that is, learners are agents who may contest or transform as well as


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accommodate practices others attempt to induct them into (e.g., Duff, 2002; Kulick &
Schieffelin, 2004; Talmy, 2008). As the participants in this study shared, "Teachers see us all as the same." It became apparent through this study that the participants felt that the preconceived learning or thoughts by educators influenced how they instructed heritage learners with the thinking that they were all the same, and that HLL's have the same proficiency. The instruction the participants received lacked in relevance to themselves as members of the Latino culture.
The research of language socialization shares that for HLL's to be successful with the development of their heritage language; it must be used in the context of daily use and need. The debate among researchers is what is considered "genuine" language socialization experience (Duff & Talmy, 2008). The example that Tony gave with the beach lesson that was taught by his foreign language teacher was not relevant for him. This was not a genuine experience and left the participant wondering how this was going to support his development of his Spanish language.
The last theme that emerged was school programming and the experiences of the participants told the story of the lack of understanding and knowledge of language acquisition and cultural connection. This is extremely important in understanding linguistic program of years and to support for future planning in how to teach Spanish to those individuals who are HLL. Other participants as well shared their concern for purposeful learning and use of the Spanish language. This becomes the reaction of students of "how will this help me in my future." The difference is that the experiences of HLL students is not like learning math or science; the topic is the Spanish language. A language that is part of their family history, their community and the desire to learn is to enable the HLL students to be a part of the community. This meaning that the use of the language is the means to which he or she can communicate and connect. Without


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the instruction being meaningful, it lacks the connection and then becomes "procedural or compliance" with graduation requirements and not embedded in the future of the students’ lives.
The research findings and interviews of the six participants are supported by the literature referenced in the literature of this project. The literature that discusses the lack of appropriate placement of HLL students supports the frustrations of the participants sharing how the language classes they took in their schooling were not appropriate placement for them as individual HLL's. All six participants shared how being placed in a foreign language class did not support their cultural development, and the curriculums used were too basic in language skills and did not account for there being some language knowledge. Research has documented the anxiety of HLL students facing expectations of what they “should” know in Spanish and the anxiety of being corrected within his or her own cultural community (the Latino, Mexican, Puerto Rican and or Mexican-American social and familial groups). The research of Compton, Gambhir and Kono, (2001), discusses the preservation of immigrant and indigenous languages. When languages are of a region in a country and not technically foreign then it becomes confusing why a heritage language would be considered foreign or taught in a way that is not authentic. The HLL participants in this study do not view their heritage language Spanish as foreign and in fact resent the approach of it being taught as a foreign language that then insults its value in their Spanish speaking communities.
With all participants attending school and higher education in Colorado, they all shared their frustration with the lack of cultural support. With Colorado having a rich Chicano history with leaders that advocated for cultural pride and educational equity. Denver Public Schools continues to struggle to close the achievement gap with students of color and to support students linguistically in their heritage language. The most recent positive change or opportunity


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linguistically is the passing of Senate Bill 17-123. This is the Seal of Biliteracy endorsement on high school diplomas. There are requirements that students must meet to earn the Seal of Biliteracy. The concern is the programming of language instruction in schools and how students are placed in the Spanish courses. The foreign language model will not support HLL students unless there is understanding of the different linguistic needs that HLL individuals have compared to those who are native speakers, or first-time foreign language students. Having the opportunity to earn the Seal of Biliteracy, must be rich authentic instruction that advances the progress of Spanish with our heritage language learners, and be purposeful in their social and community circles.
Strengths and Limitations
One of the strengths of this research study is that all the individuals who were male and female had identified as a member of the Latino community; whether that be Chicano, Mexican, Mexican-American, Hispanic or Puerto Rican. This was important because this was one connection that could have overlapping in culture and tradition that they shared. Another strength in this study is that all participants were open in sharing their experiences, and their knowledge or proficiency level of the Spanish language. A strength of this study is evident that there are implications and challenges for heritage language learners in developing their heritage language of Spanish. This is not isolated to one group of Latino or Spanish speaking groups.
This is not isolated to a certain generation, this is a challenge with school programming having the capabilities of supporting a group of language learners that does not fit into the two groups most schools support; that being the foreign language learner and the native speaker of Spanish. This particular group of Heritage Language Learners are a group of their own with common and diverse experiences. A group that is part of a cultural and linguistic community with deficits in


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their heritage language. HLLs are a group that has been affected in their development of Spanish to proficiency due to the lack of purposeful instructions of Spanish and the unpreparedness of educators in schools to understand the needs of this group of language learners. Identity is what forms individuals, but when a piece is forcibly removed throughout their educational journey, then this becomes a frustration of missing a piece of their identity and as the six participants shared, never feeling complete and feeling anxious and fearful to use a language that they desire to develop and have had to take learning into their own hands by advocating, traveling and forcibly practicing in order to not lose what language they do possess.
Recommendations
To recommend change for future programming with linguistic programming I have created a force field analysis (see appendix C) that gives recommendations to the work that should take place, and what that means for the second and third generations of HLL individuals as well as the importance to the recommendations.
It is important for HLLs to not just maintain the language that they hold, but to reach high levels of language proficiency. Heritage language development or maintenance is not just a focus on the past but also a look at the future. In this study, the six participants who are all Latino HLLs shared time and time again that the focus of instruction they needed linguistically were the following:
• Purposeful learning of the language in context
• Teachers who were knowledgeable of the different Latino cultures and how the language of Spanish may differ from one group of Latinos to the next.
• Teachers that were trained in culturally responsive pedagogy and understood the connection of language and culture.


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The work of Valdes and Ochs supports the findings in this study and what developing the heritage language could mean to the development of an individual's cultural identity. Jorge specifically shared how his lack of proficiency in his heritage language he feels like there is a piece missing. And to that statement, the other participants also felt that because there are assumptions of their proficiency in Spanish based upon their name or appearance; their identity has been compromised. Language education has undergone several changes in recent years, and language learners have been in and out of an array of program, including sheltered English, newcomer, ESL pull-out, transitional bilingual, developmental bilingual, two-way dual language, and immersion. Educators who wonder why the dropout rate for certain student groups is so high might consider the possibility that they have been "pushed out" (Tyack, 1996; Wang, 1999).
The recommendations for further study pertain to three themes that surfaced during the interviews: Cultural Identity, Language proficiency or use, and school programming or educational experiences.
The recommendation for better secondary programming is under the umbrella of Heritage Language Programming, which should be planned as a different linguistic program with specific goals set to support and develop culture, language development and purposeful learning that implements under the theoretical framework of language socialization.
Unfortunately, classroom-based research on heritage language learners and on their comparison with second-language learners is still very scarce (Beaudrie 2009; Fairclough 2005 & Lynch 2008). The participants in this study shared how there had been interference in their learning of the heritage language from teachers who were not prepared to teach HLL students. This group of students is unique in that they are either stagnant in their learning of the language or have had to reacquire it. There needs to be an alternative option that considers the notion of a


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reacquisition generation- that is, an educational approach that "considers the experiences of the heritage speaker who is seeking to develop or reacquire Spanish in formal courses (Fairclough, 2003). To reacquire a language will also mean removing other linguistic habits or practices that may be a part of the individual. For example, Benita shared how Spanglish became a part of her speech and communication with family. According to the work of Delpit, the language practices of family and community should be valued and not dismissed.
With the development of a program for HLL students, the teachers who will teach these courses will need to be well prepared. Prepared to teach differently than teaching language as a foreign language. The course will need to provide opportunities for making text to world, text to self and text to text connections. Students will need to be able to put into practice immediately what they learn. Being able to speak in social circles or communities will be the practice for students. It will not be enough to learn and repeat, but rather learn and apply. In the language instruction for Spanish heritage learners, their heritage language must be a resource. A tool if you will, a tool that works for the heritage learner to be able to communicate professionally. The participants shared how the linguistic course work in their high school programming did not support them in the educational fields that they presently work. There must be proper placement of students, which would consist of assessing all four domains of language; reading, writing, listening and speaking. There needs to be an authentic language proficiency assessment to check the proficiency level. The teacher or professors need to have a good understanding of the cultures that are diverse within the Latino communities and be aware of language variation. It is not enough to learn a language without knowing the cultural groups and how language is used as a resource within those groups. Potowski work shares what the participants in this study explained as a need for future HLL students. That is, understanding the dynamics of the socio-


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economic groups within the group of certain Latino communities where students may have been exposed to language in higher academic developed Spanish and Spanglish or familial Spanish.
A program for HLL students’ needs to meet the needs of students who have that heritage connection and generations of valuing the language. Colorado passing in legislation Senate Bill 17-123 that supports students graduating with the Seal of Biliteracy or linguistic endorsement is a great opportunity for Colorado to create new programs that will support the HLL student for the Latino student to reacquire the Spanish language as a family asset. Earning the Seal of Biliteracy validates the need to have Spanish as a valued language and a value in being bilingual. As one participant shared, "language needs to be viewed as an asset and not an obstacle."
Colorado has lived through strong Chicano, Latino history that tells a rich story of what this cultural group has fought for in maintaining our culture and the importance of language.
The Seal of Biliteracy is now added to this history and will make history with the instructional opportunities for Latinos to learn more about their culture and history as well as reaching proficiency in Spanish that has been desired by many past and present Latinos, Mexican-Americans, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, and so on. The language that brings us together as a people in the Latino community.
Future Research
As this study was conducted and the themes were emerging, there surfaced a need for a future research study. That research study would be regarding biased leadership among Latino leaders; biases regarding assumptions of fluency with the Spanish language, cultural understanding of all Latino, Mexican and Hispanic cultures, and the limitations of promotion within the field of education due to language, accents or lack of “native like” proficiency, and generation.


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Through this study, the participants shared that now as adults their Latino identity is challenged with bias in the workplace. All six participants who are in the field of education shared how they were assumed to speak fluent Spanish, or that Spanish is their first language.
Tony shared how as an assistant principal at a Denver high school, that when there is a Spanish speaking family needing translation, he is called to the office. Tony shared a story about a text message that needed to be translated, "I had to use google translate to translate, then go back and check it for accuracy with what Spanish language I do know. “But the frustration with translating at work is that colleagues have the perception that it is a quick job to complete, and it is difficult for the participants’ peers to understand that it can take hours to translate for even those who are native speakers. Benita who identified as Chicana and only knows enough Spanish to understand but cannot carry on conversations fluently was called upon by colleagues at her school to translate and interpret. When asked what they would hope for HLLs in the same linguistic situation, the participants wish for future students was for employers and colleagues in school districts to not assume or expect that due to a last name or appearance that all Latinos are the same and are fluent in Spanish.
Researcher subjectivity statement
This research topic is impactful for me since I am a Heritage Language Learner. I was fortunate to attend schools in the 1970's in Ft. Lupton and was receiving cultural education with my linguistic development of Spanish. My parents did not speak Spanish and so there were no opportunities at home for me to practice as much as I needed to with Spanish. My world was all in English. When my parents moved me to Loveland Colorado, there was no bilingual program in Loveland and the foreign language programming consisted of Spanish 1 and Spanish 2. This did not support me, and my teachers were White and did not understand the internal uses of


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Spanglish, or the deeper traditions and cultural practices that were part of my upbringing. Due to the interruption of my Spanish language instruction; my development was halted, and I began to lose language.
Conclusion
Just as skin color provides people the means in how they interact with the world, language plays an equally pivotal role in determining identity (Delpit, 2001). The most important relationship between language and culture is that when a language is lost, so is culture expressed in the language. Taking language away from the culture removes its greetings, its curses, its praises, its laws, its literature, its songs its riddles, its proverbs, its cures, its wisdom, its prayers. What would be left? (Fishman, 1964). If any group resists full acculturation, it is regarded as somewhat uncivilized, un-American, and potentially subversive. There is a complete unwillingness to accept the idea that a native-born American who happens to want to speak Spanish, German, or Polish and to retain many of the values of his or her native culture might well be a loyal American. As a result, the full force of the educational system in the Southwest has been directed toward the eradication of both the Spanish language, and the Spanish -American or Mexican American Culture (Knowlton, 1965). Language is an asset and should be
valued as such.


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i HERITAGE LANGUAGE LEANERS: ON THE BRINK OF LANGUAGE AND CULTURAL LOSS by CYNTHIA TRINIDAD SHEAHAN B.A., University of Northern Colorado, 2002 M.A., University of Colorado Boulder, 2005 Ed.S., University of Northern Colorado, 2013 A thesis submitt ed to the Faculty of the G raduate School of University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Education Leadership for Educational Equity Program 2019

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i This thesis for the Doctor of Education degree by Cynthia Tr inidad Sheahan has been approved for the Leadership for Educational Equity Program by Ruben Anguiano, Chair Amy Boelé Kathy Escamilla Date: May 18, 2019 The final copy of this thesis h as been examined by the signatories and we find that both the Conte nt and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. IRB protocol # 18 16 30

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iii Trinidad Sheahan, Cynthia (EdD, Leadership for Educational Equity Program) H eritage Language Learners : O n the Brink of Langu age and Cultural Loss Thesis directed by Professor Ruben Anguiano A BSTRACT There is difficulty in defining the profile of a Heritage Language Learner (HLL) due to the experiences with language that individuals face in their social and academic world. Th ere are questions centered on whether a categorical distinction between the native speaker and the native user can be upheld; this is inherently problematic when there is a variability within a language group (Zyzik, 2016). Heritage language refers to a l anguage that is part of an individual's culture or family. Heritage Language Learners (HLLs) can be individuals who have been surrounded, introduced or have attained some heritage language through their upbringing, either from dialogue at home or some ins truction in school programming, though neither has supported reaching full proficiency in reading, writing, listening and speaking . As a result, these adults may find themselves unable to use their heritage language for academic or professional purposes an d may feel disconnected from their culture due to the lack of resources available to develop their heritage language. This qualitative study researched the experiences of Latino HLLs, who are in the field of education, i t examined what types of supports a group of Latino HLLs received in school for the development of their heritage language and how those opportunities (or lack of opportunities) have affected them in their professional careers. The result of this study recommends authentic linguistic instr uction for future HLL's that is within the theoretical framework of language socialization, which is purposeful linguistic instruction and use of the heritage language of Spanish.

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iv Keywords: Heritage Language Learners, language socialization, culture, he ritage, value, programmin g The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Ruben Anguiano

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v D EDICATION The work in this research study is dedicated to my husband Sten, my children Amanda, Shelby, and Cody; and m y parents Sandra and Felix. My education has been a long journey that many didn't think would happen, but the family members believed that I always would reach my doctorate. This research study is directly connected and rooted in my family as language has children and myself, and fought for as an asset and resource in my career as an educator .

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vi A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the Bueno Career Ladder Program C U Boulder. Without Dr. Lorenso Aragon and Dr. Kathy Escamilla, my first steps into education may not have happened. Dr. Aragon and Dr. Escamilla are significant people in my career and I will forever be grateful. These two individuals and others from the Bueno Center CU Boulder guided me and other Latinos to not only pursue a college degree, but they opened the door to a career of opportunities, education and collaboration . I would like to thank the CU Denver faculty and especially to my committee for all the support and guidance in the Ed.D program. I would like to thank my colleagues in the Latinx Cohort, it is through our friendship, collaboration and the supporting of one another that we stood strong and completed our doctorate. "¡Si Se Pued e !

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viii TABLE O F CONTENT S I . I NTRODUCTION . . 1 Statement of Problem . 5 Purpose of the Study .. 6 Colorado History of Language and Culture 8 Language Policies . 9 Initiatives 3 II . R EVIEW OF LITERATURE 15 Language proficiency 15 Language programming 18 Culture and language 19 Social implications of language loss 20 . 26 Theoretical Framework 2 7 Summary 3 1 III . M ETHODOLOY . 3 3 Strategy of Inquiry 3 3 Participants and Recruitment procedures 5 Sampling . 3 7 Data collecti on 9 Interview protocol 3 8

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ix Procedure 3 9 Recording and managing dat . 40 . 41 . 4 3 IV . F INDINGS 42 6 53 . 62 Participants Recommendat 75 V . DISCUSSION 7 8 Strengths and Limitations of the Study 83 84 Future Research 87 Researchers Subjectivity 88 Conclusion 89 R EFERENCES 90 A. Questionnaire 9 5 B . Interview Questions 9 6 C . Force Field Analysis 9 7 D . .98

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x Tables 1. Cultural Identity 22 2. Sociodemographic Attribute Data 36

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xi Figure s 1. Generations of bilingual .. 16

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1 Chapter 1 I NTRODUCTION I wanted to be as "Mexican" as possible. My grandmother Felipa came from Torreon, Mexico. I loved my grandmother and admired her so much. When she passed away, I no longer had the stories of her experiences here in the U.S. or of my great grandparents. My parents did put me in bilingual programs, but they, themselves, did not speak Spanish unless it was in private. How was I to get better at a language that was only used in secret, when adults When I was younger I wanted a name that was more Latino than "Cynthia" because I felt such a cultural disconnect. Being Latina but having to admit sometimes when I don't know certain words in Spanish, make s me feel embarrassed. I love my culture and I know it is only half of who I am, but that sense of belonging is important . and they speak Spanish, so they must know ever ything about the community," but these judgements are not always true. There are people in society who are of Latino heritage, but neither learned the language, nor have they experienced their culture fully growing up. The experiences of their parents or grandparents will influence how much historical culture or culture in general the individual will be able to experience. Although teaching a language to someone who already has a background in that language might seem relatively simple and straightforward , the task turns out to be complex. Heritage Language Learners (HLL) vary widely in background characteristics, language proficiencies, and attitudes toward their home cultures and languages (Wiley, 2001). The education system in the United States of Ame many students to give up their native language and culture and most of the students who continued to speak their native language were punished, to force students to assimilate and use English (Aleman & Luna, 2013). Did these practices strip students of their identity? What impact did they have on these individuals and their future family members?

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2 The family plays a crucial role in providing the basic elements for successful functioning. These include: a sense of belonging, k nowledge of who one is and where one comes from, an understanding of how one is connected to others and to events, the ability to deal with adversity, and knowing one's responsibility to self, family, and community. These are a few of many elements the fa mily must provide children at home while they are growing up. This is the curriculum for home and the socialization process and what the family members give to their children (Wong Fillmore, L. 2000). The elements that are contributed or passed on from fa mily may not be enough for children to become proficient in their heritage language. Furthermore, HLLs are a heterogeneous group whose proficiency in the heritage language differs from one another. It must be recognized that the proficiency levels of HLLs across the three modes of communication (interpersonal, interpretive and presentational) vary greatly from speaker to speaker. It is common that HLLs rate their listening comprehension as their most highly developed skill whereas few HLLs regard their read ing, writing or speaking abilities as native like. There are many factors that affect their proficiency level, including the age of onset of bilingualism, schooling, and the amount of time that the language is spoken in the home (National Heritage Language Resource Center, 2009). To adequately place heritage language learners in Spanish language courses and to develop successful Spanish heritage language programs, it is essential to conceptualize a pedagogical continuum with the English dominant Spanish sp eaker in mind. In the future, heritage language programs must become an integral dimension of Second Language Acquisition (SLA) theory and research if they are to succeed on academic, ideological and political grounds (Lynch, 2008).

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3 In Colorado, educators and policy makers have long been debating linguistic programming, bilingual education, and the many other foreign language programs developed their heritage and language, and an allegiance to their roots rather than their country, helps to diminish a sense of Americanism (Crawford, 1999). But as we force a sentiment of nationalism, which is one flag, one language, and one country, it is important to look at what the repercussions are for the students and adults they become. When belonging comes naturally to a given individual, they rarely have to contemplate their ident ity; however, when identity is somehow under threat, or viewed as problematic by the hegemonic majority, it becomes questioned, often resulting in the emergence of ambivalence (Beaudrie & Fairclough, 2012). m simply based on their own biased perceptions: Latinos should speak Spanish, have a cultural name like Maria, Juanita, or José, and should know everything there is to know about their cultural background. These misguided assumptions lead to even more con fusion. Latinos have many ways to describe their identity, including pan ethnic terms such as Hispanic, Latino, Chicano, Mexican American, or others referring to their family's country of origin. Choices vary among different Latino subgroups, with nativi ty and language usage being the strongest predictors of identity preferences (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012). In recent years, it has become necessary to include Spanish HLLs as a group of interest within the classroom, as 15.1% of the United States identify as Hispanic (Central Intelligence Agency, 2010). With the rising population of linguistically diverse students, and the intensified entrance requirements and rigorous expectations of post secondary

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4 cy in preparing Latinos to find their place in the professional world while maintaining their language and culture. In this study, I explored the following definitions, particularly how the experiences and education connected to these words impact the futu re of Latino HLL students: Heritage language learner: studying a language who has proficiency in, or a cultural connection to, that language; however, just as there are different kinds of he ritage languages, there are different types of heritage language learners (Center for Applied Linguistics, 2010). For this research, the focus will be students who are Latino/Mexican American and have Spanish as their heritage language. Language socializa tion: Language socialization research investigates how the processes of linguistic and cultural development are interlinked, and how these processes vary across cultural contexts. How children or novice learners come to master the situated discourse practi ces of their communities is explored through longitudinal, ethnographic inquiry, featuring detailed analyses significant activities (Howard, 2014). Culture: Valu es, attitudes, and beliefs, customs and traditions, "heritage and contributions" or "experiences and perspectives," all of which is considered equivalents of "culture" (Gay, 2013). Value: Something or someone of importance to an individual, group or soci ety. Heritage: Heritage is often used to discuss a cultural aspect or tradition that has been passed down through generations. Modes of transmission include via literature, music, food or language (Center for Applied Linguistics, 2010).

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5 Linguistic (languag e) programming: Programming within a school or district that is leveled by language ability in reading, writing, listening and speaking. The program is to serve students or individuals in becoming proficient or fluent in the target language. Statement of the Problem The problem or focus of this study is the lack of proficiency in the Spanish language for individuals who consider themselves Latino and have been exposed to the Spanish language in their family growing up, but they themselves never developed it to high levels of proficiency in reading, writing or speaking. The lack of proficiency in Spanish may have contributed to language loss and/or cultural disconnect. This study focused on the state of Colorado in particular. Colorado's educational syste m has served and continues to serve a large population of Latinos and Spanish speaking individuals (Colorado Department of Education, 2018). The linguistic programing in Colorado has gone through educational challenges, political influences through policie s that have affected the way some Latino professionals view the language of their heritage, Spanish, and the connections language proficiency has had to their culture and views of their culture. Language programming in secondary schools and in higher educ ation institutions are aimed at more of a focus on academic language pro ficiency level of an HLL. These do not fit the needs required for HLLs to become more proficient in Spanish. These limited options in language programming often result in the misplacement of HLL students, lack of proper instruction, no progress monitoring , and can lead to failure in developing the heritage language (Thompson, 2015). The historical absence of programming for developing Spanish as an HL can have short term and long term effects in an

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6 individual identified as an HLL. The lack of proficiency c in professional endeavors with fellow Latinos, professional Latino communities and further their academic or career pursuits. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study is to better understand how Latino heritag e language learners, who are in the field of education, value the development of their heritage language of Spanish, their cultural connection with the Latino culture, what types of supports they received in school for the development of their heritage lan guage and how those opportunities (or lack of opportunities) have affected their professional careers. I consider myself an HLL individual and thus, I bring personal insights into this topic. My own experiences developing a heritage language bring an unde rstanding to the legitimacy of the stories shared by the participants in this study. Legitimacy by way of my connections to the similar experiences in my home, school, community and professional world. Understanding the demographics of the field of educat ion provide a backdrop for understanding the experiences of the participants. Even though K 12 education is largely a districts, numbers that look especially bleak given that the pool of talent is deep with women. Women make up 76 percent of teachers, 52 percent of principals, and 78 percent of central office administrators, according to federal data and the results of a recent national survey. Yet they account for less than a quarter of all superintendents, according to a survey conducted this summer by AASA, the School Superintendents Association. Despite that number represents improvement since 2000, when 13 percent were women, only 1% were Latina. Five percent of

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7 those who hold leadership positions, it is important to understand the biases they have experienced and what assumptions have come with their cultural identity that th ey should know Spanish. With such a small percentage of Latino leaders in education, it will be important to understand their stories and experiences to recommend changes to language programs or to better support students who are HLL so that they can becom e true bilingual/biliterate professionals and leaders in the field of education. Colorado has struggled to find bilingual individuals to fill positions, and the history of language policies has also been very challenging. Research Questions The followin g research questions guided my investigation of the experiences of Latino HHLs in developing their heritage language, the types of language programming they had in school and how these opportunities influenced them professionally. Through this research, m y purpose was to gain a better understanding of the unique experiences and needs of this student population to better serve them. 1. How have Heritage Language Learners who are now professionals in the field of education identified with the language of Spanis h as a value in their cultural and social development? 2. What have been the long term and short term cultural effects with family and sense of belonging within the Latino community for HLL individuals with the development or lack of development of the herita ge language of Spanish?

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8 Colorado History of Language and Culture In this study, I focused on the experiences of HLL individuals in Colorado. Colorado has had a rich history of Mexican, Hispano, or Latino history. In Colorado, people of Mexican ancestry have occupied the land since the seventeenth century. Early members of communities in what was northern New Mexico and is now southern Colorado were subjects first of Spain and later of Mexico, after it gained independence in 1821. Thus, many with multi generational histories in what is now Colorado did not cross a border but had a border cross them (Escobedo, 2017). The factor of Colorado once being Mexico, where Spanish was the language spoken first, has generated a debate amongst educators and policy makers as to which language is important for people to learn in school. Previous generations have experienced language loss due to political views and restrictive language policies in education. In contrast to other language groups, the number of Spanish s peakers consistently increased between 1900 and 1960 (Macias, 2000). There are also contributing factors of pre civil rights movement that influence first generation Latinos in teaching only English to the next generations. In the state of Colorado, the history of migrant workers and Mexicans deported in the 1930's were indicators of many struggle to hold onto their language and culture. The difference for Latinos in Colorado is the fact that Spanish is not a language of only immigrants and mig rants, but a language that was here before Colorado became a state of the United States. Latinos in Colorado have experienced several stages of linguistic and cultural identity challenges. Spanish was not allowed in schools and first generation Mexican A mericans paid the price with stern rules and drastic consequences of striking and exclusion.

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9 In 1960 1980, the Chicano movement also known as the "movimiento"was strong in Colorado. This was a time of activism and protest for Chicanos. From improving far m working conditions to educational equity, Chicanos were standing up for what they believed in as a people (Esquibel, 2015). El Movimiento Chicano rose in an era when Mexican Americans vowed to create a better world. They called themselves Chicanas and C hicanos: terms that reflect a history of conquest that deprived people of their Mexican and indigenous roots and characterized Mexicans as inferior (Esquibel, 2015). Bilingual education was what I participated in as a child during the time of the movimien to in Ft. Lupton Colorado. Students were receiving culture and history classes along with linguistic instruction. But as the political leaders changed, so did the support for bilingual education and the opportunities that Latinos would have in learning t heir heritage language of Spanish. Language Policies Colorado is a state that not only is rich in culture and language but has also been rich with debate and controversy over policies of language instruction, and funding for those programs that would supp ort HLLs in learning their heritage language of Spanish as well as the history. Title VII of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act transformed the way language minority children are taught in the United States by promoting equal access to the curricu lum. Under this policy, a generation of educators received training, which fostered achievement among students, yet it expired quietly on January 8th, 2002. The law was 34 years old (Crawford, 2002). Title VII, also known as the Bilingual Education Act , c ontained sections that encouraged support for instruction for language minority students and cultural diversity pedagogy. Title VII also states in section nine that there be quality bilingual education programs that would enable children to

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10 learn English a nd meet the high academic standards including proficiency in more than one language. It also goes on to state that due to globalization forces, multilingual skills constitute an important national resource which deserves protection and development (Improvi ng America's Schools, 1994). In the financial support subpart of Title VII, it is written that the funds could be used to help children develop proficiency in English, AND to the extent possible, their native language. But as the policies changed and Titl e VII was eliminated, schools would now have Title III. The focus of Title III was to teach English. English language acquisition, rather than culture, native or heritage language learning became the focus of the Language Enhancement and Academic Achievem ent Act. The purpose of language instruction, then, was the teaching of the English language. Children becoming bilingual or learning their heritage language was no longer valued (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). This would mean that now the focus of linguistic instruction would be students who need to learn English as a second language. No support for students who have English as their first language and have the influence or some knowledge of Spanish and the desire to become proficient in Spanish. HLL individuals would now become dependent upon foreign language courses to learn Spanish. Alternatively, students would need to depend on family teaching them and the next generations the language, traditions and cultures. But learning a language for ma ny Latinos is not just learning a language to satisfy a graduation requirement, but rather an identity connection to who they are and where they come from. Language policies in Colorado have been challenged over the years with Bilingual Education being v alued and not valued. An example of a policy challenge took place between the years 2000 to 2002, when Amendment 31 was introduced and defeated in Colorado (Escamilla, Shannon, & Garcia, 2003). On November 5, 2002, Colorado voters went to the polls

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11 and s oundly defeated Amendment 31, officially titled English Language Education for Children in Public Schools (Escamilla, Shannon & Garcia 2003). Amendment 31 was presented to appear as if this policy would help non English speaking students attain English. T he group that was proposing Amendment 31 was funded by a man named Ron Unz who was a wealthy businessman from California who supported English immersion. The funding of such policy was successful in Arizona and California. But gratefully, Amendment 31 wa s defeated here in Colorado. The Amendment 31 focused on the development of English through immersion, but with a timeline to achieve English in one to two years. Amendment 31 constituted the most rigid and restrictive anti bilingual bill to date. The pa ssage would have led to the demise of bilingual education and dual language programs in Colorado. This would then deny the parents a right to select a preferred educational program for their children (Escamilla, Shannon, & Garcia, 2003). This taking away maintaining or developing their heritage language would be a violation of parental rights. The Amendment 31 was not just driven by Ron Unz and his "supporters a group in Color the lead in trying to get Amendment 31 passed. Due to the organic growth of parent groups getting involved and university experts challenging the courts, communities came together to stop Amendment 31 successfully. There was research and reports that received great attention from top university leaders in Colorado. The following reports received the attention of the courts that assisted in the defeat of Amendment 31: 1. The Shannon and Milian study clearly established that parents of children in dual language programs in Colorado overwhelmingly supported these programs. Respondents

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12 to the survey included many immigrant parents who Unz had claimed did not want bilingual educa tion. 2. The Welner and Escamilla report documented that the majority of second language learners in Colorado Schools are not in bilingual programs, but in programs where English is the only medium of instruction (over 62%). 3. The Shannon Gutierrez report provi ded important guidance to parents of second language learners, as well as parents of monolingual English children regarding their rights to choose educational programs that they feel are the most beneficial for their children (Escamilla, Shannon and Garcia , 2003). The remainder of the report explains the timeline and the political steps that needed to be taken to defeat Amendment 31 in Colorado. Colorado today is still trying to define what linguistic programming should look like at all grade levels. With not all superintendents and school boards understanding the value of a second language or carrying their own historical experiences, it makes it difficult in some districts to decide how students who are native speakers, heritage speakers and those studen ts who are pursuing a "foreign language" should be educated. One Colorado school district had established a linguistic program that would offer students the opportunity to become bilingual and earn the Seal of Biliteracy ; which acknowledges a student firs t or heritage language. But that is now a dismantled program. This school district is predominantly Latino, with Spanish as the dominant second language. The superintendent of this district is from Arizona and formerly worked at the department of educati on in Arizona (Chalkbeat, 2018). This superintendent worked in the language department when Arizona adopted a four hour English language development block for students whose first language was not English (Chalkbeat 2018). This

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13 type of inconsistent langu age programming of English, Spanish Bilingual, Spanish Dual Language, has contributed to the struggles of several school districts in Colorado in providing in both Engli sh or Spanish languages . In the language education field, more researchers are realizing that there needs to be a better understanding of HLL maintenance of the their heritage language of Spanish, but the cultur al connections for these students as well. Heritage Languages Initiative In 1998 the National Foreign Language Center (NFLC) and the Center for Applied Linguistics (CAL) launched the Heritage Language Initiative (Wiley, 2011). The goal of the initiative is for the United States to be able to fully educate people who are linguistically and culturally diverse individuals who have a foundation of their heritage language. This initiative aims to serve the needs students and professionals who could support businesses, educational institutions, and media by having resources and opportunities to serve more than one demographic of speakers. The goals for the Heritage Language Initiative are as follows: Initiating and supporting dialogue among policymakers, lan guage practitioners, and language researchers on both the need to address heritage language development and the most effective strategies. Designing and implementing heritage language development programs in K 12 school system, heritage language community center, and college, and university settings, and fostering articulation within and among those settings.

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14 Encouraging and supporting dialogue between formal education system and heritage community educational schools and programs leading to collaboration, resource sharing, and articulation. Encouraging and supporting research, both theoretical and applied, on heritage language development and on related public policy issues. (Wiley, 2011). Heritage language education has not been studied fully, thus the fu nding for in depth studies or curriculum changes in schools is still in developing and are in early conversation.

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15 Chapter II R EVIEW OF LITERATURE There is a growing body of literature that documents first generation Latino immigr native language development and how social interaction, cultural traditions and bilingual heritage language development and how language programming in school has a ffected them in their personal and professional lives is lacking. Four main themes emerged from my review of research on adult HLLs, which served to organize this literature review: a) Language proficiency, b) types of language programming, c) culture and language, and d) social implications of language loss. The literature reviewed for this study shares information regarding the profile of HLLs and the need to understand how this language group has different needs than native speakers or foreign language students . Language Proficiency In the United States, the terms heritage language, heritage language speaker, and heritage language learner are gaining currency, and instructional program initiatives using these labels are helping to promote language learni ng and in some cases to reverse language shift (Fishman, 1991). Moreover, the elasticity of the term heritage language learner raises several questions related to the politics of identity. For example, who can be considered a legitimate heritage language learner? Should the "outsiders" to the heritage language be encouraged to learn it? ethnicity? In the case of Spanish in the United States, Valdes observes th at the language has served to bring the Spanish speaking community together, to delineate borders, and to provide a means for entry into the work domain where bilingual skills are needed (Wiley, 2001; Valdes,

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16 1997). When determining who is a heritage lang uage learner there are certain characteristics that are part of that profile. Students who are heritage speakers of Spanish have typically spoken Spanish as a first or native language or interacted in both Spanish and English at home. The degrees of langu age proficiency cases and the number of variables in the profiles of these students are complex and dependent on multiple circumstances. Some heritage learners of Spanish may understand basic informal communication but may have limited repertoires and reg isters and be unable to speak with much confidence in Spanish without resorting to English, which is their dominant language (Colombi & Roca, 2003). Generation Possible Language Characteristics 1st Generation Monolinguals in Heritage Language A Incipi ent Bilinguals Ab 2nd and 3rd Generation Heritage Language Dominant Ab English Dominant aB 4th Generation English Dominant Ba English Monolingual B Figure 1. Bilingualism of Different Generation (Valdes, 2001). Figure 1 explains bilingualism and how b ecoming bilingual can follow a generational pattern. The incipient bilingual, which is beginning, would be or could be either Spanish English, but then can be the HLL individual who is monolingual English such as generation 2, 3 and 4, who then would be d eveloping his or her heritage language of Spanish. Valdes explains how generations will share the experience of the development of language, but at different ends of the

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17 spectrum. As we examine the experiences of the participants in this study we will se e how everyone has moved through his or her linguistic development and cultural identity. How they begin to view themselves and the struggle of learning or relearning the language of Spanish. Andrew Lynch proposes nine principles for a theory of HLA (Heri tage Language Acquisition) of Spanish in the U.S. context. These principles assume, based on a wealth of previous research on Spanish in the U.S, that: 1) English is the language of more frequent everyday use among most Spanish HL Speakers; 2) English is the socially "preferred" language of interaction among Spanish HL speakers; 3) most HL speakers do not insist that one must speak Spanish to be considered "Hispanic" or "Latino"; 4) English literacy skills and the formal discourse of the majority of U.S. born bilinguals are prescriptively superior to the Spanish skills. Principles 1 and 2 describe the act of language acquisition; Principles 3, 4 and 5 refer to the process of language acquisition; Principles 6, 7 and 8 constitute macro level issues of Spani sh in the U.S. context; and Principle 9 encompasses the phenomenon of sociolinguistic recontact (Lynch, 2003). The world in which HLLs live in daily presents the opportunity to practice the heritage language or can hinder the practice of the heritage lang uage. In some cases, HLL students have been mistakenly placed in classes with native speakers of the heritage language. Other students may be first generation immigrants from Latin America who arrived in this country at an early age, having already had s ome schooling in Spanish. They may be placed in the courses for native speakers. These students may then find that they are more advanced than our U.S. born native speakers of Spanish. With so many complex variables, proficiency levels, and varied cultura l backgrounds, how can heritage language instruction best serve these students who need to recover and/or develop and build upon the language abilities and cultural knowledge that they bring to the classroom? (Colombi & Roca, 2003).

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18 Language Programs for H LLs The design of linguistic programs does not suit HLL students. Students are misplaced in foreign language courses that lack rigor, or native language courses that are too rigorous for HLL students (Valdes, 1997). The programming that is available is no t supportive in students connecting to their culture. Which then leads HLL students to make the connections to the language instruction and its purpose in their everyday lives. Heritage language learners identify with their culture, and yet feel like fore igners within their own families by not being proficient in Spanish, which feels like a disconnect with their culture (Delpit 2001; Fishman, 1994). Language and identity have been linked by several researchers, whether the identity is Chicano, Mexican, Me xican American Puerto Rican and or Mexican; and the list could go on (Potowski, 2007). HLLs use their heritage language for academic and social use, however, not all HLLs are in the same place, developmentally, with language. Because there are few methods that adequately assess HLLs, there are few (to no) language programs that can support and instruct them well while also differentiating in rigor (Beaudrie, 2011). The article by Beaudrie goes on to share how students are misplaced when only relying on self placement. Self placement is then dependent upon the way the individual sees themselves and that is influenced by families, community and society. There were two instruments used in the study. The first, ten question survey of receptive and productive la nguage, determined whether the students were HLL or not. could answer in Eng lish or Spanish, with the intent being to measure their basic knowledge of the Spanish language; B) The translation section determined the level of bilingual skills,

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19 (to like), use of the subjunctive, and standard translation skills that contained vocabulary common among monolingual Spanish speakers, but misused by Spanish heritage populations; C) A short composition that students could choose one of the three options and respond using the past tense. The 10 question survey was a Likert scale of yes and no. The open ended questions were given a numerical score and shared by a continuous histogram. The design of the instruments was based off previous research d one by Ascher 1990, Lam et al., and Valdes as well as the experience of the test designer (Torres & Turner, 2015). This research is relevant to my study because it is important to understand what placement practices in educational institutions have been in previous studies. The emotional implications of misplacement of students and lack of cultural connection could then be the short term and long term effects for HLL learners. Culture and Language A sense of belonging is important to the development of indi viduals, and the relationship between language and culture is deeply rooted. Language is used to maintain and convey culture whole intertwining of these rela tionships start at birth (Neil, 2008). When examining programming, it is important to understand that learning about the culture connected to the language is important and creates or supports the purpose for learning the language. Being Latino or of Mexi can descent does not mean that all people of this culture have the same experiences and or traditions. Even though people are brought up under similar behavioral backgrounds or cultural situations, yet speak different languages, their worldview may be ver y different (Emmitt & Pollock, 1997). The participants in this study can share their experiences in

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20 cultural situations with their own Latino culture and reflect on how others outside of the Latino culture perceive them and treat them due to possible cult ural biases or Linguicism. The structure of Linguicism includes some of the same political philosophies and goals that underlie racism and classism: the maintenance of privileged access to resources, the accumulation of wealth, power and maximization of p rofits (Hernandez Chavez, 1989). Social Implications of Language Loss members, cannot maintain, nor pass on a vital piece of herita ge to their own children. trying again, and being afraid to speak it for fear of being corrected and great embarrassment. Loss of the family language by the children has a great impact on communication between the adults and the children and, ultimately, on family relations. Tension grows in the home; adults do no t understand the children, and the children do not understand the adults. Father, mother, and grandmother do not feel they know the children, and can no longer relate to what happens in their lives (Wong Fillmore, 2000). This hardship potentially drives a linguistic gap, where there may already exist an educational and generational gap, thus driving families further apart. In response to a sociocultural environment that does not appear to value their home language and culture, linguistic minority student s are likely to reject and abandon their heritage language (Wong Fillmore, 2000). Eduardo Hernandez Chavez (1993) stated, "Communication between different language community members is weakened; the sense of a shared destiny is lost; intra ethnic conflic ts arise; historical knowledge fails to be passed on; and individuals suffer feelings of alienations from their shared historical ethnicity. These are some of the consequences, at least

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21 in part, of language loss (Beaudrie & Fairclough, 2012). Our languag e embraces us long before we are defined by any other medium of identity. di sequilibrium with others. Our home language is a viscerally tied to our beings as existence itself (Delpit, 2001). Take it away from the culture, and you take away its greetings, its curses, its praises, its laws, its literature, its songs, its riddles, it s proverbs, its cures, its wisdom, and its prayers. The culture could not be expressed and handed on in any other way (Fishman, 1994). What would be left? Research has captured the language and emotional connections that Spanish heritage language students develop over time. There is an emotional connection to learning or maintaining a language. The identity of belonging to a community is important to the development of individuals cultural connections. Research has shared that there is a social turn in aca demia, in recent decades that have seen a growing interest in the multifaceted relationship between language and identity as well as in the role of identity in learning and education. Researchers are paying an increased attention to the relationship betwee n language and identity (Block 2007; Leeman, Rabin, & Esperanza 2011). Language indeed plays a crucial role in the construction of identity as explained in Table 1 , which as a construct has seen a large body of research in the social sciences accumulate d uring the past thirty years. The first approaches that determined by their membership in groups determined by social class, religion, educational background, and peer networks (Potowski, 2010).

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22 Table 1. Individual and Collective Identity Types Ascription/Affiliation Based on Ethnic identity Shared history, descent, belief systems, practices, language and religion, all associated with a cultural group *Racial identity Biological genetic makeup, i.e., racial phenotype National identity Shared history and practices associated with a nation state Migrant identity Ways of living in a new country, on a scale ranging from classic immigrant to trans migrant Gender identity Nature of conformity to socially constructed notions of femininities and masculinities Social Class identity Income level, occupation, education, and symbolic behavior Language identity Relationship between one's sense of self and different mea ns of communication * Although anthropologists dispute the notion of race as having any biological reality, most people do utilize a concept of race as a meaningful category (Potowski, 2010; Source: Block, 2007). The study by Beaudrie and Ducar looks at s tudents of Mexican descent and no other Latino backgrounds. By focusing on the Mexican culture, this exposes different linguistic expectations, cultures, and tradition development. Mexican American students with different levels of multilingualism with ri ch family lives, a strong use of the Spanish language, solid traditions, and tight cultural ties, still search for identity and development of different perspectives within their own culture (Beaudrie & Ducar, 2005). The results of this study confirm that these HLL students need programing that allows for the further development of Spanish. The desire to learn Spanish can be influenced by the hegemony of English. Shannon provides the working definition of wherever more than one language or language variet y exists

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23 together; their status in relation to one another is often asymmetric. In those cases, one will be perceived as superior, desirable, and necessary. Whereas the other will be inferior, undesirable and extraneous (Shannon, 1995). Heritage language l earners' perceptions of acquiring and maintaining the Spanish language is an important consideration. The value of learning Spanish could come into question if the individual does not feel supported outside of his or her social and family circle (Tallon, 2 009). The word Hispanic instead of Latino per the U.S. census is used in several articles, which then lends itself to the notion of HLL individuals identifying themselves as Hispanic which would be an unfair assumption. This is important to understand sin ce within the Hispanic/Latino/Chicano/ Mexican and other Latino identifying words there is diversity within university level to study the motivation, emotional connection, and anxiety surrounding the culture and language connections as a part of their identities. The study shared information about the lack of opportunities HLL students have or may have experienced in using and developing their native language an d discusses the influence of historical events on Hispanic students in maintaining their heritage language. To analyze the data, Grounded Theory was used to enable the researcher to study and examine the relationship between the interviewees, the language use, and the cultural connections. This mixed methods study used interviews with a focus on students at the university level of study. The interview protocol was created by the research team, which was conducted a time and location most convenient for th e interviewee. The study investigated eleven university level Hispanic heritage speakers who experienced the Spanish language at various levels of producing and listening and considered Spanish as a part of their identity (Tallon, 2009).

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24 There is an emoti onal connection to learning or maintaining a language. The identity of belonging to a community is important to the development of individuals cultural connections. The subjects for the study were students in 27 different sections of a Spanish course at a large university in the southwestern United States. A total of 413 students participated in the study, split into two groups. More than half, 209 students, were HLLs who had been exposed to Spanish either within their families or had been students in prev ious educational instruction (in a bilingual format or dual language program). The next group, 204 students, were monolingual, non heritage students whose only language was English and would learn Spanish as a foreign language. The group sampling was pur posive to study the difference between students who were heritage language learners and those students who were not of the culture and have had no prior instruction in Spanish. The mixed methods study consisted of students in the Spanish language programs at the University of the Incarnate Word. definition of being a heritage language learner. The secon d part of the quantitative section of the questionnaires collected data of the experiences of the students participating in learning the language of Spanish. This consisted of 33 items that were answered on a five to Language Anxiety Scale) (Tallon, 2009). In education, there are numerous studies regarding anxieties, but this article addresses a unique point in that speaking is very interactive and the expectations of the listener becomes very important in that interaction. Finally, it concludes that the use of the language of Spanish needs to be purposeful and make connections to everyday use. By making learning a text to world connection, this would then connect to the theoretical

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25 framework of Language Socialization which is language learning in real world situations and experiences. And how individuals attain language through their social circles and experiences. Through the t heoretical framework of Language socialization and sociolinguistics it is possible to link micro analyses of children's discourse to more general ethnographic accounts of cultural beliefs and practices of the families, social groups, or communities into wh ich children are socialized (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986). The heritage language movement has grown out of a deeply felt desire on the part of immigrants and indigenous people to preserve their languages and cultures (Compton, Gambhir, & Kono, 1999). The im portance of linguistic and cultural ties is emphasized in the works of scholars such as Fishman and Wiley who argue language maintenance depends in large part on the communities where the languages are spoken (Fishman & Wiley, 1991). The difference betwee n past and present approaches to linguistic development is due in part to the size of the populations of Spanish speaking students or students like HLLs who have background knowledge and experiences with the Spanish language. While bilingual education rem ains a highly charged topic, there is growing recognition in schools and in government that speakers of a language other than English represent an untapped resource for a country that suffers from a critical shortage of citizens able to function in languag e other than English (Peyton, Ranard, & McGinnis, 1999). Bilingualism in Adults Bilingualism in adults is another topic which needs attention as our participants had languag e acquisition and bilingualism, syntax, semantic, and morphology (Montrul, 2004, 2008). She investigates language loss and retention among minority language speaking bilingual, or heritage language speakers. Dr. Montrul's work contributes to the study of heritage language learners by

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26 exploring that HLL's are bilingual . These heritage speakers would be considered sequential bilinguals because one language is in place before the other is acquired. Regardless of whether they are simultaneous or sequential b ilinguals, what heritage speakers have in common is that by the time they reach adulthood the heritage language is their weaker language. In recent years, there has been increasing research on understanding the specific linguistic abilities of heritage spe akers and how their abilities compare to those of fully fluent speakers on the one hand, and to second language learners on the other (Montrul, 2012). Gaps in the literature In the literature review it became apparent that there is rich literature to su pport the elementary age student who is being instructed to become bilingual/biliterate. But there is not rich literature that can describe the secondary language learner of Spanish or HLL of Spanish. There is not an explanation of the short term and long term affects on heritage language learners who participate in a typical foreign language course and what that means to the development of language and culture for the HLL. The literature describes, anxiety, misplacement, and the need for belonging to a c and community. But, there is a need for literature to guide the secondary instruction of Spanish or primary grades. This study not only brings up the needs of HLL individuals, but recommendations for further research that could add more literature to guid e those who are instructing heritage language learners.

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27 Theoretical Framework Research on language development reflects the times, both socially and politically, but what remains forgotten with program planning, implementation, and budgets are the people behind the numbers. The theory of Language Socialization (Ochs, 1994) informs this study as it Stemming from the field of sociolinguistics, Language Socialization re presents a broad framework for understanding the development of linguistic, cultural and communicative competence through interaction with others who are more knowledgeable or proficient in the heritage language (Duff & Talmy, 2011). Language socializatio n studies have systematically investigated the 'critical' transition from home to school and provided ethnographic and sociolinguistic evidence about the dynamics (social, linguistic, cultural) involved in this process (Ochs & Schieffelin, 2011). In this study, that language is Spanish. Language socialization focuses on the purposeful use of language in day to day, situational contexts. That context being the use of the heritage language within the community, family, friends, and neighborhoods in which H LLs identify with daily. Language socialization does not always pertain to the goal second language. HLLs may be considered part of the L2 group as the goal language of Spanish is not at a high level of proficiency in one of the linguist domains. Some HLLs may be highly motivated to become socialized into the norms and practices of new L2 communities but may face resistance or opposition from those expected to nurture them; or, regardless of the target community's attitudes toward them, they may not be fully invested in becoming socialized into the ways of this group because they remain actively involved in and committed to their

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28 primary communities, or becau se they cannot straddle both simultaneously, for practical, logistical, or ideological reasons (Duff, 2006). An important construct in the research of HLL individuals is how they personally self identify, and how that perception connects to their Latino he ritage in connection with language. Additionally, it is important to understand how HLL individuals link their heritage in connection to the language of Spanish. Understanding the depth that HLL individuals value the development of Spanish will help us un derstand their motivation for learning the language. The desire and need to feel a belonging to a family, community and friends can be influenced by the commonalities that we share. People will tell you that what they like about their language and cultur e is the kinship and the words of endearment (Fishman, 1994). W hat needs to be understood is if the value is coming from within the individual or if the expectation is coming from family members to develop their language proficiency, and ultimately connec ting them more deeply to their culture within their social groups and communities. For some HLLs, language programming in schools is a very important resource in maintaining and developing the goal language. The constant shift in language programming wit hin schools throughout time that were dual language, English only or maintenance of a language, has affected second and third generation HLL individuals and influenced their professional experience. The c ourses for HLLs that have been offered presently in past decades, have led to limited language choices and little to no cultural support for further development. This possibly resulting in the language and value 195 0's, did not support English Language Learners (ELLs) in learning English. In fact, this approach was subtractive to culture and language and was not beneficial for students. This was

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29 prior to Lau vs. Nichols (1972), which outlined instruction for native speakers of a first language that was other than English (Crawford, 1999). There were no HLL designed courses for the uage. Both systems, without question, have not been designed for HLL students who have had exposure to Spanish, yet still limited in their proficiency. Consequently, heritage language students may still have very strong ties to cultural traditions and cul tural practices but lack the ability to communicate fully with family and friends who also identify as Latino and speak Spanish. From my observations as an educator in the field for twenty years, historically, programs, but, at the same time, teachers are continually expected to differentiate. How can this happen when schools become increasingly more and more diverse, with the stakes even higher for students and teac hers to succeed? Unfortunately, students and adults have had to leave their cultural identity at the home to conform to already existing programming, rather than the programming conforming for them. Students do not have the opportunity to participate in language. Research by Schieffelin and Ochs (1986) states how the theoretical framework of language socialization has as its goal to understand how persons become competent members of social groups and the role of language in this process. The social group s being family and friends that the HLL individuals interact with daily. The growing interest in language use in social context expanded the boundaries of child development and enculturation theories to include a focus on language as central to learning. Within this context language socialization research emerged as a distinct orientation to study language and cultural development

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30 (Baquedano Lopez & Hernandez, 2011). Given that there is an expectation for students to attend a four year college and the ling uistic expectation is to have four years of a "foreign language," it makes sense to offer programming that values languages other than English and to support those students with instruction that help HLLs become proficient in their heritage language. Plac ing HLL students in the typical foreign language class neither respects the student nor their cultural connection. The instructional needs of HLLs are distinct from those of foreign language learners. There is a need to develop materials, instructional s trategies, and assessment procedures and instruments for this new population of language learners (Peyton, 2001). These must be ever changing due to the diversity within the group of HLLs, as the profile of the HLL and the language proficiency levels will very within the group (Colombi & Roca, 2003; Valdes, 2005). This research study examined the repercussions of the limited choices in foreign language or language maintenance courses for HLLs, which do not offer the authentic use of the language of family, friends and community. The theoretical framework of language socialization allowed me to examine the experiences of HLLs as they developed their heritage language in their home, school, and community. I was interested in the experiences of HLLs with thei r heritage language not just at one moment but from the time they were born and throughout their life. Language exists only in the minds of its users, and it only functions in relating these users to one another and to nature, i.e. their social and natural environment (Haugen, 1972, p. 325). Language socialization shares how language and discourse become the most critical tool for the child's construction of the social world, because it is through language that social action is generated (Schieffelin and O chs, 1986). Contemporary scholarship considers language socialization to be a lifespan process that transpires across households, schools, scientific laboratories, religious

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31 institutions, sports, play, media use, artistic endeavors, medical encounters, le gal training, political efforts, and workplaces, among other environments (Ochs, Schieffelin, et al., 2011). and different from proficient native Spanish speakers. In the effort to effect change for these students, the goal of this study is to shed light on needed modifications in language programming to honor the cultural connections of L atinos developing their Spanish skills in K 12 school districts. Language Socialization represents a broad framework for understanding the development of linguistic, cultural, and communicative competence through interaction with others who are more knowl edgeable or proficient (Duff, & Talmy, 2011). Without opportunities for purposeful negatively impacted. Students can experience cultural disconnect from their tradi tions and families. Language is a tool of belonging and the mirror of the mind and soul of a people through which culture is shared and transmitted (Fishman, 1996). In contrast, language socialization research seeks to account for and explain learning in much broader terms, examining not only linguistic development, but also the other forms of knowledge that are learned in and through language. These other forms of knowledge include culture, for example, and stances of morality or respect that are learned along with linguistic forms that mark them. They include social knowledge as well, such as how certain types of language practices produce and reflect social stratification, hierarchy, and status marking (Duff & Talmy, 2011). Summary The literature and re search on adult HLLs have grown over the years. A conclusion from this body of literature is an increasing recognition of the diversity that exists within this language

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32 group, their unique needs and the difficulty in defining who or what determines what t ruly is a heritage language learner. The research also highlights the importance of language in the formation of cultural identity and the need for authentic language instruction that is purposeful and not focused only on grammar. The theoretical framework of language socialization supports the instruction of language to be authentic, purposeful, and connected to the utilization of the language in community and social settings.

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33 Chapter III M ETHODOLOGY This study employed a qualitative inquiry design to e xamine the differences and commonalities of the experiences of second and third generation heritage language learners in their development of their heritage language of Spanish. This study inquired about the cultural connection to the development of langua ge and what that means to heritage language learners in the development of their identity a member of the Latino community. It also explored the language programming that these individuals experienced in school and how that affected them throughout their education and in their professional careers . Strategy of Inquiry The approach used in this study was a qualitative inquiry design . The focus was developing a theory for understanding the experiences of HLLs related to culture, language, and education. The unit of analysis consisted of a sample group were six individuals who have shared experiences about the development of a heritage language and who identified as members of the Latino community and identify themselves as heritage language learners (Creswell , 2007). In contrast to quantitative research, qualitative researchers use a lens not based on test scores or experimental research designs but a lens that considers the views of people who participate in the study (Creswell & Miller, 2000). For example, qualitative research may utilize the method of member checking to revisiting data with the participants to check constructs, categories and data interpretation. Rooted in this qualitative research approach, the focus of this study was developing an unders tanding of the experiences of heritage language learners related to culture, language and education. The study is informed by a theoretical framework of language socialization. This

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34 communities, families and schooling that influenced the development of their heritage language. In keeping with qualitative research methods, I conducted interviews to solicit accounts of both historical and present experiences of Latino HLLs in developing their heritage language. To begin the research study, I completed the IRB process to gain permission from the university to begin the research interviews. The purpose of these interviews was to capture the dynamics and structures of the educational schoo l system experienced by Latino HLLs in relation to the development of their heritage language, spanning multiple decades. T he sociodemographic attribute data captured th e description of the participants and a quick description of self identification for th is study. Researchers role personal experiences to the development of heritage language. Growing up in a household that had parents who spoke English as a first language and used Spanish as a secret language, I did not have opportunities to practice Spanish in context. My only connection to a fluent speaker who used Spanish for daily interactions, was my grandmother who was Mexican. She used Spanish in her daily interact ions even when I would respond to her in English. The instruction that I received in Spanish was in a dual language program format. This Bilingual Education Act/Title VII. I was taught all content areas in both languages, English and Spanish. The program was very well structured, and I was able to not only develop language, but I was also taught Mexican and Chicano history. The Chicano history was happening in Ft.

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35 L upton, in fact I witnessed the Brown Berets marching down my street in front of my home for educational equality when I was only seven years of age. But all of that changed when my grandmother, who was my only link to the language of Spanish passed away, a nd we moved to Loveland Colorado. Loveland was English only in the elementary grades, and Spanish levels 1 and 2 were only offered in middle school and high school. My own personal experiences with language acquisition and language attrition support, not only support my interest in this study, but also my understanding of the experiences and needs of the participants to develop Spanish and the culture connected to the language of Spanish. Participants Recruitment procedures. The materials used in identi fying the participants began with an email that was sent to individuals within the University of Colorado Denver (CU Denver) Latinx cohorts and Latinx participants in the CU Denver N ext G en E d program (program for future teachers) . The email explained the study and asked that those who were interested to respond to the email. After obtaining email responses, a questionnaire was then sent via email to identify individuals who would fit the characteristics of the convenience sample group as a heritage langu age learner. A convenience sample group due to the accessibility and proximity of the sample group. All the participants are leaders in the field of education at the secondary or university level of education. The criteria were that the individuals ident ified as a member of the Latino community, desired to become proficient in Spanish, and acknowledged their own lack of proficiency in Spanish. In Table 2, a participant sociodemographic attribute data table describes

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36 the participants and their thoughts re garding their proficiency level in the heritage language of Spanis h. Participant demographic and attribute data Table 2 . Sociodemographic attribute data of participants Name Gender Age Generation Self Identificat ion Self lan guage proficiency evaluation Luiza F 47 Born in Mexico Mexican (Came to U.S. as a toddler) Somewhat proficient but feels that she has gaps and is losing vocabulary. Ben M 38 Born in the U.S. 3rd generation Blaxi can Biracial Not proficient. Admits that he knows more slang and is not fluent enough to take the risk to speak within social or academic circles. Jorge M 27 Born in the U.S. 1st generation born in the Main land of the U.S. Puerto Rica n Somewhat proficient but feels nervous when speaking in public and does not like speaking to native speakers because he has been corrected and it makes him feel uncomfortable. Benita F 44 Born in the U.S. and is 2nd generation in the U.S. Mexican American Limited proficiency. She shared that she feels intimidated by those who are proficient. Stated that she feels bad because she "should" know Spanish. Ramona F 46 Born in the U.S. and is 3rd generation in the U.S. Chicana Limited proficiency. She shared that she knows slang Spanish and does not feel comfortable speaking in public and has a great desire to become proficient. Tony M 40 Born in the U.S. Mexican American Somewhat proficient. Receptive is much better than what he shared he can speak. *Pseudonyms are used for participants

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37 Once the questionnaires (See Appendix A) were received and reviewed, I contacted the participants to set up a time for an informal interview that would then take one hour to one and a half hours. At the end of the recorded interview, I explained that I would contact the participant later to member check the information or to ask to follow up questions since the interview questions were semi structured (See Appendix B), which allowed for mo re questions or follow up questions. Sampling. The study included a purposely selected sample that consisted of six individuals, three females and three males. Participants were between the ages of 27 and 46 years of age who were Latino/a professionals wo rking in the field of education. This is an age range of 20 years, which explores two decades of educational experiences. They were selected from a group of educators who volunteered to respond to a short six question questionnaire that asked questions re garding cultural self identification, education, family and community experiences with the Spanish language, and experiences with biases in the workplace and school programming. From these questionnaires, six participants who fit the selection criteria wer e selected. These criteria included self identification as Latino/Mexican American, specifically second and third generation Latinos/as, and having experiences with the development of a heritage language, or heritage language loss, in connection to their L atino heritage and their who use Spanish in their presence even though the participants may not consider themselves to be fluent in Spanish. Once the participant s were identified, they were asked to participate in an interview. Interviewing individuals who are second and third generation Latino and professionals in the field of education allowed me to gain insight as to what they recommend for future Latinos who d esire to learn or maintain their heritage language and enter the field of education.

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38 Data Collection The data for this study were collected through interviews. The interviews were conducted individually and were one hour to one hour and half. The location of the interviews varied dependent upon the available time of the participants. For two of the interviews I went to the location of their employment in a quiet secure office. The other participants were interviewed via zoom and follow up questions were by telephone. The questions were semi structured which allowed for follow up questions and deep reflection from the participants. Member checking the data that was collected was done by emailing transcribed recordings and notes taken during the intervie w (See Appendix D) (Shenton, 2004). This allowed reflective time for the participants to read and add information or correct information that was collected during the interviews. Interview Protocol. The interviews used discussion questions that clearly t argeted how and traditions. The questions began with HLL self identification and then moved towards questions that asked about language and the importance o f language in their lives as well as Other criteria to participate was that t he participants were also interviewed about their experiences in Colorado and the Colorado educatio nal system in which they are now working. This adding not only an understanding of the language instruction in Colorado, but an experiencing of the Colorado educational programming. Through these interviews, information was gathered regarding the short t erm and long term effects that the lack of Spanish language development and cultural support may have had on individuals of second and third generations in connection to language loss and cultural disconnect. These informal interviews were critical to det ermine how linguistic programming

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39 has influenced, supported or not supported the participants in attaining Spanish proficiency and how this has influenced them culturally and in their professional careers. From the individual interviews, common themes info rmed the development of a storyline of HLL experiences to explain how the education system did or did not support them in the development of their heritage language . The interviews gathered information for this study on how connected the participants feel now to wards their culture, and how these experiences have influenced them professionally. The reflections of the six participants led to recommendations that focus on effective programming that could support students in pursuing proficiency Spanish, and how to create culturally relevant programs that speak to the needs of HLL students. Procedure. To begin the research the IRB university approval process was completed to have permission to start the research project that did not involve a partnership with a school district as students were not involved in this study. The semi structured interviews included sixteen questions that solicited information regarding the following topics: language experience, culture experience and value of both cultural and lin guistic connections for monolingual Spanish to heritage language learners. The purpose of the interview questions was to identify the historical experiences with developing Spanish to proficiency and how its value or importance may have changed dependent upon the linguistic programming offered in school and how the Spanish. During the interviews, the participants were asked to share their own perceptions of the value of the language of Spanish, whether that perception was influenced by parents or other e follow up

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40 language. For example, the extent to which they have or have ever needed to use Spanish and what has influenced their decision to use or not use Spanish. W ith language perception, it is a constant negotiation not just externally but internally as well. Linguistic hegemony is constantly negotiated as a language dominant status is strengthened or weaken, as persuasion is successful for the popular consent, an d as it is resisted. The consequences of linguistic hegemony involve the violation of linguistic rights because all individuals have the fundamental human right to speak their mother tongue (Shannon, 1995). Recording and Managing Data All items such as qu estionnaires, interviews and correspondence with the participants were kept in a folder that was password protected on a password protected computer. During the interviews, handwritten notes and audio recording were completed to capture the answers of the participants. By taking notes and having recordings I was able to go back and check for accuracy to have full responses and create follow up questions. The audio recordings were captured using a recording application that I then stored in a google folder that was password protected. Each recording was numbered by the order in which they were interviewed. The transcribed interview data were stored using the ATLAS.ti Qualitative Research software. The software account is also password protected. I chose thi s program due to its user friendly components. This software also supported the coding process and analysis of the data.

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41 Data Analysis I started the data analysis by using open coding to identify the factors that have impacted language development and the effects on their cultural identity and their professional careers (Emerson, Fretz & Shaw, 1995; Miles & Huberman, 1983). Open coding consists of organizing data into meaningful passages and assigning a category or label to hel p identify its topic as it relates to the research questions. In addition to using an inductive process during open coding, my data analysis also included a deductive process in which I looked for factors that I had previously identified in the literature review as relevant to my study. More specifically, I examined the short term and long term consequences of inconsistent or no language instruction reported by the participants, and how that has impacted the development of their heritage language and their professional careers. I used constant comparison to identify similarly coded data and began to organize it into categories; from these categories I then developed themes . The categories that first emerged were: biased leadership, cultural identity, Engli sh as a first language, language importance, school programming, use of language, and who spoke Spanish in the families. Using thematic analysis (Appendix D) , I identified trends that interviews about their experiences devel oping their heritage language. I then coded the information gathered from the interviews and reviewed and member checked the transcriptions with the participants. The emerging codes were then collapsed into common or umbrella topics. These were very simi lar in message but were said or explained differently. With member checking the participants were asked to clarify when making statements specifically. Knowing what grade level is important to this study because of the focus on the school programming that may or may not support Spanish language and cultural development

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42 that is connected to the Latino Heritage. This was to ensure the trustworthiness or reliabili ty through confer encing and member checking . Through this process, discrepancies in coding were resolved, and unnecessary subcategories were eliminated. Informed by a language socialization theoretical framework, I looked for trends in the emotional, linguistic and cultur al connections that the participants had to the language of Spanish and its connection to the Mexican/Mexican American culture. The relationship of the theoretical framework of language socialization and the methods in this study is the purposeful interac tion of language to reach proficiency in Spanish and to have the opportunity to learn more about the Latino culture. The construct of the relationship between language and culture is deeply rooted in a language socialization perspective (Beaudrie Ducar, 2 005). Language is used to maintain This construct of the i ntricate connection between language and culture was central to my analysis. Through thematic analysis, I connected the experiences of the participants, and then created a story line for each of them . The connection that they shared with the lack of opport unity to learn and develop language and culture at a proficient level became evident when the experiences were a trend in the responses from the participants. The Latino HLL who participated in this study are connected by their stories and their experienc es using their heritage language in purposeful situations within their families and communities. The method of constant comparison allowed me to determine whether similar instructional practices have influenced the educational outcomes reported by the part icipants through their interview responses . The constant comparison of the descriptions, or language used to describe: educational, cultural and linguistic experiences. By examining their education

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43 experiences and the role that their heritage language has had in those experiences, I aimed to better understand how language programming failed or succeeded in supporting these HLLs in achieving proficiency in the Spanish language. Trustworthiness The process to guarantee trustworthiness for this qualitative s tudy included two peer reviewers to debrief with me to check for the accuracy of the interviews and to check my data interpretations and findings (Creswell & Miller, 2000). After the interviews were transcribed, I used the procedure of member checking wit h participants to see if there was any follow up information that they would like to add or clarify in their responses ( A.K. Shenton, 2004) . As the researcher, I was reflective to the answers to the interview questions in connection to the research questi ons. Another lens to check for trustworthiness was the procedure of triangulation to search for convergence among multiple and different sources of information to form themes or categories in this study (Creswell & Miller, 2000 ). Triangulation by revisit ing all the responses both in the transcription s, audio and member check process. I could then check for the similarities with the responses to the interview questions with all six participants. The themes that emerged after the coding of the transcribe d interviews were then supported by the literature and research that is available regarding heritage language learners. The themes again were cultural identity, language proficiency and schooling or educational programming that supported culture and langu age. But, again there was no support in connection to the secondary focus of language programming in schools. In fact, all six participants communicated that the language they have learned was during conversations, tv or movie programming, or observation . These methods are far from "direct language instruction, but rather "purposeful learning" of the language. Language Socialization has explained that

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44 learning a language within the context of daily life and real situations has been more supportive of rea listic use of the language.

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45 Chapter IV F INDINGS The purpose of this study was to understand the experiences and self reported needs of heritage language learners who are adults in the field of education, within the themes of cultural identity, language p roficiency and educational programming. The questions that needed answered were regarding , how as adults have they identified with their Latino community, desired to learn their heritage language and what type of linguistic programming is needed for futur e heritage language learners to have the opportunity to learn the heritage language of Spanish. By the interviews that were conducted with six individuals who identify with the Latino culture, I can gain insight on what further research is still needed by the stories that emerged from this purposive sample group. As we explore the findings we need to remember that there are different definitions that categorize HLLs as individuals who lose their heritage language. However, Valdes's (Valdes, 2000) defines HLLs as "Individuals raised in homes where a language other than English is spoken and who are to some degree bilingual in English and the heritage language." Valdes goes on to further explain that the crucial criterion is that the heritage language was f irst in the order of acquisition but was not completely acquired because of the individual's switch to another dominant language or become attired under pressure from the dominant host language. A critical piece to remember is the level of proficiency that HLL's develop or do not develop with the heritage language. The variations of the ability that HLL's have with the proficiency of the heritage language varies (P o linsky & Kagan 2007; Silva Corvalan, 1994). After examining the responses from the six part icipants in this study, the variation in the development of their heritage language of Spanish became clear. Additionally, findings from this

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46 study concur with previous language socialization studies reporting that the level of language proficiency affects Though the participants did experience biases in school and the workplace, their responses did not go into that too deeply. In fact, it appears the biases and assumptions were expected. Cult ural Identity The research question that needed answered regarding the cultural and social development was; How have Heritage Language Learners who are now professionals in the field of education identified with the language of Spanish as a value in their cultural and social development? The questions started with the participants identifying themselves. The participants were interviewed in no order. The responses varied as to how the participants identified themselves. This is interesting as there are s o many ways in which we as Latinos identify ourselves. Depending on how we were brought up and what our parents and grandparents experienced we may identify ourselves by those influencers. Knowing how the participants identify themselves is critical to u nderstand the importance of the language of Spanish to them culturally. This may look different by participant dependent upon the generation of the participant. Participants shared how they identify themselves culturally. In the beginning of the study my focus was regarding only those who identified as Latino, but more so as Mexican, Mexican American or Chicano. But one of the participants identified as Puerto Rican. This was an interesting discovery during the interviews because though Puerto Ricans ar e identified as part of the United States by the United States, this participant shared how he was treated not like an

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47 as Mexican, Mexican American and Chicano . The finding that is significant is that though the participants are Colorado residents, and rather other words within the Latino community that are acceptab le, such as Chicana, Mexican, Mexican participants. The first participant will be referred to as Luiza. Luiza is 46 years of age and is an elementary teacher in a bilingual school. She identifies herself as Mexican. Luiza shared that she came from a family of 9 and she is the second to the oldest. Luiza was born in Chihuahua and came to the U.S. at such a young age that she does not remember living in Mexico. She stated that her identity was built according to what she would consider a "Typical Mexican household." When asked about how the culture was present in her household in connection to her statement of "Typical Mexican household" she shared: It was Mexican Culture in the house. Spanish is what we spoke. Friends came over and the re was my machismo dad. Controlling. No friends can't bring friends over. We had to clean we had to make dinner. Once we got older, English took over, during middle school/high school. There was always music, food and went to Mexico every Christmas. Home was still Mexican tradition. We had e xpectations and that was taking care of what needed done. And education was an emphasis (Personal Communication, September 20th, 2018). Ben, a young man who is an educated professional pursuing a doctorate degree reflected on how he identifies himself culturally in connection to being Latino and speaking Spanish. This young man who grew up here in the United States shared his experiences in Denver Colorado . What is unique, is the fact that he identifies as biracial. He stated "I'm Blacxican. I am Black and

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48 Mexican." The stories Ben shared about his experiences growing up in the projects of Denver with a mom who is Latina, spoke Spanish only in family sett ings, described his experience with the Spanish language as "having it spoken at me", never able to communicate or respond to them in Spanish. His mother grew up in Mestizo Curtis Park, and attended the all girls school Sacred Heart and Annunciation, whic h he went on to explain, did not "allow" Spanish to be spoken, or any identification with "Culture". Ben also stated: It was frowned upon to speak Spanish. The demographics in this red line community, which was 5 points. There was a high influx of Chicano s and in the border, there was a Black community and an all white community which they all went to Manual High School. It was a mix but in Larimer it was predominately Chicano. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018) Ben is very involved with you th today and explained to me that cultural pride and identification is a huge issue. "And you would think that Denver having such history with Chicanos would have stronger programs for kids growing up, and maybe even some for adults who need to reconnect." During the interview, Ben talked about life at home, and his life was not a typical path to be a professional in education. In fact, all six participants had different upbringings and education systems in their past. Yet, they all share very similar ex periences and outcomes. When I asked about culture apparent in the home, Ben responded by explaining it as follows: We had a picture of the last supper ( laughs ) was evident that I was brown, my last name, the g reen chile, my families drinking. My auntie only drank Miller Light. Coors was racist and a part of the clan. And so, it wasn't allowed in the house. We didn't watch Spanish t.v.. So, it was only by appearance my identification. But cleaning the house on weekends was mariachi and banda, but also Kenny Rogers (Personal Communication, September 20th, 2018).

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49 It was very interesting that most of the participants see themselves as "multicultural", or "biracial." The next participants who responded to the cult ural identity questions talked about navigating the U.S. as a Latino, even though they are U.S. citizens. Jorge identified as Puerto Rican. He explained that he identifies himself as Puerto Rican, but that his father struggled with identifying that way. H only describe himself that way. Jorge shared about his upbringing: I was born in Stamford, Connecticut. In Connecticut Spanish was looked at or being bilingual was not valued in the workplace where my parents lived bu t we lived in the city that had a lot of big Puerto Rican population. So, my experiences with bilingualism in my city was positive, but my mom and dad told me stories of them being made fun of and things like that because of their accents in the workplace (Personal Communication, September 20th, 2018). Discrimination is felt not only because of ethnicity, as determined based on the color of one's skin, but also by the sounds that emanate from one's mouth (Shannon, 1995). He went on to explain that it wasn 't intentional to deny themselves as Puerto Ricans, but rather to be an American and viewed as a foreigner. Jorge went on to tell me that his father grew up on a military base, and that only enforced the wanting to be only viewed as an American and nothin g more. As we continued talking, Jorge stated that he does also identify as Puerto Rican American. Just as Benita identifies as Mexican American. I find it interesting that the hyphen of the As we get into th e experiences of Benita , who is female and a professional in education, she was adamant about her identifying as Mexican American . Benita, who is a mother, shared how she has tried to hold onto her culture of being Mexican American, and that through her u ndergraduate studies she realized how much she has lost of her culture. Today, she works with students who are predominantly Latino, or first generation Latinos in college. She explained

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50 how her parents were focused on learning English and acculturating and that preserving their heritage language of Spanish was not critical. Having the culture around me was there, some ways My mom played a lot of Mexican Music, I remember that kind of stuff. Dances, music, but nothing intense. But college was culture shock. I learned about Chicano history and migrant farmers, and then I learned more. Found out some of my family worked in the fields. That is really when I learned more about my culture and my family. (Personal communication, Octo ber 12th, 2018). What Benita explained is what Wong Fillmore explains about what the family teaches a child as compared to the schools and what those implications are for a child. The curriculum of the home is taught by word and example, by the way adult s relate to the children of the family, beginning at birth and not end until the children are mature and on their own. When parents send their children to school for formal education, they understand that their job of socializing their children is far from done. They continue to teach their children what they need to know as they mature. The school can take what the family has provided and augment or modify it even, but the foundation must be laid by the family (Wong Fillmore, 2000). Unfortunately, what has been explained through this study of HLL individuals, is that the foundation passed on from their families was not valued in school , only attempts with superficial culture nights and "foreign language" experiences at school has the culture been valued. B ut for those hungering for more to their culture, to bring more to us as HLL Spanish speakers, the schools have failed to honor the Latino culture in a way that has been honorable and deep. As was explained by Ramona who is an administrator in the Aurora Public School system. The next participant Ramona identifies as a CHICANA. She is a female administrator who has a wealth of experience in the treatment of Latinas in our Colorado school system that did not honor her as a Chicana, but as she states, "treat ed me as if dropping out would be better because

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51 no one really tried to understand my culture." When I ask why she identified herself as Chicana, she quickly responded: Well because I am not Mexican American that's my Heritage and I grew up in a family tha t really embraced and recognized Chicana and Chicano a new sort of identity that was forged by Latino people who are from the United States and so I adopted that myself, it was passed down from my parents (Personal Communication, September 20th, 2018). Ra mona explained that not many in her family graduated from high school. This young woman who is Chicana, who not only graduated from high school, but also graduated college and is now pursuing a doctorate degree. She shared how education has a lot to do w ith why she thinks that she values Spanish and has a desire to learn or understand it more than previous family before her. When asked how she tries to incorporate culture into her life to preserve her Chicana, Latina culture she shared that she listens t o Spanish music and watches telenovelas. what is being said, I always tell them that I get the gist of what is going on or being said". As she went on to highe r education she explains that when she was in one of her courses Chicano Studies, she realized that she had "culture". "That word, culture", she stated "I thought that was about other people, till I went to college." That is when she explained that she r ealized she had culture and what she was listening to, watching and attending the Catholic Church was all culture and it was culture that was handed down to her through family. But through the interview she goes on to explain that the little words she can utter, and the "Spanglish", is all that she had now of the language of her culture. The Spanglish words and little words are what only some HLL individuals may hold onto as they progress through their education or lives. And when a person happens to be b iracial as Tony explains of his mom's U.S. hippie culture and his dad being from Mexico, it becomes

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52 apparent that even though he was born in the United States, he would navigate different cultural paths. He explains that it can be a challenge to maintain a culture and language, as well as being what is the expected culture every day at work and in the world that is predominately English and has little to no support for your language or culture. His father grew up in Chicago and had Spanish as his first la nguage. Tony states that his father was involved in gang activity when he was young, where is mother was a hippie. It seems like two extremes in his history, but he goes on to talk about how as he grew up his father sheltered him from that life he had an d for some reason that meant also keeping him from being around his Mexican roots regarding culture. Tony also stated: I think that there was a perception in my family that the Latino culture was associated with drinking and partying and so we were somewh at sheltered for that that side of my family that's interesting. I remember going to a wedding a big wedding all my Mexican side of my family was when I was real little I was like four or five and we only went in for like a half an hour and then we left ri ght away because I think my parents didn't want us to see the drinking or the dancing. I don't know what the reason was. That's it. And then also my grandparents were divorced. My my dad's mom and dad which made us not as close to that side of the family. It was just a weird dynamic. I don't know how to we didn't visit him that much we did but we did. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018). The culture in the household was not really speaking Spanish, he explained, in fact he shared how his sibling s got even less of the culture in the household than what he did, "it's weird, but it became less and less as we grew older. We ate at Mexican restaurants and had tamales, but as we grew older , being Christian was important not the Mexican culture or speak ing Spanish." Summary Cultural identity is taught, inherited from one generation to the next. Our environment and interactions socially and academically are to support the development of not only our identity, but the cultural identity of students as well . The world of English that our students live

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53 in shapes the dominant interactions, but this can mean the sacrifice of what our students bring to school. This being the richness of their Latino culture and Spanish language from their families. Being a her itage language learner can have individuals wondering where they fit in a culture that can have differences from their home culture. And language that is different than what they speak at home or hear at home, can have individuals feeling that one needs t o be lost to learn a new language, or that their heritage language does not have value. Language proficiency The research question that need answered regarding the effects of language developmen t was; What have been the long term and short term cultural effects with family and sense of belonging within the Latino community for HLL individuals with the development or lack of development of the heritage language of Spanish? In this research study of HLLs, it was very interesting that when asked about the i mportance of Spanish or the usage of Spanish, they all stated their feelings and thoughts regarding the proficiency of the language. Silvina Montrul, who is an expert regarding language loss and retention, debates the definition of Heritage Language Learn ers given by Guadalupe Valdes. The definition by Valdes specifies that a heritage language is experienced in a non English speaking home. Montrul shares that though this is helpful and can be true in some situations, HLLs are not always in homes with non English speaking family. To point, Valdes's definition is still useful for grammatically orientated studies because it considers knowledge and use of the heritage language (even if minimally) rather than just a cultural connection to the langua ge with no actual knowledge of it (Montrul, 2004). The proficiency level among HLLs varies, as Valdes does explain, meaning all domains of language development

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54 in the heritage language of Spanish can vary from HLL to HLL. This is the case with the partic ipants in this study. The significant finding from participants regarding language proficiency, was that the six more proficient. The lack of confidence to partic ipate speaking with families, friends and community. Another part of the finding is that the participants did not think that they had enough opportunities to practice Spanish in context that would be purposeful to daily life or daily interactions. Luiza, who identified as Mexicana, shares how Spanish was her first language, but gradually has become her second language. Luiza had parents that really tried hard to maintain the heritage language by setting boundaries. She shared: Yes, English was for school and Spanish was for home. Yes, that was clear. But the more sisters we got and then there was more English in the house. English communication between siblings and Spanish to the parents. If we were by ourselves, we spoke English. It was some code switchi ng. Pretty equal between. There is 5 of us and then a big gap between the last 2 and I didn't grow up with them, but their Spanish is pretty good. (Personal Communication, October 5th, 2018). As in earlier studies, the ability of the speaker of Spanish va ries, and what is considered native speaker to heritage speaker varies. Though Luiza was a native speaker in her childhood, by time she became an adolescent she was now a heritage language speaker of Spanish. As an adult she was reflecting on how she lef t at age 17 from home, married a non Spanish speaker and of a different culture. Because of their differences in their culture and language she only used Spanish when visiting family. This made maintaining the language difficult. "My whole world was Eng lish." She goes on to explain that she did feel as though she was losing her language. By comparison her siblings Spanish was better, she attributes this to the spouses of her siblings

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55 being of Mexican culture and speak Spanish as their first language. This coincides with the language socialization. From this theoretical perspective, language usage must be purposeful. The heritage language was an important rol e in the world of siblings for day to day communication. However, most of the participants reported that they do not need to use Spanish to function, therefore the usage is minimal to none. Participant number one had to make a point to put Spanis h in her life; she did this by making a choice to study Spanish as part of her master's degree program. This, she shared, helped her with academic language, but again she could only use the language in situations where it was needed or with family. Langua ge Socialization research supports the fact that language and culture are together; when an individual is learning a language, they are also learning the culture. With participant number one it is evident that because her world became predominantly Englis h, then this was the dominant culture that she began to learn and be supported by in her daily life. The language programs in school were built as a foreign language program that seemed to only focus on grammar all the time, as well as nothing useful as s he stated. Luiza is frustrated by her lack of proficiency in Spanish and wants to go abroad to teach and learn more, she said "My Spanish is not sophisticated enough." By going somewhere where her world would be all Spanish and needed for daily survival, she feels that this would support her in maintaining the language and developing it further. Ben who identified as Blacxican does not speak Spanish. He explained that he is embarrassed when people come up to him and start speaking in Spanish and he must stop them. As he explained, he has "introduction Spanish" and that is it. Other than being able to say a word here or a word there, his proficiency is limited. During my time as a teacher and claiming

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56 to be bilingual in my early years of education, I to o felt the same as Ben . I was able to speak a word or two, and always speaking in present tense. Ben shared that his nino (godfather) spoke Spanish. But only a few words were picked up and he stated that he was very confused between male and female usage of the words in Spanish: Never got to learn in a formal way. It was the culture around me and I started reading La Voz because it was in Spanish. I would read the articles because they were in both English and Spanish. I am better at listening and reading . I can understand if I listen intently. In my crew there were so many that we even had to give each other nicknames. I went to so many quinceaneras that I can dance. I am just not confident enough to speak it. (Personal communication, October 2 nd , 2 018). Language loss in a family is not always typical , but Valdes (2001) shares how generations could experience heritage language loss, and English becomes the dominant language. But in the six participants as second and third generations, language bega n to be lost, or it was lost entirely. In many places around the world, bilingualism and even multilingualism are commonplace. In the United States, however, and in other societies like it, powerful social and political forces operate against the retenti on of minority languages. To many and perhaps most Americans, English is more than a societal language, it is an ideology. The ideological stance is this: To be American, one must speak English (Wong Fillmore, 2000). An interesting finding was the exp erience of Ben on a trip. The finding is the speak Spanish . This finding shares how participants feel that individuals outside their communities have an expect ation for them to be proficient in the language of Spanish, and to have an in depth knowledge of the Latino community regardless of the Latino group being discussed or in question.

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57 During a trip for Ben he was in East LA assisting as a political consultant . He stated, "But when I was East in LA for a year it was shameful that I couldn't speak. I was campaigning for someone and I needed a translator with me. But I think it is important. It is needed, especially the work I am in." Language loss is the resul t of both internal and external forces operating on children. The internal factors have to do with the desire for social inclusion, conformity, and the need to communicate with others. The external forces are the sociopolitical cones operating in the socie ty against outsiders, against differences, against diversity (Wong Fillmore, 2000). As the theme regarding language proficiency emerged, a finding was evident that the participants had very strong emotional reactions and very thoughtful answers regarding t he loss of language and how they struggled. In several occasions during the interviews, the words "frustrated", or "struggled" emerged. During the coding the words frustrated and struggled were repeated 15 times during the interview from three of the par ticipants. Jorge, who identified earlier as Puerto Rican, felt loss of language but also had dealt with stuttering growing up and that interfered with learning Spanish according to Jorge . He stated: For me to answer because when I was a kid, I only spoke Spanish, but once I started school, I only spoke English because I had had a speech impediment had a stutter when I was transitioning to school and learning English. So, at that point my parents focused on just speaking English in the household but just s peaking English to me so that I could learn English faster. Both my parents could speak English, my father grew up on a military base in Puerto Rico. So, he learned English from school and plus English is taught in the high schools in Puerto Rico. (Persona l communication, September 20th, 2018). What Jorge shares is in alignment with Wong being American. In fact, the description of the ideology of being "American" connects to Jorge description of his father being r aised on a military base. Puerto Rico being a part of "America", but having Spanish as the first language, and the Latino culture of the Puerto Rican people can

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58 put individuals from this territory of the United States feeling as though they are not truly U.S. citizens. Citizens who are encouraged to speak only English and not maintain their heritage language of Spanish. Jorge does have siblings and had this to share regarding his siblings speaking Spanish: It's funny my do I have a younger sister with my mom and dad and she didn't speak that much Spanish growing up and she couldn't really understand that much growing up. But then my father married to an Ecuadorian woman didn't speak much English. So to kind of get in order to communicate with her we had t o learn to speak Spanish at that point my dad started speaking to us only in Spanish which was funny because when I was growing up, he had stopped speaking to us in Spanish and then when he remarried he only spoke to us in Spanish and kind of expected u s to know what was going on. (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018). Language at that moment became important due to purpose . Purpose to communicate with family, community and friends. Participants sharing that learning language in context would h ave creating more meaning for them by attempting language usage in real world situations. This was shared seven to ten times during the interviews by all the participants. Again, this finding adds to the language socialization literature that supports the importance of world to language connection and the usage becoming a way to communicate due to need. The participant who identified as Mexican American had similar experiences as Jorge . Benita realized how much language was lost in her family when she w ent off to college. Now her career is with predominantly Latino students, and this has impacted this participant. She grew up in home where she shared that her family had acculturated so much that the language was not really spoken in the house as a chil d, which now as an adult she wishes her parents would have spoken Spanish. "I would feel whole, if I could speak Spanish." This was the consensus among all the participants. Each stated that they have either lost a part of themselves, or that they do no t feel like their identity is completely developed due to loss of language.

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59 Ironically Benita experienced having Latino friends who also did not speak Spanish, but now her children and her children's friends speak Spanish and try to speak it in public. "I t's almost like it skipped a generation." What is very interesting about Benita as compared to Luiza is that spouse is bilingual in English and Spanish, yet Benita shared that she still has struggled to hold onto the language. Luiza shared that s he did lose the language due to one of the reasons of her spouse not speaking the language and therefore contributed to her not being surrounded by the Spanish language and thus, lost some language. The work that Benita does with Spanish speaking college students has allowed her to be around the language. However, Benita finds herself doing what many HLL individuals do; which is inform the Spanish speaker that she can understand but will respond in English. Luiza does purposely put herself on committees where Spanish is spoken and attend Bilingual Mass at her church. "I love the language, I just was immersed in an English world in college that made my world all English, I didn't have to speak Spanish to survive." Purpose of language gives meaning and th e desire to achieve proficiency. Language socialization is just that, it is speaking in social situations which means that to survive or participate, the individual senses the importance to learn the language. The central tenant of language socialization promoted but not determined by a legacy of socially and culturally persons, artifacts and features of the built environment (Ochs & Schieffelin, 2011). Ramona, who is Chicana and l ike the other participants, born in Colorado surrounded by the rich history of the Chicano Movement... El Movimiento. Ramona could only utter a few words of Spanish, and still as an adult states that she struggles to speak Spanish though her understanding of the language is better. No, my parents didn't speak any Spanish to me. Maybe a few words here and there but nothing fluid my grandmother spoke Spanish both my

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60 grandparents on both sides spoke Spanish. So, some of the Spanish that I learned was from them and then from the social relationships that I've had with a lot of my peers my adolescence all the way through college and then I also took Spanish it was originally my major and major because while I got tired of being singled out and expected to know Sp anish. (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018). Ramona experienced some embarrassment with the fact that people in her family knew she was not proficient in Spanish. For example, her grandmother would keep phrases simple and short so that she could understand. This only made her want to try to learn to speak Spanish even more. The relationship with some family members showed her the importance of having Spanish for communication, but her lack of proficiency in the language prevented others from sp eaking to her, knowing that she was not able to understand. Language is our bridge for generations to communicate to other generations, when that is lost then one must wonder what the connection of communication be for the generations. Tony , who identifi es as Mexican American, shared that he does not identify as a "Native speaker" of Spanish but does identify as a Heritage Language Learner . Tony shared that he sometimes struggles with not having enough vocabulary. "I had to go to Mexico over summers to learn from family I had down in Mexico". The participant went down to Mexico at two three months at a time when I turned 17 years old. That is when things began to click...it was weird". Tony shared that he knew the more he went to Mexico and "had" to us e the language, then he would have no choice. The language was purposeful and meaningful because he had to use the language for day to day functions. It was his great grandmother and his grandmother that spoke Spanish. Tony had strong memories of this b ecause it stood out to him due to the minimal amount of people that were in his world that did speak Spanish fluently and daily. Tony shared that being biracial contributed to the language being lost slowly in the family. He is the oldest

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61 and has more lan guage and did try to make efforts to achieve proficiency, but his younger siblings do not have much Spanish language. Tony also stated: No, they didn't speak any Spanish to me. Maybe a few words here and there but nothing fluid my grandmother spoke Spanish both my grandparents on both sides spoke Spanish. So some of the Spanish that I learned was from them and then from the social relationships that I've had with a lot of my peers my adolescence all the way through college and then I also took Spanish it wa s originally my major and major because while I got tired of being singled out and expected to know Spanish, where is more acceptable for me to be an English dominant speaker . We visited the White side of the fence not much and probably I was exposed more to Spanish than my brothers and sisters because we hung out with the Mexican side more when I was a little kid, but as we got older it was less and so my brothers and sisters didn't see it as much wow, and their perspectives were a lot different than mine. That's interesting how the generations change. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018). All six participants have a common theme that the desire to achieve proficiency was there and still resides in them. But all strongly expressed that the genera tions changed through time with the importance of the language usage . The finding from the participants stating that they feel that the importance to assimilate to the dominant language of English became important to the generations before them, either did not want the later generations to be discriminated against. This was explained by Ben, Ramona, Tony and Benita. This is interesting regarding the world conn ection and the outside factors that play a role in the desire of generations handing down the heritage language. Either handing down the language so that it is not lost, or the other side of extreme approach of protecting the next generation from any type of racism or discrimination by not handing down or expecting the maintenance of the heritage language within the family. Now in 2018 the six participants who range in ages but have also attended either public school in Colorado or higher

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62 education in Col orado, expressed the biases they experienced in education regarding their language experiences. Summary Language proficiency was found to be very important to the participants. What was very clear from the interviews is that the participants did not feel supported in the development of their heritage language of Spanish. It was expressed by the participants that there was a feeling of anxiety when speaking to people in their families or communities that were fluent and proficient in Spanish. School Progr amming and Experiences During the 1970's in Colorado, Bilingual Education was prominent in a little town called Fort Lupton Colorado. A district that was and still is a small community. At that time Fort Lupton had a true Bilingual program that taught st udents from pre school to sixth grade all contents in both languages of English and Spanish. The community of Fort Lupton was majority Latino, but the teachers were diverse, yet were able to instruct in a dual language format. This was a plan to maintain the Spanish language and or to also teach the Spanish language to all students regardless of cultural background or linguistic background. Unfortunately, the plan in Fort Lupton was not the plan in other parts of Colorado. A finding with the participant s was their educational experiences. All six participants explained how the school programming, particularly at the secondary level were not supportive in advancing their proficiency in Spanish, and the instruction did not have good cultural connection to all Latino groups that pertained to traditions, art, music, or history. Our participants shared their experiences in Denver Public School and the San Luis Valley of

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63 Colorado during their upbringing; and they also shared what their experiences have been i n higher education and at work in the field of education. Luiza who identified as Mexican, grew up in the San Luis Valley after coming to the United States, entered into our U.S. school system that did not honor her culture and fell short of supporting her Heritage Language of Spanish. Luiza also stated: In kindergarten. I was ALWAYS pulled out of classes. We were always pulled out. I have this memory. I could not say nests, so they put me in intervention I think it was both speech and reading. I think mos t from what I remember, I only remember a few teachers that were supportive. I remember other kids didn't like that we spoke Spanish to each other, they didn't like it. (Personal Communication, October 5th, 2018). Being pulled out of class because she coul d not pronounce words correctly, or according to the standard of the teacher shows bias in how Luiza as a student was perceived. For example, the Boston dialect of the Kennedys or the southern dialect of Jimmy Carter are never pointed to as evidence of co gnitive and linguistic deficit. But let a poor urban Appalachian woman speak for only a few minutes and powerful attitudes of prejudice and assumptions of inferiority are elicited (Delpit, 2002). This finding that Luiza brings to the research i s children learning to speak by hearing and interacting with their first teachers of language, their parents; only to then be corrected to speak words differently. We learn our social cues from our surroundings. To judge a student on how they speak when starting s chool, or the language they bring, disvalues and send the message to the student that the way he or she was taught to speak is incorrect. A key finding with the confidence level of the participants, was that they each stated how it seemed intimidating to a ttempt speaking Spanish due to the fear of correction. Correction by those who were not of the Latino culture. Luiza went on to share that as she went through school and began to forget and lose her language, she realized in school when she took Spanish a s a foreign language; her teachers who

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64 were "White", spoke better than she did, and that, she stated "Made me shy to speak in front of them in Spanish, because I didn't feel like me I could speak good enough". The cultural piece of school she shared was no t good. "Teachers were not prepared to growing up were White, and she shared how it was hard for her to make connections with them. Luiza shared that she nev er learned about her culture in school, and nothing with her instruction growing up was culturally relevant to her. The first time that she had the opportunity to engage in a cultural course or materials, was in college. The class was an African Studies c ourse. And what inspired her to take the course was her husband who was of the African Culture. There was no valuing of Luiza culture or language, but rather viewed as wrong. Ben seem to have floundered to find a language. I state that because as I visi ted with Ben he shared how there was absolutely no language instruction for him growing up in the Denver Public School system until he got to high school. And, at this point it became more about the requirements to graduate and not what would culturally c onnect for him. He shared that Italian was offered in high school, so he took it. Ben went on to say: I took Italian as an immersion class, in 7th grade. They didn't have Spanish. The reasoning was it was like Spanish. And if you can learn Italian you can learn Spanish. The next year they put me in French. Then in 9th grade I was stuck in Italian again. All world language classes. But different classes that were not Spanish. I think it was both that there was no room in the Spanish class, but we have to fi ll your schedule so here is Italian. (Personal Communication, October 2nd, 2018). This finding brings back the issue of our students conforming to what schools have to offer as opposed to the school conforming to the needs of the students. The experiences of the participants explain the lack of differentiated instruction or linguistic programming.

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65 Ben continued to explain that in DPS, there was not a sense of urgency to support students of color. "There weren't options for us Brown and Black kids, it w as take what we have, or you don't have the requirements to graduate." When asked about the cultural instruction or learning opportunities the common theme was that there was not enough cultural instruction, understanding or opportunities to learn more ab out the Latino culture . The finding here is that teachers are not prepared well to teach students of diverse and cultural needs, even though the students are all considered Latino; there is a miss understanding of the diversity within the Latino community . As Ben shared, "What I learned in my neighborhood was more than what the school was giving me." He went on to explain how he learned more about his Latino culture: I would say there was, I knew the story of Che, and Zapata. My uncle was in the Brown Ber ets and had an uncle who boxed with Corky. There were people that my family was connected to during the movement. I heard all the stories I started to learn the history of the Chicano's, but at West High I was taught Chicano History by a White Teacher. I c hallenged him. I became a Chicano Studies Major. (Personal communication, October 2nd, 2018). Ben continued to explain his frustration with teachers and their assumptions with him as a Latino. One of his professors in his undergraduate studies shamed him class. Ben states, "That White professor didn't care if I got the credit for the class. His name was Mr. Bauck. This guy knew I was working full time and going to school, and he did nothing to help me; only to shame me in class for not knowing certain in formation . " As he worked his way through higher education Ben communicated that in some ways it got better, but when it came to information regarding Mexico and Mexican history, there was always an assumption that he should know everything there was to kno w about Mexico and Mexican history. "Those two female teachers had blinders on about my culture and who I was as a person." Ben explained further :

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66 Most of my teachers were White. All through elementary all White, but my principal was Black. 7th grade all White, 8th grade I had minority teachers. In high school was where I had the most teachers of color. Mr. Cordova was my principal. But all the administrators were Latino or Black. My social worker was Latina, she impacted my life. I ran into her a year ago , and she would give me target gift cards, bus passes. GRASP, helped me, it provided extra security in my life. I was really close with them. (Personal communication, October 2nd, 2018). Ben went through the DPS district, and where DPS is today as compare d to back during his time, he shared that there has been little change, little growth for this troubled school district as Ben explained. In examining the school programming experience, the finding is that there is a lack of intentional cultural instructio n and linguistic care for students of color was not isolated to only one location in Colorado. For Jorge the immersion into the White culture is what he calls his upbringing. "My world was in English, the culture was White, and there was not a concern fro m my teachers for me to feel a sense of belonging." Jorge wanted to learn Spanish badly, and would end up taking four years of Spanish. Jorge also stated: I first took it because I thought it was going to be an easy 'A' in high school. But I took Spanish a ll four years. And by the time I got to the fourth year, I had gotten a chance to experience speaking Spanish before and I got to be in that higher class because we were starting to read and write Spanish and that's when I kind of realized that, Oh, I don' t I don't know it all and that was that was challenging but it was interesting at the same time. Like I really enjoyed my Spanish class that last year because it was different. (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018). Jorge had the same experience as B en , the choices of foreign language were few, and it was all about requirement for graduation and college and not about the individual. His choices were French and Spanish. He chose Spanish, and found it challenging. The major languages French, Germa n Spanish, Italian, Polish, and Yiddish claimed around one million or more Speakers in

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67 the United States during almost all the 20th century. Whether widely spoke or not, immigrant languages have rarely been regarded as a national resource, for the most par t have suffered the same sad fate here that immigrant languages typically suffer around the world (Fishman, 1991). In some cultural groups, to preserve language, culture and tradition the community has organized schools that focus solely on the maintenanc e of the language and culture so that it will not be lost. But as Fishman explained in an article published in an article titled 300 Plus Years of Heritage Language Education in the United States, Spanish is a language that has been in the U.S. for centur ies, and it will continue to arrive on our shores (Fishman, 1991). That being the case, our Colorado school districts have done a poor job historically with consistency in educating our HLL's in the language that they are culturally connected with in thei r lives. Jorge continued as to state that remembering who was in his classes when he took Spanish in school, all the Puerto Rican kids including himself stayed together. "We knew we knew more Spanish than what we were able to speak, but now that I know t he term Heritage Language Learner, I think that is why we stayed together. We knew more than beginners, but not enough to pass as a Native speaker." This participant explained that in his Spanish class he knew that his teacher wasn't pronouncing words cor rectly. "It sounded funny." His teacher was Polish, and he said that he would correct her sometimes and he added that her accent sounded funny. "I can say that we were definitely not celebrated in that class, and that's when I realized that as a Puerto Ri can, our accent and words were different sometimes." This made it challenging for Jorge, finding your place in a Spanish class that was predominantly focused on the Mexican culture, but knowing you are Puerto Rican. Jorge found himself questioning where he fit in if he was American, but not seen by some as American, and then in a Spanish class not

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68 seeing his culture celebrated in one area that he had hoped Puerto Ricans would be, in Spanish class. There was no cultural instruction that Jorge could connect to until college. He explained that was when he found his voice to ask, and the courage to purposely look for Puerto Rican connections. In the workplace it has been interesting because there are assumptions that he can speak Spanish because he is Mexica n, which he stated, "I am not Mexican, if I was I would be proud to be Mexican, but I am Puerto Rican, and in Colorado because there are not a lot of us Puerto Ricans, I have to explain my heritage." By pursuing higher education Jorge was able to search f or Puerto Rican history, culture and vocabulary that connected to him as a person. As we continued to discuss his experiences it was clear that the instruction in Colorado was not conducive for other Latino cultures, but rather a focus on Mexican and New Mexican studies. Jorge shared that Chicano studies was interesting, but again not valid to his Puerto Rican culture. Most of his teachers were White except for one teacher who was Dominican, "He really got me and made connections with me, but that is jus t one teacher." At work at his job at an alternative high school he explained that this is the largest group of Mexican individuals he has worked with and it brought his attention to the vocabulary. "The first time I was told mande I thought she (the othe r employee) was taking me somewhere, but then she explained that she wanted me to repeat what I had told her." This is only one of many encounters where Spanish is not the same across the Latino spectrum. Our participant who is Mexican American attended school in DPS and described her experiences as foreign language class . "We learned songs and Mexican dances, but it was a Foreign Language class and that is all I really remember learning." When she was in elementary school she shared that it was kinda a bilingual format , but she doesn't remember a lot about her

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69 linguistic schooling in the beginning. But for her children she has been very intentional in placing them in a dual language school and they do speak both English and Spanish. She shared how t hey have tried at home to continue learning Spanish. "My children are bilingual, my husband is bilingual, and I really want to be more conversational in Spanish, but it is hard for me." The cultural instruction was missing for Benita as well, in fact the only topic that she could recall was in college when they studied migrant workers. That is when she shared that she discovered some of her family members worked in the fields. But this does not qualify as a true cultural instruction. Her teachers were not Latino, and she expressed that when asked if her teachers were of her same cultural background. "My teachers were all White. I look back, I probably had two Latino male teachers. In high school I had two Latino, so total 4. My middle school teacher Mr. Martinez, he had the most influence." She shared that in her workplace in Boulder she is always treated with the assumption that she speaks Spanish. "I look very Mexican, so people assume that I speak Spanish and that I have a deeper connection to being M exican." She also shared that she embraces these experiences and is not offended by them, she just wishes that she had more of the Spanish language The schooling experience for Ramona was in the Denver Public School system as our #2 participant, but just a few years ahead of him. But her experiences were very similar. Foreign language was the format of the instruction that she received. Ramona described the programming as not having a lot of depth to the programming. There were students in her class t hat were considered Native Speakers , but there was no programming that was specific to the needs of the Native Speaking students. Ramona expressed that as an educator she knows how important it is to differentiate instruction and be prepared for

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70 the diffe rent levels that our students to us with regarding language. But she also knows that this was not a priority from her teachers when she needed differentiated instruction. "I took Spanish in middle school and high school and it was the same experience. Nothing was different, and I felt like I was learning the same thing over and over." There is a trend with the participants discussing how not until college did they feel the opportunity to learn more Spanish language and feel culturally supported. It was stated ten times in the interviews that college or university level was when the participants finally felt culturally valued. Their experiences that describe not having the opportunity to really "use" the language. The focus was grammar, spelling and greetings. Ramona went on to say, "The classes were good if you were going to be a tourist, but not if it was a part of who you are, you know, your identity." As she continued through school she felt as though her Spanish teachers would single her out du ring class, and it seemed as if they expected her to "know Spanish". It really made her uncomfortable and difficult to want to continue learning Spanish, even though it was a passion to become bilingual and proficient. Ramona also shared: I would say some thing, and I would say it incorrectly. I guess I would say it in a slang way and I got embarrassed by it more than I did feel encouraged by it. So that was some of the frustration I felt you know. That they would come and correct me and just because I was still learning and so my effective filter went up. I would always get called on because of because of my last name like I remember what one Professor calling me . (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018). The bias that Ramona experienced was not an isolated experience and was a trend through this research project. Either the last name or the appearance of the individuals sparked teachers or professors to call on students or expect students to know language , history and cultural traditions of the Latino community.

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71 Ramona grew up near a Native American Reservation, and she explained how her teachers who were predominately White would either assume she was Mexican or Native American and assumed that she did no t have enough English. "I felt insulted, I was judged before I was given a chance to be a student." Ramona told her story to me and continued to repeat that she had a void in her life. That as life went on with her family and they became acculturated an d busy raising a family; "They forgot to pass on some important pieces to my identity." Language indeed plays a crucial role in the construction of identity, which as a construct has seen a large body of research in the social sciences accumulate during t he past thirty years. As Ramona went through high school she became disengaged. "You know I became disengaged with school, I think like a lot of Latino students do." She began to have attendance issues and felt like no one really cared at school if she a ttended. And Ramona continued to share that teachers treated her with bias, bias in the fact that they treated her as though she had no potential and would drop out eventually. Ramona did graduate from high school, earned her bachelor's, masters and is n ow in a doctorate cohort. In her daily job now as an administrator at a high school she shared that she does all she can to re engage her Latino students. "I know how it feels to feel as though you don't matter, or you're not a priority." Tony , who identi fied as Mexican American, biracial participant did not like school. Tony explained that that schooling system was not welcoming, and he never felt a belonging in school. Having attended four different high schools, it was hard in his adolescent years to "like" school. Now being an assistant principal Tony shared that he works extremely hard in supporting Latino students. "I want them to like school or find something that they can connect to at

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72 school." Tony explained that his language and culture was not evident in school and that it seemed as if educators of the schools he attended, didn't know what to do with him or other Latino students. Tony was once a Spanish teacher, and when asked if he felt prepared or proficient with Spanish he responded by s aying: I took a little bit in high school but not enough. I moved around high schools the whole time. I went to four different high schools. So, it was like I just took whatever they put me in. I was going to say they put me in Spanish one in Spanish to which I didn't have any problem with it was easy and then I didn't take it anymore after that and then I went to I made some friends with some foreign exchange students my senior year in high school from Mexico and they came and lived with us for a while. Then they invited me to go down there and live with them and I stayed with them for a month and then my grandpa would send me some money. My dad's dad sent me money to go visit my family in Mexico, and I've been visiting that side of the family ever sinc e . (Personal Communication, September 24th, 2018). Tony valued and does value his time in Mexico. Without that time in Mexico visiting family he would not have developed the language. The self immersion into the language and the constant pursuit of devel oping the language was necessary. Tony knew that without being intention in his actions to develop the language it would not have happened in his public education experience. A key finding was that of the experiences with the secondary programming not su pporting heritage language learners with the development of the Spanish language. The foreign language program he experienced in school did not support the development of his culture as well. Tony explained: All I remember from Spanish class were games, yo u know the games to learn a word here and there but nothing that would help me with a conversation. It was really for the White students who thought it was fun and didn't have a cultural connection to the language. We would have Spanish names and, you kno w it was just games and nothing that I could use like I did when I would visit Mexico. I had to experience the language to learn it. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018).

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73 This participant recalls his time at school in Chicago prior to moving to Colorado. His teacher was White and had learned Spanish in Spain. "I didn't learn anything in that class honestly." He felt picked on whenever the discussion in class was regarding the "Hispanic Culture". Tony shared that the teacher and the class mad e it seem as if he was supposed to be the authority or the holder of all knowledge regarding the Latino community, culture and language. When he moved to Colorado, he attended school in Pueblo Colorado. "My experience in Pueblo was being placed in a clas s full of Heritage Language Learners. " He went on to share that none of them (Latino students), were proficient in Spanish. "We all had a lot of slang.". Tony did not feel like his teachers were prepared to teach him the language or culture. "My teache rs were horrible, and one guy was a burned out teacher that didn't care if we learned the language to proficiency." Tony tells of a time that his Spanish teacher put a movie on and the students were to take notes. All the students were warned that if the y fell asleep then they would get would get an 'F'. Tony felt that all the time he spent in foreign language class was not purposeful. "My teachers would spend time talking about things that had nothing to do with learning Spanish. One guy would talk abou t the team since he was a coach, again it had nothing to do with learning Spanish." A growing number of language educators believe it is time for the United States to reexamine its language policies and its orientation to both bilingual and foreign language education (S.C. Wang, 2010) (for detailed discussion of U.S. language policy, see Kloss, 1977/1998; Ruiz, 1984). One lesson that stood out to Tony was a lesson about sun tan lotion. "It was so dumb, and I didn't want to learn about going to the beach or sun tan lotion, I wanted to learn how to have conversations in daily life." Again, this explains how it is critical that instruction be purposeful in our students lives. The instruction that students receive in class is what will c arry

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74 them into adulthood and must connect to their real world. It wasn't until Tony reached college that he felt that his teachers, professors were trying to make connections. Tony stated: All of my professors were Latino, and they actually make connecti ons that we haven't talked about them. Hmm, they made cultural connection and they connected literature and art and learning and that was higher learning for the first time that wasn't from all white authors. That was like meaningful to me. So now you're i ncluding my culture and literature and language, and it's valued at a high level something that was never given to me in in high school or any other time in school ever. It was like night and day that may be passionate to because they were they were aweso me teachers. They well. One of them was white. There were three main ones one was from Colombia one was from Mexico and one was from Spain, but he was like grew up in Spain, but he was born here. So, it was Columbia and Mexico she was from Mexico City. I b elieve and the one from Colombia. She taught at Columbia University in New York. She was an Ivy League teacher the Mexico when she graduated from I believe I wanted to say hail. Wow. I think the guy from Spain was Yale and she was like, California Berkele y. So, we had good professors. They were top of the line professors. That's great and they helped me they helped me to a high standard like they're like, even though you know more Spanish than all the other kids in the class like they did not let up on me. They had super super high standards and they would differentiate, and we had really small classes like three or four students because there wasn't that many Spanish Majors. (Personal communication, September 24th, 2018). For Tony waiting till college w as very discouraging regarding the valuing of his heritage language and his culture. "When I was in school in Pueblo my counselor asked me what I wanted to do after high school." As soon as Tony stated he did not know what he was going to do, he was placed in "easy classes", and college was no longer his pathway, according to the counselor at his Pueblo school. When Tony went to Mexico at age 17 was when he learned that many of his family members were teachers. This made an impact on the participant and w as the reason for him deciding to become a teacher. The reason why he decided to become a Spanish teacher was due to his own experiences with the lack of impactful instruction. "I wanted to work with Latino students and help them make connections that I never had when I was in school."

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75 Participant recommendations for the future The participants were asked at the end of the interview to process what would they like to see different for today's Latino Heritage Language Learners; the answers were outstanding and were very heartfelt thoughts from this group of Latino educators. Luiza stated that she would encourage students to not allow others to change their names. "I now introduce myself with the Spanish pronunciation of my name." She went on to explain th at as a teacher she speaks to her students about having pride in their culture, name and language. And how important it is to be bilingual. Ben shared that he would like teachers and administrators to keep in mind that not all Latinos are the same, nor th e experiences they bring to the classroom. Ben stated: They see our last names and see as the same and not different. I look at it like this is that it is a puzzle. Each piece is who we are, and if a piece is missing then we are not fully developed. I want to speak Spanish I want to go into countries and speak, but I can't. So, my picture is not complete. Language is such a definition of who we are. (Personal communication, October 2nd, 2018). The approval of your own Latino community is critical, this was shared by Jorge who identifies as Puerto Rican. "I would want to validate different kinds of Spanish languages. You know, like that doesn't make you any less Latino not knowing Spanish." Jorge shared how he had to stop himself from becoming or believing the stereotypes of his own culture that were pushed on him by the White community. By Jorge not having his culture and language supported in schools, he shared that it feels like a piece of him is missing, and now that he is in education, he shared he doe s not want that feeling for other students. For Benita, she shared her frustration with schools not seeing Spanish as an asset and how for Latino students "being American English speaking" seems more important than developing Spanish as their heritage lang uage and being proud of what Latino students bring to

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76 school every day. " For students who are not Latino, learning Spanish and becoming bilingual is celebrated, but if you are brown or Mexican American, it is expected not celebrated." Benita shared that this needs to change in our schools Ramona explained that for our female students who are Latina, "We need to get past the stereotypes of what a Latina's role is in the family. There are teachers that play into these stereotypes." She shared this due to t he identity struggles for our Latina students. "Not just having the language and culture, but what that means for our young girls, this is added to the confusion adolescents deal with growing up. Ramona shared that trying to fit in with your White peers a nd having to give up a piece of you adds to the struggle of who we are and become. Ramona stated: Identity for myself not having fluid or even basic understanding of my language in a way that would allow me to speak confidently, I guess with the individua ls but I work with I think I feel like I was stripped of that opportunity and that that was somehow a void in my upbringing as a child and missing and I think when I got to college and having the opportunity to the work towards acquiring Spanish and at the same time taking classes that do build that cultural identity. (Personal communication, September 20th, 2018). Tony summed up his thoughts by sharing that schools need to do a better job with showing value and honor to being bilingual and not just for Wh ite students. "We as Latinos need to know that what we are bringing is valuable and be encouraged to develop our heritage language." With all the participants it was very clear that they as Heritage Language Learners were not taught to develop their lan guage. With the foreign language instruction that was available, it was not purposeful, and did not make great connections for the participants. What needs to be understood is that the participants attended schools in different times, and in different lo cations in Colorado; yet the experiences and frustrations were similar.

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77 Summary During the interviews with the participants it was evident that there were clear trends in how they, as students, did not feel valued culturally, there was language loss but a desire to learn, and the lack of support and connections that they received in their educational experiences. The message that was common throughout and in the end of the interview, is that their cultural identity was affected by the lack of Spanish lang uage proficiency. This has also been a common theme in the research regarding Heritage Language Learners. Cultural identity and heritage language development are connected. When one is not supported, the other is lacking and affects how the individual s ees him or herself as part of his or her cultural and linguistic community.

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78 Chapter V D ISCUSSION As Heritage Language Learners there are definitions that define or categorize HLL individuals as individuals who lose their heritage language. However, Valde s's (Valdes, 2000). Defines HLL's as "Individuals raise in homes where a language other than English is spoken and who are to some degree bilingual in English and the heritage language." Valdes goes on to further explain that the crucial criterion is that the heritage language was first in the order of acquisition but was not completely acquired because of the individual's switch to another dominant language or become attired under pressure from the dominant host language. A critical piece to remember is the level of proficiency that HLL's develop or do not develop. The variations of the ability that HLL's have with the proficiency of the heritage language varies (Plinsky & Kagan 2007; Silva Corvalan, 1994). As there is further exam ination of the respons es by the six participants in this study we will understand this variation with the development of their heritage language of Spanish, but also with that, how the level of proficiency affected and is connected to their sense of cultural identity within the ir own cultural and family communities. This is important to this study because it is important to understand the diversity of language proficiency within the group of heritage language learners. The themes that emerged were in alignment with the researc h that has been conducted in the past and the literature. The research questions that I set out to answer which were centered around the cultural identity, language proficiency , school experiences that have now influenced them as professionals in education were supported by previous research . Though the participants did experience biases in school and the workplace, their responses did not go into that too deeply. In fact, it appears the biases and assumptions were expected from people in their

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79 professional world. Expected, due to the past experiences that the participants encountered with non Latinos during their upbringing; from teachers, to administrators the spoke about during their schooling. Educational systems continue to be the vehicle for the ling uistic and cultural assimilation into the dominant language and culture, still to the detriment of heritage language maintenance efforts (Beaudrie & Fairclough, 2012). This by Beaudrie and Fairclough is supported by the findings in this research study of Heritage language is a language that has community, family and culture connections. This research project investigated the experiences of six individuals that varied in age and had different levels of Spanish language proficiency. The six particip ants shared their cultural experiences within their families, communities, schools and their present experiences in the professional field of education. The historical practices in education that produces or produced adults that lack the development of the ir heritage language are not just attributed to the HLL's family, but also the social and academic communities. A heritage learner is an individual that has been exposed to the heritage language of his or her culture. Exposure by way of parents, grandpare nts and other family members, some HLL students or adults did participate in course work to learn the heritage language but without great success. The project shares how there is minimal success in the development of the language of Spanish from classroom instruction, but more success when the individuals who are heritage learners advocate for their own learning of the Spanish language. By advocating would mean taking steps by self immersion into the social community or pursuing the language in higher edu cation with real world connections to the usage of what was being taught. Through this study the research that explains the shortcomings of culture and language and its effects on individuals is supported by the interviews in this

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80 project. The participan ts continually shared their experiences with their cultural identity, language development of the heritage language of Spanish and how their education did not support them in the development of Spanish. Cultural identification is one construct that is im portant to this study because without individual self awareness of how they identify themselves would then not have a relevant cultural connection. Through the interview process the participants shared how they identified and the reason for their self ide ntification. More importantly what experiences with their heritage language and cultural development contributed to their identification and how they view education in their development of language and cultural identity. The participants shared the lack of purposeful instruction they received in learning Spanish to proficiency. All participants of the sample group shared their frustration with the teachers they had in their past due to the lack of knowledge the teachers have with culturally responsive pe dagogy or true understanding of how to teach language with culture. This is important because to truly understand a language and its origin, one must also understand the cultural and traditional ties embedded in the Spanish language community. The second t heme that is important not only to the study of HLL individuals but to future study is the development or maintenance of the heritage language, is the value in the maintaining or future development of the heritage language. Within this emerging theme of va luing language, it became important to keep in mind the theoretical framework that this research study connects to and that is language socialization. In the theoretical framework of language socialization, language socialization researchers have typicall y acknowledged some degree of agency, contingency unpredictability, and multidirectional in terms of learners and their language learning trajectories that is, learners are agents who may contest or transform as well as

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81 accommodate practices others attempt to induct them into (e.g., Duff, 2002; Kulick & Schieffelin, 2004; Talmy, 2008). As the participants in this study shared, "Teachers see us all as the same." It became apparent through this study that the participants felt that the preconceived learning or thoughts by educators influenced how they instructed heritage learners with the thinking that they were all the same, and that HLL's have the same proficiency. The instruction the participants received lacked in relevance to themselves as members of t he Latino culture. The research of language socialization shares that for HLL's to be successful with the development of their heritage language; it must be used in the context of daily use and need. The debate among researchers is what is considered "ge nuine" language socialization experience (Duff & Talmy, 2008). The example that Tony gave with the beach lesson that was taught by his foreign language teacher was not relevant for him. This was not a genuine experience and left the participant wondering how this was going to support his development of his Spanish language. The last theme that emerged was school programming and the experiences of the participants told the story of the lack of understanding and knowledge of language acquisition and cultura l connection. This is extremely important in understanding linguistic program of years and to support for future planning in how to teach Spanish to those individuals who are HLL. Other participants as well shared their concern for purposeful learning and use of the Spanish language. This becomes the reaction of students of "how will this help me in my future." The difference is that the experiences of HLL students is not like learning math or science; the topic is the Spanish language. A language that is part of their family history, their community and the desire to learn is to enable the HLL students to be a part of the community. This meaning that the use of the language is the means to which he or she can communicate and connect. Without

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82 the instr uction being meaningful, it lacks the connection and then becomes "procedural or The research findings and interviews of the six participants are supported b y the literature referenced in the literature of this project. The literature that discusses the lack of appropriate placement of HLL students supports the frustrations of the participants sharing how the language classes they took in their schooling were not appropriate placement for them as individual HLL's. All six participants shared how being placed in a foreign language class did not support their cultural development, and the curriculums used were too basic in language skills and did not account for there being some language knowledge. Research has documented the anxiety of and the anxiety of being corrected within his or her own cultural community (the Latino, Mexican, Puerto Ri can and or Mexican American social and familial groups). The research of Compton, Gambhir and Kono, (2001), discusses the preservation of immigrant and indigenous languages. When languages are of a region in a country and not technically foreign then it becomes confusing why a heritage language would be considered foreign or taught in a way that is not authentic. The HLL participants in this study do not view their heritage language Spanish as foreign and in fact resent the approach of it being taught a s a foreign language that then insults its value in their Spanish speaking communities. With all participants attending school and higher education in Colorado, they all shared their frustration with the lack of cultural support. With Colorado having a r ich Chicano history with leaders that advocated for cultural pride and educational equity. Denver Public Schools continues to struggle to close the achievement gap with students of color and to support students linguistically in their heritage language. The most recent positive change or opportunity

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83 linguistically is the passing of Senate Bill 17 123. This is the Seal of Biliteracy endorsement on high school diplomas. There are requirements that students must meet to earn the Seal of Biliteracy. The co ncern is the programming of language instruction in schools and how students are placed in the Spanish courses. The foreign language model will not support HLL students unless there is understanding of the different linguistic needs that HLL individuals h ave compared to those who are native speakers, or first time foreign language students. Having the opportunity to earn the Seal of Biliteracy, must be rich authentic instruction that advances the progress of Spanish with our heritage language learners, an d be purposeful in their social and community circles. Strengths and Limitations One of the strengths of this research study is that all the individuals who were male and female had identified as a member of the Latino community; whether that be Chicano, M exican, Mexican American, Hispanic or Puerto Rican. This was important because this was one connection that could have overlapping in culture and tradition that they shared. Another strength in this study is that all participants were open in sharing the ir experiences, and their knowledge or proficiency level of the Spanish language. A strength of this study is evident that there are implications and challenges for heritage language learners in developing their heritage language of Spanish. This is not i solated to one group of Latino or Spanish speaking groups. This is not isolated to a certain generation, this is a challenge with school programming having the capabilities of supporting a group of language learners that does not fit into the two groups m ost schools support; that being the foreign language learner and the native speaker of Spanish. This particular group of Heritage Language Learners are a group of their own with common and diverse experiences. A group that is part of a cultural and lingui stic community with deficits in

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84 their heritage language. HLLs are a group that has been affected in their development of Spanish to proficiency due to the lack of purposeful instructions of Spanish and the unpreparedness of educators in schools to underst and the needs of this group of language learners. Identity is what forms individuals, but when a piece is forcibly removed throughout their educational journey, then this becomes a frustration of missing a piece of their identity and as the six participa nts shared, never feeling complete and feeling anxious and fearful to use a language that they desire to develop and have had to take learning into their own hands by advocating, traveling and forcibly practicing in order to not lose what language they do possess. Recommendations To recommend change for future programming with linguistic programming I have created a force field analysis (see appendix C) that gives recommendations to the work that should take place, and what that means for the second and thi rd generations of HLL individuals as well as the importance to the recommendations. It is important for HLLs to not just maintain the language that they hold, but to reach high levels of language proficiency. Heritage language development or maintenance is not just a focus on the past but also a look at the future. In this study, the six participants who are all Latino HLLs shared time and time again that the focus of instruction they needed linguistically were the following: Purposeful learning of the l anguage in context Teachers who were knowledgeable of the different Latino cultures and how the language of Spanish may differ from one group of Latinos to the next. Teachers that were trained in culturally responsive pedagogy and understood the connection of language and culture.

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85 The work of Valdes and Ochs supports the findings in this study and what developing the heritage language could mean to the development of an individual's cultural identity. Jorge specifically shared how his lack of proficiency i n his heritage language he feels like there is a piece missing. And to that statement, the other participants also felt that because there are assumptions of their proficiency in Spanish based upon their name or appearance; their identity has been comprom ised. Language education has undergone several changes in recent years, and language learners have been in and out of an array of program, including sheltered English, newcomer, ESL pull out, transitional bilingual, developmental bilingual, two way dual l anguage, and immersion. Educators who wonder why the dropout rate for certain student groups is so high might consider the possibility that they have been "pushed out" (Tyack, 1996; Wang, 1999). The recommendations for further study pertain to three themes that surfaced during the interviews: Cultural Identity, Language proficiency or use, and school programming or educational experiences. The recommendation for better secondary programming is under the umbrella of Heritage Language Programming, which shoul d be planned as a different linguistic program with specific goals set to support and develop culture, language development and purposeful learning that implements under the theoretical framework of language socialization. Unfortunately, classroom based re search on heritage language learners and on their comparison with second language learners is still very scarce (Beaudrie 2009; Fairclough 2005 & Lynch 2008). The participants in this study shared how there had been interference in their learning of the heritage language from teachers who were not prepared to teach HLL students. This group of students is unique in that they are either stagnant in their learning of the language or have had to reacquire it. There needs to be an alternative option that con siders the notion of a

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86 reacquisition generation that is, an educational approach that "considers the experiences of the heritage speaker who is seeking to develop or reacquire S panish in formal courses (Fairclough, 2003). To reacquire a language will als o mean removing other linguistic habits or practices that may be a part of the individual. For example, Benita shared how Spanglish became a part of her speech and communication with family. According to the work of Delpit, the language practices of fami ly and community should be valued and not dismissed. With the development of a program for HLL students, the teachers who will teach these courses will need to be well prepared. Prepared to teach differently than teaching language as a foreign language. The course will need to provide opportunities for making text to world, text to self and text to text connections. Students will need to be able to put into practice immediately what they learn. Being able to speak in social circles or communities will be the practice for students. It will not be enough to learn and repeat, but rather learn and apply. In the language instruction for Spanish heritage learners, their heritage language must be a resource. A tool if you will, a tool that works for the he ritage learner to be able to communicate professionally. The participants shared how the linguistic course work in their high school programming did not support them in the educational fields that they presently work. There must be proper placement of st udents, which would consist of assessing all four domains of language ; r eading, writing, listening and speaking. There needs to be an authentic language proficiency assessment to check the proficiency level. The teacher or professors need to have a good understanding of the cultures that are diverse within the Latino communities and be aware of language variation. It is not enough to learn a language without knowing the cultural groups and how language is used as a resource within those groups. Potows ki work shares what the participants in this study explained as a need for future HLL students. That is, understanding the dynamics of the socio -

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87 economic groups within the group of certain Latino communities where students may have been exposed to languag e in higher academic developed Spanish and Spanglish or familial Spanish. connection and generations of valuing the language. Colorado passing in legislation Senate B ill 17 123 that supports students graduating with the Seal of Biliteracy or linguistic endorsement is a great opportunity for Colorado to create new programs that will support the HLL student for the Latino student to reacquire the Spanish language as a fa mily asset. Earning the Seal of Biliteracy validates the need to have Spanish as a valued language and a value in being bilingual. As one participant shared, "language needs to be viewed as an asset and not an obstacle." Colorado has lived through strong Chicano, Latino history that tells a rich story of what this cultural group has fought for in maintaining our culture and the importance of language. The Seal of Biliteracy is now added to this history and will make history with the instructional opportu nities for Latinos to learn more about their culture and history as well as reaching proficiency in Spanish that has been desired by many past and present Latinos, Mexican Americans, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, and so on. The language that brings us together as a people in the Latino community. Future Research As this study was conducted and the themes were emerging, there surfaced a need for a future research study. That research study would be regarding biased leadership among Latino leaders; biases regard ing assumptions of fluency with the Spanish language, cultural understanding of all Latino, Mexican and Hispanic cultures, and the limitations of promotion gen eration.

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88 Through this study, the participants shared that now as adults their Latino identity is challenged with bias in the workplace. All six participants who are in the field of education shared how they were assumed to speak fluent Spanish, or that Sp anish is their first language. Tony shared how as an assistant principal at a Denver high school, that when there is a Spanish speaking family needing translation, he is called to the office. Tony shared a story about a text message that needed to be tran slated, "I had to use google translate to translate, then go translating at work is that colleagues have the perception that it is a quick job to complete, and i t those who are native speakers. Benita who identified as Chicana and only knows enough Spanish to understand but cannot carry on conversations fluently was called upon by colleagues at her school to translate and interpret. When asked what they would hope for HLLs in the same linguistic situation, the participants wish for future students was for employers and colleagues in school districts to not assume or expect that due to a last name or appearance that all Latinos are the same and are fluent in Spanish. Researcher subjectivity statement This research topic is impactful for me since I am a Heritage Language Learner. I was fortunate to attend schools in the 1970's in Ft. Lupton and was receiving cultural education with my linguistic development of Spanish. My parents did not speak Spanish and so there were no opportunities at home for me to practice as much as I needed to with Spanish. My world was all in English. When my parents moved me to Loveland Colorado, there was no bilingual program in Loveland and the foreign language programming consisted of Spanish 1 and Spanish 2. This did not support me, and my teachers were White and did not understand th e internal uses of

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89 Spanglish, or the deeper traditions and cultural practices that were part of my upbringing. Due to the interruption of my Spanish language instruction; my development was halted, and I began to lose language. Conclusion Just as skin col or provides people the means in how they interact with the world, language plays an equally pivotal role in determining identity (Delpit, 2001). The most important relationship between language and culture is that when a language is lost, so is culture ex pressed in the language. Taking language away from the culture removes its greetings, its curses, its praises, its laws, its literature, its songs its riddles, its proverbs, its cures, its wisdom, its prayers. What would be left? (Fishman, 1964). If any group resists full acculturation, it is regarded as somewhat uncivilized, un American, and potentially subversive. There is a complete unwillingness to accept the idea that a native born American who happens to want to speak Spanish, German, or Polish and to retain many of the values of his or her native culture might well be a loyal American. As a result, the full force of the educational system in the Southwest has been directed toward the eradication of both the Spanish language, and the Spanish Ameri can or Mexican American Culture (Knowlton, 1965). Language is an asset and should be valued as such.

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90 REFERENCES Aleman & Luna (2013) Stolen Education Documentary. Ruby Mountain Film Festival. Beaudrie, S., & Ducar, C. (2005). Beginning level university h eritage programs: Creating a space for all heritage language learners. Heritage Language Journal , 3 (1), 1 26. Beaudrie, S. M. (2011). Spanish heritage language programs: A snapshot of current programs in the southwestern United States. Foreign Language An nals, 44 (2), 321 337. Bucholtz, M., & Hall, K. (2004). Language and identity. UC Santa Barbara, California: Blackwell publishing. Central Intelligence Agency. (2010). United States. The world factbook. Retrieved from https: www.cia.gov/library/publications/the world factbook/geos/u.s/html Colombi, M. C., & Roca, A. (2003). Insights from research and practice in Spanish as a heritage language. Mi lengua: Spanish as a heritage language in the Unit ed States , 1 21. Crawford, J. (19 9 9). Bilingual education: History, politics, theory, and practice . Trenton, N.J: Crane Pub. Co. Creswell, J. W., & Miller, D. L. (2000). Determining validity in qualitative inquiry. Theory into practice , 39 (3), 124 130. Cre swell, J. W., Hanson, W. E., Clark Plano, V. L., & Morales, A. (2007). Qualitative research designs: Selection and implementation. The counseling psychologist , 35 (2), 236 264. Delpit, L. (2001). The skin that we speak . New York: New York Press. Duff, P. A. (2007). Second language socialization as sociocultural theory: Insights and issues. Language teaching , 40 (4), 309 319. Duff, P. A., & Talmy, S. (2011). Language socialization approaches to second language acquisition. Alternative Approaches to Second Lang uage Acquisition , 95 116. Duranti, A., Ochs, E., & Schieffelin, B. B. (Eds.). (2011). The handbook of language socialization (Vol. 72). John Wiley & Sons. Emmitt, M., & Pollock J. (1997). Language and learning: An introduction for teaching. South Melbou rne: Oxford University Press. Escamilla, K., Shannon, S., Carlos, S., & García, J. (2003). Breaking the code: Colorado's defeat of the anti bilingual education initiative (Amendment 31). Bilingual Research Journal , 27 (3), 357 382. Escobedo, E. (2017, April 27). Terminology: The Latino experience in Colorado. Colorado Encyclopedia . Retrieved from http://coloradoencyclopedia.org/article/terminology latino experien ce colorado

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91 Esquibel, A. (2015, March/April). El movimiento Chicano Del Colorado, 1960 1980, 16 21. Colorado Heritage Magazine, Colorado Historical Society publishing. Fillmore, L . W. ( 2000). Loss of family languages: Should educators be concerned? Theor y into Practice , 39 (4), 203 10. Fishman, J. (1994). Stabilizing indigenous languages. Speech Indigenous Languages Symposium . Gay, G. (2013). Teaching to and through cultural diversity. Curriculum Inquiry , 43 (1), 48 70. Kelleher, A. (2010). Center for Appl ied Linguistics. University of California. Knowlton, C. (1965). Bilingualism: A problem or an asset . Lynch, A. (2003). Toward a theory of heritage language acquisition: Spanish in the United States. Mi lengua: Spanish as a heritage language in the United States , 25 50. Lynch, A. (2008). The linguistic similarities of Spanish heritage and second language learners. Foreign Language Annals , 41 (2), 252 381. Montrul, S. A. (2012). Is the heritage language like a second language? Eurosla Yearbook , 12 (1), 1 29. N ational Heritage Language Resource Center. (2009). Heritage language learner survey: Report on preliminary results . Retrieved March 13, 2009. Neil, A. (2008). The relationship between language & culture and the implications for language teaching. TEFL.net. Ochs, E. (1993). Constructing social identity: A language socialization perspective. Research on Language and Social Interaction , 26(3 ), 287 306. Ochs, E., & Schieffelin, B. (2001). Language acquisition and socialization: Three developmental stories and t heir implications. Linguistic Anthropology: A Reader , 263 301. Oxford English Dictionary (2016). Oxford University Press. Pavlenko, A. (2002). We have room for but one language here: Language and national identity in the US at the turn of the 20th century. Multilingual , 21 (2/3), 163 196. Peyton, J., Ranard, D., and McGinnis, S. (1999). Heritage language in America: Preserving a national resource , 3 12. gton, D.C. in the classroom. Language and Linguistics Compass , 1 (5), 368 395.

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92 Potowski, K. (2004). Student Spanish use and investment in a dual immersion classroom: Implications for se cond language acquisition and heritage language maintenance. The Modern Language Journal , 88 (1), 75 101 Robles, Y. (2018). Chalkbeat Colorado , January p. 1 3 . Shannon, S. M. (1995). The hegemony of English: A case study of one bilingual classroom as a site of resistance. Linguistics and education , 7 (3), 175 200. Shenton, A. K. (2004). Strategies for ensuring trustworthiness in qualitative research projects. Education for information , 22 (2), 63 75. Superville, D. (2016). Few women run for nations school dis trict. Why? Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/newshour/education/women run nations school districts U.S. Department of Education, ESEA Evaluation Brief, (2010) Ti tle III Policy: State of the States. Valdés, G. (2012). Spanish as a heritage language in the United States: The state of the field . Georgetown University Press. V aldes , G. Bilingualism, Heritage Language Learners, and SLA Research: Opportunities Lost or S eized? Valdés, G. (1997). The teaching of Spanish to bilingual Spanish speaking students: Outstanding issues and unanswered questions. La enseñanza del Español a Hispanohablantes: Praxis y Teoría , 8 44. Voices, I. A. T. E. F. L. discusses the implications of World Englishes on English language learning and teaching explores the roles and contributions of multilingual and multicultural English language teachers includes an audio CD of authentic examples of. Wiley, T. (2001) On defining heritage languages and their Speakers. Heritage languages in America: Preserving a national resource, 29 36. Zyzik, E. (2016). Toward a prototype model of the heritage language learner. Innovative strategies for heritage language teaching: A practical guide for the classroom , 19 38.

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93 APPENDIX A Heritage Language Interview Questions (Semi Structured) 1. How old are you, and what years were you in school? 2. What is your occupation? 3. What is your gender? 4. What is your first language, and what language did you speak when beginnin g school? 5. How do you identify yourself, culturally? (Latino, Chicano, Mexican American, Mexican, Spanish 6. Did you parents speak Spanish? If so, how did they teach you? If not, how did you learn Spanish? 7. Was it important to your p arents and families for you to learn the Spanish language? Please explain. 8. How did you practice Spanish at home as to increase, or not lose, the language? 9. Growing up, how was the Latino culture evident in your household? Please give examples. 10. When learning Spanish in school, what was instructional approach? Bilingual, foreign language instruction or native language instruction? Please elaborate on your experience. 11. If Spanish was your first language, how were you taught English? Describe if, or how, your t eacher addressed your native language of Spanish. 12. How did the instruction of Spanish assist you in identifying with your Latino culture? 13. Was there enough cultural or historical instruction, along with the instruction of Spanish, to develop or support you a s a Latino? 14. As you grew older, did you lose any language? Explain. 15. How do you see the value of pursuing proficiency of the Spanish language, and what steps do you take in maintaining or increasing your proficiency? 16. Were teachers culturally prepared to tea ch you? Please give examples. 17. From what cultures, predominantly, were your teachers? 18. If you could change one thing, either from your past instruction, or for the future Latinos in school learning (or desiring to learn) Spanish, what would that be? Further more, how would, or could, that contribute to the pride and education of their culture?

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94 APPENDIX B Self Identification Questionnaire The questions below are to gather information regarding language use, value and cultural identity of you as an individu al. Please circle one answer for the questions below. 1. How do you see your cultural identity? Please circle one. Mexican Mexican American Latino Other__________________ 2. Do you speak Spanish? Yes, fluently Yes, but not fluently Enough to under stand No, I do not have enough language 3. Does your family speak Spanish every day and use it for communication with family and friends? Yes, everyday Sometimes No they do not speak Spanish for daily use 4. Do you see the connection of culture and languag e? Yes, No This is not important to me 5. Do you value learning the Spanish language? Yes, it would help me in my family and community. A little but I can get by in my family and community without learning Spanish. No, I don't see the value and do not care to learn. 6. Did the language programs in your schooling experience support you in learning Spanish and more about your culture? Yes, the language program did support me. Only a little and very basic. No, not at all

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95 APPENDIX C Force Field Analysi s Driving Forces Problem of Practice Restraining Forces Priority Level Language program structures. Incorrect placement of HLL students. Proper linguistic assessment for placement. Important/1st Teachers not properly trained to teach Latino students, wh o have had some exposure to the Spanish language, but are not native speakers. Incorrect linguistic and cultural instruction of HLL students. Funding for language programs. Important/2nd Student self identification of being Latino and their connection to the Spanish language. No support in learning culture and connection to language. Students identifying with the generations of culture and traditions in their families; how to capture this information. Important/1st Family linguistic a nd cultural connections with students who are not proficient enough to communicate effectively. Instead of a generation gap, there is a linguistic gap. A gap of linguistic and cultural identification begins; students begin to lose language and cultural con nections within their families. Important/3rd

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96 APPENDIX D Code System Code/ Sub codes Description Example B iases at work (9 statements) Assumption of language (3 statements) Assumption of cultural knowledge of the Latino culture (4 statements) An assumption that the individuals in this study in their field of work are fluent in Spanish and or understand the L atino community Words most common: Translating, interpreting, knowledge, Luiza: From what cultures, predominantly, were your teachers? Growing up most of the teachers were White. At the school where I was for 10 years they were all Americans. But now whe re I work it's more diverse. Jorge: Negative but we weren't celebrated. It's interesting. How being an educator sometimes we assume they know how to celebrate kids and then like do they how did the instruction of Spanish assist you in identifying with you r Spanish speaking culture. It made me aware of our accent the Puerto Ricans have and just that that dialect because we were not learning Puerto Rican Spanish. We were learning like Spanish. Yeah, the class so it made me aware of the Cultural Identity (49 statements) Generation identity (20 statements) Assimilation (2 statements) How the participants identify themselves in the Latino community. Ex: Mexican, Mexican American, Chicana/o, or other titles. Words most common: Identity, whole, piece, valu e, not valued, alone, culture, cultural, family Benita: I think growing up I was enculturated , and it was not an issue. But college was culture shock. I learned about Chicano history and migrant farmers, and then I learned more. Found out some of my family worked in the fields. That is really when I learned more about my culture and my family. English as a first language (2 statements) Participants were English Speakers Ben: No . It was told to me in vivid conversations about my mom growing up in Mestizo Curtis Park . She was in an all girls schools Sacred Heart and Annunciation. It was frowned upon to speak Spanish. The demographics in this red line community, which was 5 points. There was a high influx of Chicanos and in the border, there was a Black comm unity and an all white community which they all went to Manual. It was a mix but in Larimer it was predominately Chicano. Language importance How i s the language valued by the participant and or Ramona: It just became more of the nor m to speak English and then it started in the household, my

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97 (23 statements) Very important (statements stating the desire to become proficient, better or important.) the families and communities? Very important, somewhat important, neutral or not important. Words most common: Wanted, proficient, tried, important, importance, family grandparents began to speak more English. When I would go to grandma's house she would speak Spanish and I could understand some of it. School programming (25 statements) Elementary (5 statement s) Secondary (20 statements) College (10 statements) How did school programming or instruction support your development of Spanish? Words most common: Tried, changed, embarrassed Words most common: Didn't care, slang, grammar, couldn't, not helpful, college Jorge: It was either French or Spanish. Which one will you want to take? And I took I chose to banish the thought it was going to be easy. And for those Four Freshmen through junk junior year wasn't easy. So, they put you in a world language. How d id you feel like as far as how many years I did you take Spanish once managed to spend just three so you had to start from the beginning even though you already had a background. Yes, and that's all they offered. Yes. Well, they offered friends, too. Use of language (37 statements) Social (5 statements) Academic (10 statements) Confidence in using Spanish in Social or Academic groups Words most common: Frustrated, struggled, embarrassed, and expected Ramona: Identity for myself not having fluid or eve n basic understanding of my language in a way that would allow me to speak confidently, I guess with the individuals but I work with I think I feel like I was stripped of that opportunity and that that was somehow a void in my upbringing as a child and mis sing and I think when I got to college and having the opportunity to the work towards acquiring Spanish and at the same time taking classes that do build that cultural identity really, you know, but I think a major aspect of it is it was within the languag e that is the most difficult a sound unless you're immersed in it. Who spoke Spanish in the family. (6 statements) Siblings (5 statements) Grandparents (12 statements) How were participants exposed or instructed with the Spanish language? Words most common: siblings/sibling, parents, grandparents Benita: My grandparents spoke Spanish. My mom's mom spokes Spanglish. So, from the schooling, high school. And in Guadalajara for a year for my undergrad, I came back speaking pretty go od but then when I came back I had no one to speak with so I began to lose the language. It has been a passion of mine to learn Spanish. But it was never spoken in the house. My parents were more acculturated.

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98 Parents (10 statements)