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Who qualifies as victim? An inquiry into the consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse : the Iraq War to the border crisis

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Title:
Who qualifies as victim? An inquiry into the consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse : the Iraq War to the border crisis
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Mindich, Emma Willow
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Denver, CO
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University of Colorado Denver
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English

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Master's ( Master of humanities)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Humanities
Committee Chair:
Swartz, Omar
Committee Members:
McGuffey, Lucy
Omri, Mohamed-Salah

Notes

Abstract:
In this thesis, I argue that epistemic manipulation—the manipulation of any kind of epistemic material used to form knowledge about x—in public discourse results in four dimensions of consequences: the epistemic, the political, the ontological and the ethical. First, epistemic manipulation forecloses comprehensive understanding of complex political realities. Second, these limited and manipulated understandings influence political positions and are used to cast votes, which impairs democratic processes. Third, the negative epistemic manipulation of particular populations results in political positions that have ontological consequences for these persons; they are perceived as beings that are non-equal, non-victim, and are thereby subject to harmful policies and undue degrees of death and precarity. Fourth, because the epistemic representations of these groups justify their exposure to harmful conditions, the public is not motivated to ethically intervene on their behalf, resulting in unattended injustice and ungrieved victims. These are the four consequences that result from epistemic manipulation in public discourse. However, it is possible that equally-distributed public mourning could reduce the impact of these consequences. Non-prejudicial public mourning has the capacity to do the following: more equally distribute grievability, more accurately represent contentious political events, better inform political positions, restore ontological value to those who have been dispossessed of it, extend accountability where it was lacking, and make public demands for ethical intervention.

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Full Text
WHO QUALIFIES AS VICTIM? AN INQUIRY INTO THE CONSEQUENCES OF
EPISTEMIC MANIPULATION IN PUBLIC DISCOURSE: THE IRAQ WAR TO THE BORDER CRISIS
By
EMMA WILLOW MINDICH B.A., Colorado College, 2016
A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Humanities Humanities Program
2019


This thesis for the Master of Humanities degree by Emma Willow Mindich has been approved by
Omar Swartz, Chair Lucy McGuffey Mohamed-Salah Omri
Date: June 28th, 2019
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Mindich, Emma Willow (MH, Humanities Program)
Who Qualifies as Victim? An Inquiry into the Consequences of Epistemic Manipulation in Public Discourse: The Iraq War to the Border Crisis.
Thesis directed by Professor Omar Swartz.
ABSTRACT
In this thesis, I argue that epistemic manipulation—the manipulation of any kind of epistemic material used to form knowledge about x—in public discourse results in four dimensions of consequences: the epistemic, the political, the ontological and the ethical. First, epistemic manipulation forecloses comprehensive understanding of complex political realities. Second, these limited and manipulated understandings influence political positions and are used to cast votes, which impairs democratic processes. Third, the negative epistemic manipulation of particular populations results in political positions that have ontological consequences for these persons; they are perceived as beings that are non-equal, non-victim, and are thereby subject to harmful policies and undue degrees of death and precarity. Fourth, because the epistemic representations of these groups justify their exposure to harmful conditions, the public is not motivated to ethically intervene on their behalf, resulting in unattended injustice and ungrieved victims. These are the four consequences that result from epistemic manipulation in public discourse. However, it is possible that equally-distributed public mourning could reduce the impact of these consequences. Non-prejudicial public mourning has the capacity to do the following: more equally distribute grievability, more accurately represent contentious political events, better inform political positions, restore ontological value to those who have been dispossessed of it, extend accountability where it was lacking, and make public demands for ethical intervention.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Omar Swartz
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION The Four Consequences of Epistemic Manipulation
Structural Prejudice and the Epistemic Frame...................
The Case of the Iraq War.......................................
Intentions for Analysis........................................
The Epistemic Frame and its Epistemic Consequences.............
Epistemic Prejudice and Injustice..............................
Concluding Remarks.............................................
The Ontological Consequences...................................
Differential Grievability......................................
A Hierarchy of Ontological Value...............................
Concluding Remarks.............................................
The Ontological, cont’d. The Border Crisis Case Study..........
Epistemically Manipulated Depictions of Migrants...............
Ontologically Harmful Immigration Policy After Trump...........
Concluding Remarks.............................................
An Ethics of Accountability and Public Mourning................
Concluding Remarks.............................................
CONCLUSION.....................................................
BILIOGRAPHY


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The Four Consequences of Epistemic Manipulation
In this thesis I examine the consequences that follow from epistemic manipulation in public discourse, with particular attention to the ramifications of imbalanced portrayals of victimhood. The public is only able to encounter political information that has been provided to the public by social and state actors. In this regard, we encounter information only as it has been represented to us. As such, political realities are framed and, when forming political positions, we can only make use of the information that has been presented within and by the frame. Accordingly, the information made available to us, by which we constitute our political beliefs, is always delimited; the political reality presented to us is always bound and framed by those in positions to determine what we can and cannot know (the media, the government, etc.). This sphere of information, as facilitated by social and state actors, is the epistemic frame—the frame from which political knowledge can be derived.1
As described above, the frame, as a result of its delimitation, determines in advance the kinds of political perspectives we are able to form, and subsequently, the kinds of political decisions we are able to make or not make. The frame enacts epistemic delimitation in a variety of ways, some of which include providing, withholding or manufacturing evidence; selectively depicting consequential events; making visible or invisible particular issues; or by suppressing views that challenge dominant positions. Each of these operations constitute a form of epistemic
1 Butler, Judith. Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? New York: Verso Books, 2009, pp. xi-xiii.
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manipulation—the manipulation of any kind of epistemic material that is used to form knowledge about x, of which misinformation and misrepresentation are two important types.
Certain information might be intentionally manipulated for ideological and political purposes, and I will examine several of these cases; however, it is worth noting that not all information is intentionally manipulated, but often occurs as a result of unconscious, structural preferences and prejudices.2 Consequently, because we rely upon a delimited frame to form political knowledge about x, and the epistemic material presented by the frame has been subject to varying degrees of epistemic manipulation, both intentionally and inadvertently, our ability to comprehend complex political realities will be insufficient; this is the first consequence of epistemic manipulation. Furthermore, as a result of epistemic manipulation, our capacity to cast accurately-informed votes will be impaired, which weakens democratic processes; the second consequence of epistemic manipulation.
The consequences, however, extend further. The frame represents qualified knowledge, as put forth by those who are deemed qualified to produce it. In this regard, the epistemic frame is inherently exclusionary. Knowledge that is deemed ideologically incompatible, politically un-useful, or epistemically deficient, and therefore fails to bolster institutional narratives (narratives proffered by the state and presented by the media), is often excluded from the prevailing frame.3 Perhaps more pernicious, though, is the suppression of
2 La Pierre, Christy. “Mass Media in the White Man’s World.” Stanford University. Ethics of Development in a Global Environment Series, 4 Jun. 1999, https://web.stanford.edu/class/e297c/poverty_prejudice/mediarace/mass. html, and Sun, Elizabeth. “The Dangerous Racialization of Crime in U.S. News Media.” Center for American Progress, 29 Aug. 2018, https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/criminal-justice/news/2018/08/29/455313/ dangerous-racialization-crime-u-s-news-media/.
3 It is worth noting that we can and often do envision narratives that are alternative to dominant discourse; and while these narratives are also delimited by the availability of public information, there is an important distinction to be made between dominant discourses that are accompanied by manifold injustices—and attempts to invisiblilize them—and alternative discourses that attempt to expose these injustices. With that said, there are alternative discourses, such as those critical of dominant discourse, which more accurately reflect the reality of our political situation and those whom are affected by it. In this regard, alternative discourses, and alternative epistemologies, are
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those who possess “deviant” knowledges.4 In this double act of exclusion—of epistemic deviations and their knowers—the epistemic frame assigns a hierarchy of ontological value. As a result of their invisibility, or negative visibility, epistemically disenfranchised populations are deemed less valuable than those whose lives and knowledges are permitted to appear publicly.
Thus, during processes of selection, exclusion and representation, the epistemic frame participates in assigning political and social valuations to individuals and to social groups, henceforth referred to as ontological status. Here, and throughout this inquiry, I am discussing a conception of ontological status and ontological value as developed by Judith Butler. Butler argues that certain populations are disproportionately exposed to war, violence, and precarity; and the deaths of such persons do not always appear to elicit sympathy, outrage, grief or attention by dominant American discourses. According to Butler, the unequal distribution of violence and media attention demonstrates that not all lives are regarded equally. There, she states that, “a life has to be intelligible as a life, has to conform to certain conceptions of what life is, in order to become recognizable”5 as a life. In public discourse, however, not all lives are intelligible or recognizable as lives; these lives “[are living], but not [lives].”6 This
able to more effectively extend critical lines of accountability where they were lacking, provide more equitable representation to disenfranchised populations and victims overlooked by historical master narratives; and also bring attention to the ways in which preferred ideological agendas inequitably expose certain populations to precarity and to death. That is, alternative epistemologies might result in fewer detrimental consequences with regard to the epistemic, the political, the ontological, and the ethical; and hopefully they will result in epistemic and political awarenesses that yield better representation, fewer deaths, and more activism. Of course, though, this is not true of all alternative epistemologies, either.
4 Such as, those with evidence or perspectives that contradict dominant positions. There is a broad array of knowledge that falls under this category, however an example of this might be an individual or an organization that claims a much larger death toll than is nationally and officially declared. In cases like this, both the individual or organization and their particular knowledge might be subject to deligitimization by the state.
5 Frames of War, p. 7.
6 Ibid., p.8.
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illuminates that the ontological status of an individual—whether it will be perceived as a life, and the value socially ascribed to it—is largely an epistemic issue. Which is to say, a life must be represented according to norms which humanize it as a life, in order to be perceived as a life; lives become humanized at the level of representation and perception. Accordingly, when I refer to ontological status and ontological value, I am denoting a concept of the human in which certain populations are perceived as more valuable, or more “human” than others.
Ontological value is determined in three ways: first, through epistemic visibility, second, through the nature of the epistemic visibility, and third, through one’s ability to contribute to public discourse. Those who appear in public discourse are considered more valuable than those who do not; those who are permitted to contribute to public discourse are considered more valuable than those who are not; and those who appear favorably in public discourse are considered more valuable than those who do not appear favorably in public discourse.
Moreover, as with epistemic material, the nature of one’s visibility in public discourse bears a relation to ideological and political preferences, as well as to structural prejudice. For instance, positive and sympathetic coverage, and thus superior ontological statuses, will be granted to persons who are politically useful, as a means to elicit affective states from the public that advance preferred agendas. Conversely, negative and derogatory coverage, and inferior ontological statuses, will be granted to those who are either deemed inconsequential to, or who pose a perceived threat to preferred agendas. As a result of their negative or absent representation, populations deemed ontologically less valuable are subsequently more susceptible to death and precarity. This represents the third consequence of epistemic manipulation.
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Differential ontological statuses—which follow from unequal epistemic treatment and result in harmful policies for particular populations—can be observed in wide number of cases. Such is the case when examining the imbalanced media coverage and the imbalanced conditions subsequently experienced by populations encompassed within, for example, the Iraq War, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the civil war in Yemen, the U.S. southern border crisis, and many other politicized conflicts. Despite the long reach of American foreign policy and intervention, which have played more and less direct roles in each of these conflicts, and the deaths that resulted from them, documentation of the “ontologically less valuable”—whom are often considered “collateral” (to protecting the lives of the “ontologically valuable,” for instance)—remains conspicuously absent in historical records, the media, and American consciousness.7 Meanwhile, the deaths of the “ontologically valuable” are vehemently lamented.
“Un-useful” lives and “collateral” deaths do not ascend to the status of victim (a status reserved for the ontologically valuable and superior), because granting this status would have to involve an acknowledgement of unethical epistemic and political campaigns, and structural injustices, which dehumanized these lives and permitted them unto death—a recognition that would undermine ideological projects of the state. Instead, these victims are made invisible, or cast as terrorists, militants, enemies of the state, criminals, i.e., populations undeserving of empathy and protection. These pervasive and prejudicial epistemic campaigns are then deeply embedded into American consciousness, which achieves public support for these conflicts, and popularizes inculpability for the deaths that follow from them, because they are considered plainly justified. Consequently, ethical intervention does not take place on their behalf. This is
7 Khan, Azmat and Anand Gopal. “The Uncounted.” The New York Times Magazine, 16 Nov. 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/ll/16/magazine/uncounted-civilian-casualties-iraq-airstrikes.html
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the fourth consequence epistemic manipulation.
In this regard, the consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse surpass the political and the epistemic and enter into ontological and ethical domains as well. In the fourth chapter, I propose that “public mourning” helps to mitigate these consequences. When equally distributed,8 public mourning has the capacity to witness previously undocumented injustices and provide more equitable epistemic representation to formerly ungrieved victims, which thereby restores ontological value to these persons. Consequently, public mourning can reduce the impact of epistemic manipulation by (1) giving more comprehensive coverage to contentious issues, (2) better informing political positions, (3) establishing more equitable ontological statuses for historically overlooked victims, and (4) by bringing ethical attention to unwitnessed injustices.
Structural Prejudice and the Epistemic Frame
The epistemic frame is inherently selective and misleading; however, deception is enacted on a number of scales. The frame sometimes operates through identifiable misinformation, but perhaps more often, deception is enacted subtly, at a structural level. In the act of producing a representation, certain information is selected while other information is excluded. Selection and exclusion therefore occur both intentionally and inadvertently. Although the media presents prioritized information, the information presented by the media might not be recognized as prioritized, but attributable to systematic prejudices and preferences, such as racism and xenophobia, that demonstrate a hierarchy of ontological value that is structurally at-work. Despite the question of intentionality, epistemic manipulation is an
8 By equally-distributed public mourning I mean to suggest public mourning for all populations without preference or prejudice.
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effective tool by which the media is able to proffer representations of reality that achieve preferred ideological outcomes, but not without repercussions.
I have identified four primary consequences of epistemic manipulation that fall under the categories of the epistemic, the political, the ontological and the ethical. These consequences can be identified distinctly, but often take place concurrently or in conjunction. Typically, though, the consequences originate at the discursive and epistemic levels as a means to justify certain actions or non-actions. In other words, the representation or non-representation of an issue will determine, to some extent, how it unfolds. We must become aware of an issue and make use of available information and perspectives to form a position on the issue, before we become motivated or unmotivated to act upon it. As a result of structural racism and xenophobia, however, particular issues might not receive representation, might not be represented as injustices, or might be subject to prejudicially-influenced coverage, that therefore recommends prejudicially-influenced positions. It follows, then, that certain populations will always already be subject to epistemic disenfranchisement or disadvantage, which thereby impacts these populations capacity to enter into discourse in favorable ways, but consequently, they are also the subject of unfavorable political policies which harm them ontologically. However, because these persons might not be represented as victims, and might be represented instead as dangerous threats, or else unrepresented, the American public might not feel compelled to ethically intervene on their behalf.
Although I will pay particular attention to moments of intentional or explicit epistemic manipulation, it is important to acknowledge the implicit role of systemic racism in discourse and epistemic representations, and that certain populations are already disposed to greater degrees of epistemic disadvantage as a result of racial or other kinds of prejudice. Which is to
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say, structural prejudice always already profoundly impacts the epistemic, political, ontological and ethical, intentionally and inadvertently; and an epistemic representation cannot be analyzed without regard to prejudice. In fact, probably all instances of misrepresentation are motivated by some kind of prejudice, whether or not it is explicitly recognized.9
The Four Consequences of Epistemic Manipulation: The Case of the Iraq War
For the purpose of explicating the four consequences of epistemic manipulation, I will turn to the case of the Iraq War (2003-2011 and 2014-present). First, epistemic manipulation delimits our epistemic horizon. The performance of misrepresentation determines what we are able to know, what qualifies as knowledge and evidence, and the tools available for interpreting an event. In the case of the Iraq War, the media was saturated with the Bush Administration’s dubious claims that “Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction.. .and had connections to the [Al-Qaeda] terrorists who [were responsible for the 9/11 attacks on] the United States.”10 When these charges were launched, they went largely unchallenged in American mainstream media, and 64% of Americans remained convinced that the Iraqi government was collaborating with Al-Qaeda terrorists, even in 2006, three years after the initial U.S. invasion of Iraq.11 Because information supporting these claims was abundantly reported by reliable journalists,12 and information to the contrary was underreported, or
9 “Mass Media in the White Man’s World.” Stanford University. Ethics of Development in a Global Environment Series, 4 Jun. 1999, https://web.stanford.edu/class/e297c/poverty_prejudice /mediarace/mass. htm, and “The Dangerous Racialization of Crime in U.S. News Media.” Center for American Progress, 29 Aug. 2018, https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/criminal-justice/news/2018/08/29/455313/ dangerous-racialization-crime-u-s-news-media/.
10 Bennett, W. Lance, Regina G. Lawrence, and Steven Livingston. When the Press Fails: Political Power and the News Media from Iraq to Katrina. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2007. p. 14.
11 Ibid., p. 22.
12 On May 26th, 2004, in a letter from the editors, The New York Times published a public apology for the inadequate coverage of the Iraq War. They wrote, “we have found a number of instances of coverage that was not as rigorous as it should have been. In some cases, information that was controversial then, and seems questionable now, was insufficiently qualified or allowed to stand unchallenged. Looking back, we wish we had been more aggressive in
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altogether absent, a majority of the American public accepted the justification for a U.S. invasion of Iraq. This opinion was achieved “via a concerted communication campaign”13 that effectively infiltrated the epistemic field, persuasively recommended the “appropriate” judgment about the war, and curtailed positions to the contrary—deeming such positions “revisionist history;” a strategy that has resonated more recently with the Trump Administration, which dismisses adversarial or unfavorable news reports as “fake.”
The misrepresentation of the Iraq War delimited the interpretive material available to form judgments about the war. In this regard, deceptive claims foreclosed our capacity to reach accurately informed conclusions. Furthermore, these epistemically impaired judgments were then used to cast misinformed votes that directly prolonged the war effort.
On this matter, Charles Lewis and Mark Reading-Smith write, “statements [made by the Bush administration] were part of an orchestrated campaign that effectively galvanized public opinion and, in the process, led the nation to war under decidedly false pretenses.”14 Though the margin was reasonably slim, George W. Bush was elected for a second term on November 2nd, 2004, at which time Gallup cites his approval rating at nearly 60%. In the days following the invasion of Iraq on March 20th, 2003, his approval rating was over 70%.
In the days following September 11th, 2001, his approval rating peaked at 90%.15 Scholars
re-examining the claims as new evidence emerged—or failed to emerge.” Thus, even the publications deemed reliable, published claims that were later found to be false. For instance, “administration officials now acknowledge that they sometimes fell for misinformation from these exile sources. So did many news organizations—in particular, this one.” From The Editors; The Times and Iraq. The New York Times, 26 May 2004, www.nytimes.com /2004/05/26/world/from-the-editors-the- times-and-iraq.html.
13 When the Press Fails, p. 18.
14 Lewis, Charles and Mark Reading-Smith. “False Pretenses.” The Center for Public Integrity, 23 Jan. 2008, publicintegrity.org/federal-politics/false-pretenses/.
15 “Presidential Approval Ratings George W. Bush.” Gallup, news.gallup.com/polF 116500/presidential-approval-ratings-george-bush.aspx.
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cite 9/11, and Bush’s response thereto, as the primary reason for his reelection.16
Demonstrated here, misinformation in public discourse compromises us epistemically, but also politically. The epistemic powerfully impacts the political by framing events, maintaining the hermeneutic sphere of imaginable interpretations, and by making available the conceivable political positions to such events. In this case, the deceptive epistemic campaign resulted in public support for an unjustified war.
Unfortunately, though, the consequences extend further. Between 2003 and 2011, Statista reports 120,043 civilian deaths as a result of the Iraq War.17 Since the United States re-entered Iraq in 2014, an additional 70,691 civilian deaths have been reported.18 However, these numbers reflect only those who were directly killed by the war: conservative estimates suggest that at least twice this number were indirectly killed by, for instance, damage to the infrastructures “that provide food, health care and clean drinking water, and as a result, [caused] illness, infectious diseases, and malnutrition.”19 This puts the actual civilian death toll of the Iraq “War on Terror” in the hundreds of thousands, if not millions. It is worth considering, that according to Our World in Data, there have been 3,730 fatalities due to terrorism in the United States since 1970, and possibly none of these deaths occurred as a result of Iraqi terrorist attempts.20 For perspective, between 1968 and 2015, there were 1,516,863 gun-related deaths in the United States. As a response to terrorism, the United
16 Yates, Heather Elaine. The Politics of Emotions, Candidates, and Choices. Basingstoke: Palgrave Pivot, 2016. “The attacks of September 11, 2001, altered the course of Bush’s presidency, arguably his legacy, and possibly ensured his reelection.”
17 “Civilian Deaths in Iraq War 2003-2019 | Statistic.” Statista, The Statistics Portal, www.statista.com/statistics/ 269729/documented-civilian-deaths-in-iraq-war-since-2003/.
18 Civilian Deaths in Iraq War2003-2019.
19 “Iraqi Civilians Costs of War.” Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, Apr. 2015, watson.brown .edu/costsofwar/costs/human/civilians/iraqi.
20 Roser, Max, Mohamed Nagdy, and Hannah Ritchie. “Terrorism.” Our World in Data, 28 Jul. 2013, ourworldindata. org/terrorism.
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States has been involved in an ongoing War on Terror, “with Americans actively engaged in countering terrorism in 80 nations on six continents;”21 however, despite the 1.5 million gun deaths in the United States during the same period, we have not yet effectively instated comprehensive gun-control legislation.22 This demonstrates our political priorities; we selectively determine which lives matter, which lives will count, which lives qualify as grievable, and as victim. What is revealed, then, is that a death is not simply a death, and a life is not simply a life; but a life becomes quantified (or quantifiable) on the basis of its correspondence to a specified goal, or structural identity privilege.23 With regards to this, it can be witnessed that all death counts are strategic, and those that are counted, are strategically counted, or strategically uncounted.
Public discourse is rampant with the threat of terrorism, and so each life taken by a terrorist will receive surplus coverage; however, the coverage of the 1.5 million gun-related deaths in the United States that occurred in the period in which 3,730 individuals were killed in acts of terrorism, is deficient, trivialized, and nearly invisibilized. On this matter, Yolanda Mitchell and Tiffany Bromfield write that, while it is true that widespread and sympathetic coverage has been dedicated to school-shootings, “this same vigorous coverage does not exist when gun violence is committed in low-income, mostly racial/ethnic minority communities,”
21 Saveli, Stephanie. “This Map Shows Where in the World the U.S. Military is Combatting Terrorism.”
Smithsonian Magazine, Jan. 2019, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/map-shows-places-world-where-us-military-operates-180970997/.
22 When gun control legislation has been passed in response to gun violence, it seems to follow a school-shooting, or other massive public display of gun violence. The majority of gun violence, however, occurs “silently” in urban areas, and is largely ignored by the American media and public. Jacobson, Louis. “More Americans Killed by Guns Since 1968 than in All U.S. Wars.” Politifact, 27 Aug. 2015, http://www.politifact.com/punditfact/statements/2015/ aug/27/ nicholas-kristof/more-americans-killed-guns-1968-all-wars-say s-colu/.
23 Here I mean simply that certain populations are structurally preferred and prioritized. For instance, white American children in the United States are more likely to receive sympathetic media coverage than are black American men. This would be an instance of structural prejudice and preference. It is a sad and disturbing tmth that is empirically supported. Mitchell, Yolanda T. and Tiffany L. Bromfield. “Gun Violence and the Minority Experience.” National Council on Family Relations, 10 Jan. 2019, https://www.ncfr.org/ncfr-report/winter-
2018/gun-violence-and-minority-experience.
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where the large majority of gun-deaths occur.24 This discrepancy in coverage, and the policies that ensued from these strategic counts, demonstrate that not even all American lives are equally grievable. I will explore this further in Chapter III.
What is more, although possibly no American civilians are or have been directly threatened by Iraqi terrorism on American soil, hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians have been killed and many more threatened by U.S. military action in Iraq, as a result of falsified intelligence. But because these American lives were deemed worthy and grievable, and state-sponsored violence legitimate, the War on Terror persists, the death toll remains largely unaccounted for, lives ungrieved, peoples displaced, and an ever-swelling refugee crisis endures. Nonetheless, despite the grim conditions and innumerable deaths produced by the American military,25 in the name of securing American lives, Iraq was the first to appear on President Trump’s first Executive Order that temporarily barred “entry to the United States of nationals of certain designated countries—countries that were designated by Congress and the Obama Administration as posing national security risks.”26 In this scenario, and many others like it, Americans prevail as the worthy victims, meanwhile, the lives of those encompassed within the larger scope of violence, continue to perish, without acknowledgement, and with an increasing inability to seek refuge. This, I argue, is the ontological consequence of epistemic manipulation.
24 “Gun Violence and the Minority Experience.” National Council on Family Relations, 10 Jan. 2019, https://www.ncfr.org/ncfr-report/winter-2018/gun-violence-and-minority-experience.
25 Tirman, John. The Deaths of Others: The Fate of Civilians in America’s Wars. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 10. Tirman states that, “the U.S. military [in Iraq] was battling an insurgency that was to some important degree one of its own making, and the methods of battling it only intensified that very response of resistance.” Thus, in some important way, as stated by Tirman, the United States created the “terror” that justified its “War on Terror.”
26 “Fact Sheet: Protecting The Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry To The United States.” Department of Homeland Security, 21 Sept. 2018, www.dhs.gov/news/2017/01/29/protecting-nation-foreign-terrorist-entry-united-states.
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This brings us to what I have identified as a final primary consequence of epistemic manipulation: the ethical. Accountability is contingent upon accurate representation.27 For instance, how can we be held accountable for that which we do not know to be taking place? How can we respond with the appropriate ethical response to an injustice that we are not aware of, or do not understand to be an injustice? And, how can we react with anger and opposition to a war that we do not understand to be taking place under false pretenses, but valid ones? As elucidated by Judith Butler with regards to the documentation of the torture at the Abu Ghraib prison, we require comprehensive and accurate information to form appropriately responsive political positions. Without access to truthful and inclusive information we cannot make appropriate judgments, and we cannot act on behalf of these judgments.
At times, politicians and the media alike (as with the decision to withhold images of torture at Abu Ghraib, and images of war dead) have intentionally elected to withhold information that makes ethical demands out of concern that these demands might result in dissidence and impede political agendas. At other times, injustices are not represented in public discourses due to structural prejudices that fail to witness these events as worthy of consideration and representation, as is likely the case with inner-city gun violence fatalities. In other words, a prejudicial and preferential media might fail to perceive certain injustices as injustices at all. In all cases, though, politicized misrepresentation and systematic underrepresentation impairs our capacity to respond to situations that demand our ethical attention; and so, we fall short of our moral responsibilities.
27 It is possible that “comprehensive, unmediated, accurate information,” is not feasible; by the very nature of a representation, certain information is represented while other information is excluded, and impartiality, in its purest form might not be possible. However, I do believe that it is possible to strive for “comprehensive, unmediated, accurate information,” to the extent that it is possible. Certain representations are closer to this standard than others are, and when providing information, or asking for it, we should be held to the highest standard of truth and accuracy that is possible; and suspend personal and social biases to the extent that we can.
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Accordingly, there are four primary consequences that result from epistemic manipulation in public discourse. First, we are epistemically limited and susceptible to manipulation; second, we cast votes influenced by misinformation; third, human beings are detrimentally impacted by harmful policies enacted by votes cast with misinformation; and finally, we fail to respond to situations that critically warrant ethical attention, because we are unaware of, and, or, misinformed about them.
Intentions for Analysis
In this thesis, I examine the discursive practice of epistemic manipulation, and the consequences thereof, which justify harmful policies, make invisible certain populations of victims, and fail to demand justice on their behalf. The prevailing epistemic frame assigns a hierarchy of ontological value, in which only certain persons and populations qualify as lives. Because a life must first be recognized as a life, prior to conceding that a life has been lost, only certain persons will be depicted and perceived as victims. If an individual has not been depicted as a qualified life, then a life cannot be perceived as lost, because the life has been discursively negated—did not exist to begin with—even before it has been literally negated. Thus, in this regard, if there is not a life, then there is not a death to be mourned, and consequently, there is not a victim that requires justice and remediation. As I will demonstrate, this process of dehumanization begins at the discursive and epistemic level, with an act of epistemic manipulation, such as politicized misrepresentation, misinformation or structural underrepresentation (such as in cases in which populations are the subjects of chronic racism and dehumanization, with roots in, for instance, colonialism—at which time, colonized lives failed to appear in public discourses as lives, the consequences of which are still actively unfolding).
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Several concepts will be crucial to elucidating the ontological status of victimhood, as theorized in relation to epistemic manipulation. In the second chapter, I illustrate the concept of the epistemic frame, while demonstrating how the frame and its prejudices correspond to the establishment of a hierarchy of ontological value. In this section is an analysis of several forms of epistemic manipulation that preclude certain types of knowledge from appearing in public discourse, and also prohibit certain “knowers” from contributing to public discourse. These forms of epistemic manipulation—that denigrate and negate unprioritized epistemic material, and those who produce it, and result in pedagogical absences with epistemic, political, ontological and ethical consequences—include epistemic injustice, epistemic oppression, epistemic ignorance, subjugated knowledge, and embedded reporting, among others. The inherently prejudicial epistemic frame gives priority to those in positions of social power, whom are able to influence public discourse in direct ways. Conversely, those who are not in positions of social power, who have been epistemically denounced, disenfranchised, or obscured, are not able to exert the same influence on public discourse; whose knowledges and experiences therefore might remain unknown to the public, or else negatively depicted and perceived. While elucidating the consequences of a prejudicial epistemic frame, I hope to demonstrate that the prevailing frame results in widespread epistemic, political, ontological and ethical consequences, and plays the first role in the process of dehumanization that justifies exposing certain persons to precarity.
In the third chapter, I reflect on the ontological consequences of epistemic manipulation, with special attention to the notion of grievability as theorized by Judith Butler. I demonstrate that we perceive lives as grievable, when we perceive them as qualified lives; and there are certain populations that do not appear as grievable, because they are not represented
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as lives who qualify for grief and mourning; as lives whose deaths would matter. As such, certain populations will not be represented, nor perceived as victims. In this section, and throughout this thesis, I investigate four populations of “non-victims:” (1) causalities of U.S. military intervention, (2) refugees, (3) migrants, and (4) inner-city gun violence fatalities. These populations are not depicted as victims because doing so could frustrate preferred political, financial or ideological agendas, or unveil policies motivated by systemic racism and xenophobia. Instead, they are characterized as nefarious, so as to justify the harmful conditions they suffer as a result of our lack of political care. Accordingly, the media not only conditions the epistemic domain, but also the affective domain, by which we are able to perceive a life as one worthy of grief. In this regard, the media produces the normative conditions of subjectivity who counts as human. Insofar as we fail to reflect on how the frame situates grievability, lives will remain unseen, and ungrieved. By failing to represent these populations equitably, and by failing to report their deaths, we preclude the possibility of grieving these losses, of witnessing the injustices that caused them, and of reflecting on our own role in perpetrating these unjust deaths by failing to prevent them. As Butler argues, by omitting these lives from the public sphere, “discourse itself [enacts] a violence through omission.”28
In the fourth chapter I perform an analysis of the crisis occurring at the U.S. southern border as a result of the Trump administration’s restrictive immigration policies. I look specifically at this crisis with regards to the victim-status that Trump has assigned to migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, that is at odds with the lived-experience of these persons. I examine the relevant discursive practices that attempt to situate these populations as distinctly not-victim, even in cases in which these individuals are direct victims of the United States’
28 Butler, Judith. Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. New York: Verso, 2003, p. 34.


foreign and economic policies. Furthermore, migrants, refugees and asylum seekers have experienced the impact of misrepresentation on all four scales—the epistemic, the political, the ontological and the ethical—and because of this, they urgently require ethical attention.
Although data suggests that immigrants do not pose a unique threat to national security, and violence is in fact lower in border communities than in other cities of a comparable size,29 the rhetoric used by the Trump administration suggests otherwise. In December of 2018, National Public Radio (NPR) reported that, “after framing refugees as a security threat, Trump slashed resettlement admission numbers for a second year to a historic low... Just 22,491 refugees were resettled in the U.S. in fiscal year 2018, roughly half the 45,000 cap [allotted by the U.S. refugee resettlement program].”30 Deborah Amos, reporter for NPR, later states that the decision to “[restrict] the refugee program appears part of a larger administration aim to restrict or close paths to legal immigration [altogether]”31
Despite that empirical research has repeatedly illustrated that “being foreign born is negatively associated crime”32 and does not have a notable correlation with property crimes or crimes of a violent nature;33 and that, “undocumented immigrants may be [even] less likely to engage in serious criminal offending behavior” than U.S. born citizens34 there still remains an overwhelming and misguided public opinion “that foreign-born immigrants [are] dangerous criminals.”35 This public opinion is upheld by pervasive discursive practices that denigrate
29 Horton, Alex. “Trump keeps calling the Southern border ‘very dangerous.’ It is—but not for Americans.” The Washington Post, 20 Jan. 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/politics/wp/2018/01/17/trump-calls-the-u-s-mexico-border-extremely-dangerous-it-is-but-not-for-americans/?utm_term=.bafdcfa2a546.
30 “2018 Was A Year of Drastic Cuts to U.S. Refugee Admissions.” National Public Radio, 27 Dec. 2018, http://www.npr.Org/2018/12/27/680308538/2 018-was-a-year-of- drastic-cuts-to-u-s-refugee-admissions.
31 Ibid.
32 Bemat, Frances. “Immigration and Crime.” Oxford Research Encyclopedias, 18 Sept. 2018.
33 Ibid.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid.
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migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers. President Trump persistently claims that a border wall is required to thwart “an invasion of our country with drugs, with human traffickers, with all types of criminals and gangs.”36 However, these are not the populations crossing the border, and border crossings are “actually lower than in either 2016 or 2014, and much lower than at their peak around 2000.”37 Instead, the majority of persons crossing the border are “Central American migrants seeking asylum, citing a fear of prosecution back home,”38 who can either sit in immigration detention centers, sometimes for months, and wait for their claims to be heard, or attempt to cross illegally and reach safety sooner. Regardless of the fact that there is a human right to asylum that has been U.S. legal precedent since 1980,39 ever fewer individuals are being granted this status, and even fewer are now permitted to request it.40
This public opinion is not evidence of a distinctive threat posed to Americans by foreign-nationals, and refugees in particular. Instead, it demonstrates the effectiveness of a misrepresentative political campaign that views these populations (although, not to conflate them, because each is unique) as incommensurable with American lives, and unworthy of grief and mourning, and in some cases, the right to asylum. Accordingly, in the fourth chapter, using Butler’s model of “grievability,” I will examine the ontological category of the migrant, in order to illustrate how the epistemic frame has persuasively portrayed this category of human beings as suspect and inferior, and with consequences that extend beyond the epistemic, and into the political, the ontological and the ethical.
36 Taylor, Jessica. “Trump Expected To Declare National Emergency To Help Fund Southern Border Wall.” National Public Radio, 15 Feb. 2019, www.npr.org/2019/02/15/69501228/trump- expected-to-declare-national-emergency-to-help-fund-southem-border-wall.
37 Ibid.
38 Ibid.
39 Asylum in the United States.” American Immigration Council, 14 May 2018, https://www.americanimmigrationc-ouncil.org/research/asylum-united-states.
40 As is now the case with victims of domestic abuse, gang-violence, and refugees from Syria.
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In the fifth chapter, I will suggest resolutions to the consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse. I believe that equally-distributed public mourning has the capacity to do four things: (1) give representation to previously undocumented deaths and injustices, (2) more accurately inform political positions, (3) restore ontological value to those dispossessed of it, and (4) extend critical lines of accountability where they were previously lacking. Public mourning can be practiced in a number of forms, but it must first occur at the level of discourse in order to transform the affective disposition toward those formerly ungrieved, and to achieve substantive ethical change. Public mourning also has the capacity to grant victim-status to those who have been withheld of it, provide recognition for suffered injustices, and thereby allow for catharsis—without which, the trauma of injustice persists. That is, without proper recognition for suffered injustices, the wounds of trauma will endure. In this regard, critical remembrance, a mode of public mourning that investigates “unqualified populations” and how they have become so, can mitigate the impacts of epistemic manipulation, and provide an existentially therapeutic and regenerative function, or make available what Richard Kearney refers to as genuine mourning.
After reading my thesis, I hope I will have demonstrated that there are widespread consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse, which impact the epistemic, political, ontological and ethical domains. Epistemic manipulation forecloses access to comprehensive and unmediated information. Epistemic impairment, then, weakens democratic and political processes; misinformation compromises our capacity to cast accurately-informed votes. Furthermore, human beings are harmed by votes cast with misinformation, but because these populations are depicted as threatening, the American public is not always compelled to ethically intervene. These are the four consequences of epistemic manipulation, and they are
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fully operative at the current moment, especially with regards to the border crisis. Accordingly, I hope this thesis will convey the urgency to respond to these consequences with critical consideration, ethical attention and more equally distributed public mourning.
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CHAPTER II
The Epistemic Frame and its Epistemic Consequences
In this chapter, I will examine the prejudicial operations inherent to the epistemic frame, and the consequences thereof, which preclude certain types of knowledge from appearing in public discourse, and also prohibit certain “knowers” from contributing to public discourse. By prejudicial operation, I mean to suggest that the epistemic frame operates prejudicially, and through certain operative measures, such as visibility and invisibility, favorable and unfavorable treatment, etc. As such, the frame gives priority to those in positions of social power, whom are able to influence public discourse in direct ways. Conversely, persons who are not in positions of social power, who have been epistemically denounced, disenfranchised, or obscured, are not able to exert the same influence on public discourse. These prejudices and preferences result in epistemic exclusions and misrepresentations that foreclose comprehensive understanding of political realities; they also result in differential ontological statuses, according to which epistemically disenfranchised populations are deemed less valuable than the peoples who are permitted to appear in and participate in public discourse. While elucidating the consequences of a prejudicial epistemic frame, I hope to demonstrate how the prevailing frame plays the first role in the process of dehumanization that justifies exposing certain persons to precarity.41 Dehumanization occurs by failing to represent these populations equitably, representing these populations as threatening, by failing to give
41 For Butler, precarity and precariousness are distinct ontological states. While precariousness is a condition that all human beings are exposed to, as a fact of our interdependence which makes us vulnerable, precarity is an imposed condition that is not borne by all. According to this view “precarity is different precisely because it is unequally distributed. Precarity is experienced by marginalized, poor, and disenfranchised people who are exposed to economic insecurity, injury, violence, and forced migration.” In other words, “there are ways of distributing vulnerability, differential forms of allocation that make some populations more subject to arbitrary violence.” Kasmir, Sharryn. “Precarity.” The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Anthropology, 13 Mar. 2018, https://www.anthroencyclopedia.com/entry/precarity, and Butler, Precarious Life, p. xii.
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representation to these populations, and by prohibiting them from contributing to public discourse in equal measures. In all cases, discursive and epistemic denigration and negation result in affective states ranging from apathy to aversion, which fail to elicit sympathy and justice. Thus, due to profuse prejudice, the epistemic frame powerfully initiates processes of dehumanization. Several theories will be central to developing this argument, and I will explicate these theories in the form of a literature review, while contributing to this field of discussion by demonstrating the profound correspondence between epistemic denigration and invisibility, and ontological denigration and invisibility.
Epistemic Prejudice and Injustice
I will begin by defining the inherently prejudicial epistemic frame and subsequently examine the particular prejudicial operations it is plagued by, that result in epistemic and ontological injustice. The epistemic frame is the sphere through which public information becomes available, as facilitated by social and state actors, that is at once, censored, shaped, managed, maintained and controlled, in both explicit and implicit ways. The frame, produces, filters and modifies the epistemic and hermeneutic material available for reflection, with which we form our political perspectives and positions. In this light, the epistemic frame delimits the political positions we are able to hold and the ensuing decisions we are able to make. The discursive (and politicized) “realities” constituted by the frame—institutional versions of “reality” that serve ideological and political interests—establish the scope of what has happened, what is true and what is thinkable, while delegitimizing narratives that challenge the prevailing discourse.
Judith Butler remarks on the epistemic frame within the introduction to Frames of War.
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Although she speaks there about the conceptual framing of war and violence, her analysis pertains to politicized events more broadly. She writes that the “efforts to control the visual and narrative dimensions of [politicized events] delimit public discourse by establishing and disposing the sensuous parameters of reality itself—including what can be seen and what can be heard.”42 “When we watch or listen,” or read about these events, “there is a question of the epistemological position to which we are being recruited.”43 In moments of even “passive reception,” Butler contends, “we are being recruited into [a] certain framing of reality, both its constriction and interpretation.”44 In this regard, the “[epistemic] frame does not simply exhibit reality, but actively participates in a strategy of containment, selectively producing and enforcing what will count as reality.”45 In the process of shaping the contours of preferred discourse, “the frame is always throwing something away, always keeping something out, always de-realizing and de-legitimating alternative versions of reality, discarded negatives of the official version.”46
Accordingly, the frame manufactures discourse, while eliminating epistemic material (knowledges, information, evidence, perspectives, positions, etc.) that threatens hegemonic perspectives. The frame prejudicially and preferentially determines what will qualify as knowledge, and who is qualified to produce it. Knowledge, here, is defined by its discursive capacity to generate ideologically auspicious representations of reality. Knowledge appears, then, as an instrument that enables “dominant [groups] or [classes] to impose their interpretations of reality—or the interpretations that support their interests—as the only
42 Frames of War, p. xi.
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid.
45 Ibid., p. xiii.
46 Ibid.
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thinkable way to view the world.”47 Accordingly, knowledge is discursively situated; that which partakes in the development of preferred discourse qualifies as knowledge, and those who actively partake in developing preferred discourse are qualified to produce it. The epistemic frame defines the boundaries of public dialogue, by representing what is beneficial to hegemonic positions, and by excluding what is not.
The epistemic frame is also elucidated through the concept of “discursive formations.” According to Francois Debrix, discursive formations are the operative frameworks that enable the production of advantageous discourse. A discourse “is anything that can be said, or written, or represented... with or without a specified objective.”48 A discursive formation, however, “is a principle or technique of organization, calculation, [or] arrangement,”49 with specific goals and intentions. Discursive formations are manipulated depictions “at the level of discourse/language with a view to attaining or realizing certain preferred meanings or representations.”50 In other words, discursive formations are the “methods, techniques, and textual or visual tricks that are deployed by those who wish to mobilize or use cultural or political discourse to achieve a certain type of knowledge.”51 Thus, discursive formations in the media are the methods by which public figures exert influence over the narratives, information, and interpretations presented there, and manage the “truth and knowledge-effects,”52 produced thereof.
Indicated by this analysis, not all individuals are permitted to contribute equally to public discourse. Within The Discourse on Language, Michel Foucault explicates that language
47 Molden, Berthold. “Resistant Pasts Versus Mnemonic Hegemony.” Memory Studies, Vol. 9(2), 2016, p. 126.
48 Tabloid Terror: War Culture and Geopolitics. Abingdon: Routledge, 2008, p. 13.
49 Ibid.,p. 13.
50 Ibid.
51 Ibid., pp. 13-14.
52 Ibid., p. 14.
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operates through a complex network of authorization and exclusion. According to Foucault, discourse is institutionally managed and maintained, and establishes discursive realities wherein our possibilities for thought and expression are delimited. These discursive frameworks also constitute hierarchies of credibility and legitimacy, upon which certain speakers and knowers are afforded more credibility and legitimacy than others. As Foucault writes, “we are not free to say just anything... we cannot simply speak of anything, when we like or where we like; not just anyone, finally, may speak of just anything,”53
Foucault more comprehensively analyzes discourse within The Archaeology of Knowledge, where he discusses the discursive value of history. Rather than impartially examining documents and offering a possible range of interpretations, historians appear to produce the singular interpretation that is to be gleaned from historical documents. History, Foucault contends, is not involved in:
The interpretation of the document, nor the attempt to decide whether it is telling the truth or what is its expressive value, but to work on it from within and to develop it: history now organizes the document, divides it up, distributes it, orders it, arranges it in levels, establishes series, distinguishes between what is relevant and what is not, discovers elements, defines unities, describes relations.54
Considering this selectivity and manipulated reconstruction, the domain of history follows patterns similar to that of the epistemic frame, which poses pedagogical problems in the form of misrepresentation and epistemic exclusion. As a result, certain histories, identities and realities fail to emerge in public discourse and remain unknown. The consequence is the extensive marginalization of knowledges essential to comprehensive understanding; knowledges that Foucault considers subjugated.
53 Foucault, Michel. The Archaeology of Knowledge: And the Discourse on Language. Translated by A.M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Vintage Books, 2011, p. 216. Italics my own.
54 Ibid., pp. 6-7.
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Foucault introduces the concept of “subjugated knowledge” in his 1975-1976 lecture series, Society Must Be Defended. Within these lectures Foucault further articulates history’s ideological orientation. Historical analyses, Foucault contends, propagate narratives that support the functioning of power in its preferred form, while dissuading dissident opinions.
That is, history produces interpretations that justify the use of power, and often force. This would pertain, for instance, to the Bush administration’s claims about the rationale for the Iraq War. The Bush Administration constituted a (fictitious) narrative that would justify intervention in Iraq—that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction and was collaborating with A1 Qaeda terrorists—and called all claims to the contrary “revisionist history,” implying that the dominant institutional narrative is the only correct one, all others being false, fictitious, or politically motivated. When in fact, according to Foucault’s analysis, all history is revisionist history. Which is to say, there is not a history that has not been subject to some degree of selectivity and reconstruction, including and especially, dominant institutional narratives.
Because dominant positions rely upon public support, knowledges that are incompatible with preferred narratives, such as those that raise skepticism about America’s use of force, are subject to suppression, marginalization, and intentional amnesia. These discursive exclusions are what Foucault has termed subjugated knowledges. A subjugated knowledge is one that is forbidden from emerging in public discourse, buried, so as to evade acknowledgement. Subjugated knowledges are absences in the historical record. Truths that have been “disqualified as nonconceptual... insufficiently elaborated... naive... inferior... below the required level of erudition.”55 These truths remain “confined to the margins,”56 deliberately forgotten, and discredited of their epistemic value.
55 Ibid.,p. 7.
56 Ibid.,p. 8.
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Knowledges become subjugated for several reasons. Subjugated knowledges frequently belong to those whose knowledge is perceived as subversive and threatening to hegemonic positions.57 But often, subjugated knowledges belong to those who are normatively deemed illegitimate by the epistemic frame that assigns a scale of credibility, along professional, socioeconomic, racial and gendered lines.
Analyses of this nature are taken up in the early 2000s by thinkers such as Miranda Flicker, Kristie Dotson, Linda Martin Alcoff and Jose Medina. Following the Foucauldian theory of “subjugated knowledge,” Miranda Fricker develops her own critique of the imbalanced and prejudicial allocation of credibility, in a theory she calls “epistemic injustice.” The subjugation of any knowledge or hermeneutical resource, Fricker argues, intentional or unintentional (because it is a systematic prejudice and not explicitly observed), is an epistemic injustice.58
According to Fricker, epistemic agency and the ability to contribute to discourse are contingent upon credibility. Therefore, when credibility is denied, we are deprived of our “capacity as a subject of knowledge [, or as an epistemic agent], and thus in a capacity essential to human value.”59 Which is to say, when we are epistemically devalued, we are also
57 McPherson, James. "From the President: Revisionist Historians." The Newsmagazine of the American Historical Association: Perspectives on History, September 2003. As was the case with politicians who disagreed with the finding that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. The Bush Administration dismissed comments of this nature as “revisionist history.” In 2003, McPherson, a civil-war historian, wrote an open letter published by the American Historical Association (AHA), where he discussed the use of “revisionism” by the Bush administration. There he wrote that the administration believed it “had discovered a surefire tactic to discredit critics of its Iraq adventure.” Following the advice of Condoleezza Rice, his national security adviser, President Bush “accused such critics of practicing ‘revisionist history.’” Although the administration would never define the term, it was understood that any claim of ‘revisionist history’ was intended to signal a “consciously falsified or distorted interpretation of the past [that served] partisan or ideological purposes in the present.” It is of no surprise that the administration used this critique, “to justify an unprovoked invasion of [Iraq],” and delegitimize any position that could prevent them from doing so.
58 Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 1-5.
59 Ibid., p. 5.
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ontologically depreciated. This correspondence demonstrates an earlier point that those who are permitted to contribute to public discourse are considered ontologically superior; and those whom are forbidden from contributing to discourse are considered ontologically inferior. Ontological worth, then, corresponds to credibility, which can be quantified through epistemic visibility. That is, those whom are most visible in public discourse are those whom have been deemed most ontologically valuable. Epistemic value and visibility, then, has a direct relationship to ontological value and visibility.
In this light, Fricker argues that an inordinate amount of credibility is granted to individuals in positions of social power; a phenomenon she calls “positive identity prejudice.”60 Because we are conditioned to perceive the socially powerful as credible, our ability to discern truths from falsehoods in these situations will be less astute. In these cases, we are more likely to accept falsehoods from the socially powerful due to an identity privilege that has situated them as infallible, or unlikely to be fallible. Conversely, we are less likely to accept truths from the “socially inferior,” as a result of “negative identity prejudice.” As a consequence, epistemic absences result from denying the credibility of legitimate testifiers.61
Furthermore, epistemic injustice manifests in both testimonial and hermeneutic forms. Testimonial injustice transpires when a speaker is designated less credibility than merited, due to an identity prejudice harbored by the hearer. When this happens, a credibility deficit is taking place. Conversely, an identity privilege may result in a credibility excess, as in the case of those with social power. Hermeneutic injustice occurs when individuals or social groups are denied the ability to contribute to discourse more largely and are unable to partake in the production of social meanings and interpretations. Hermeneutic injustice also occurs when there is an absence
60 Ibid., p. 28.
61 Ibid.
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of an interpretive framework by which to articulate an experience and receive recognition for it.62 It is worth noting that both forms of epistemic injustice disproportionately impact the socially marginalized, whose marginalization is partially enacted through epistemic injustice, and who remain marginalized due to epistemic injustice, because their voices are not publicly heard, nor publicly validated, and so the reality of their lives and the injustices they have suffered remain restricted to the margins.
In 2012, Kristie Dotson supplemented Flicker’s theory of epistemic injustice with a third example of the phenomenon, which she calls contributory injustice. As per Heidi Grasswick’s analysis of this phenomenon, contributory injustice occurs when a “dominant group refuses to employ the hermeneutical resources that marginalized communities have developed to aid in understanding their experiences.”63 This behavior is considered an act of willful epistemic ignorance; dominant groups refuse to integrate marginalized narratives into social discourse, because these alternative narratives might compromise preferred discourse, especially as these narratives concern the experience of the marginalized, and our responsibility to them.
Linda Martin Alcoff argues that epistemic ignorance should be considered a distinct category of epistemic injustice. She describes epistemic ignorance as a willful and substantively unethical practice. Comparable to subjugated knowledge, epistemic ignorance, results in epistemic absences that “are often not simply benign gaps in knowledge that have yet to be filled [, but rather,] ignorances [that are] actively constructed and [serve] purposes of
62 Ibid., pp. 4-7.
63 Heidi Grasswick’s analysis of Kristie Dotson’s “A Cautionary Tale: On Limiting Epistemic Oppression Kristie Dotson Frontiers.” A Journal of Women Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1 (2012), pp. 24-47, in “Grasswick, Heidi. “Feminist Social Epistemology.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 24 Jul. 2018, https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminist-social-epistemology/.
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domination.”64 This category of exclusion, epistemic ignorance, may account for a majority of absences discovered in the media, produced by pervasive ideological and epistemic campaigns, that both demonstrates and results in structural inequalities.
Butler alludes to epistemic ignorance within Precarious Life. There, she examines the role of the epistemic frame in producing “useful” interpretations of state violence. She demonstrates that the state is heavily involved in producing narratives that justify their use of violence against alleged enemies. While doing so, institutions are required to “preclude certain kinds of questions, certain kinds of historical inquiries,”65 and information that could compromise proposed policies. In this regard, the epistemic frame delimits “in a forceful way, what we can hear, whether a view will be taken as explanation or as exoneration,”66 what we can see, what we can think, what we can know, and what we may say about it; and conversely, what we cannot see, what we cannot think, what we cannot know, and what we cannot say about it.
The deliberate manipulation of epistemic material for political purposes is prominently demonstrated by the practice of embedded reporting. Embedded reporting is an explicit case in which the epistemic frame intentionally withholds knowledge for ideological purposes, which results in unwitnessed injustices, and therefore harms both speakers and knowers. Butler defines embedded reporting as an “arrangement whereby journalists [agree] to report only from the perspective established by military and governmental authorities.”67 She writes that
64 Heidi Grasswick’s analysis of Linda Martin Alcoff’s “Epistemologies of Ignorance: Three Types” in Race and Epistemologies of Ignorance. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007, pp. 39-57, in “Grasswick, Heidi. “Feminist Social Epistemology.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 24 Jul. 2018, https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminist-social-epistemology/.
65 Precarious Life, p. 4.
66 Ibid., p. 5.
67 Frames of War, p. 64.
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journalists who agreed to such terms were granted “access to the war only on the condition that their gaze remain restricted to the established parameters of a designed [narrative].”68 This practice was especially pronounced during the 2003 invasion of Iraq, at which time we witnessed “a concerted effort on the part of the state to regulate the visual field.”69 The practice itself was developed as a response to the unmediated reporting of the Vietnam War, which contributed to public disillusionment with the war.70
Although, Butler argues, “embedded reporting has taken place in less explicit ways as well.”71 She alludes to, for example, an agreement by the media “not to show pictures of the war dead... on the grounds that it undermined the war effort and jeopardized the nation.”72 Another example of intentional subjugation is illustrated in a decision by Newsweek that “for a long time... refused to publish [images of torture at Abu Ghraib] on the grounds that doing so would not be useful.”73 Not useful, that is, to the war effort. These images might have been useful, however, to citizens who require information of this nature in order to establish political positions, and to be held accountable for the consequences of these positions.
Ethical and empirical understanding was sacrificed in order to prioritize the militaristic agenda. In the case of embedded reporting, such “mandated perspectives” restrict the range of affective responses we might have to current events. Butler continues to argue that, while restricting the content we have access to “is not exactly the same as dictating a story line, it is a way of interpreting in advance what will and will not be included in the field of perception.”74
68 Ibid.
69 Ibid.
70 Loffelholz, Martin. “Embedded Journalism.” Encyclopedia Britannica, 10 Apr. 2014, https://www.britannica.com /topic/embedded-joumalism.
71 Butler, Judith. “Photography, War, Outrage.” PMLA, Modem Language Association, May 2005, p. 822.
72 Frames of War, pp. 64-65.
73 Ibid., p. 80.
74 Photography, War, Outrage, p. 823.
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In this regard, journalists performed a kind of affective censorship, as well as epistemic, by restricting the emotional and moral responses we might have to controversial events.
The State Department and the Department of Defense, who commanded the practice of embedded reporting, believed that uncensored documents and images would draw opposition to the war and scrutiny of the government. This implies the position that earnest reporting, upon which democracy relies, could threaten the government’s use of force. Accordingly, potentially subversive information was marginalized, and evidence was destroyed. It is worth mentioning that following the appointment of CIA director Mike Pompeo to Secretary of State in April of 2018, Gina Haspel was selected to replace him.75 Following the 9/11 attacks, Haspel oversaw a secret prison in Thailand where Al-Qaeda suspects were extradited and tortured. As news of the torture became publicly acknowledged, Haspel “drafted an order to destroy the evidence.”76 All 92 tapes have since been destroyed, which further marginalizes undesirable, although important knowledge.77 As of May 2019, Haspel is still the director of the CIA.78
Accordingly, the limitations on visual and verbal fields facilitated by embedded reporting foster misperceptions concerning the moral valence of political initiatives, which reduces our sense of ethical obligation toward such enterprises. This remains true and problematic in the case of Haspel; without transparency about what occurred in the secret prison in Thailand under her supervision, we cannot appropriately form a political position on
75 Landler, Mark. “Replacing Tillerson with Pompeo Would Supplant a Moderate With a Hawk.” The New York Times, 30 Nov. 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/ll/30/us/politics/mike-pompeo-state-cia.html
76 Waldman, Paul. “Gina Haspel as CIA director? It’s a test of America’s conscience.” The Washington Post, 14 Mar. 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/plum-line/wp/2018/03/14/gina-haspels-nomination-for-cia-director-is-a-test-of-americas-conscience/.
77 Ibid.
78 “Gina Haspel Sworn in as First Female CIA Director.” Central Intelligence Agency, 25 May 2018, https:// www.cia.gov/news-information/blog/2018/gina-haspel-swom-in-as-first-female-cia-director.html.
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her particular involvement, nor can we determine whether to support or oppose this form of punishment and intelligence gathering.79 With Haspel at the helm of the CIA, it is possible that this policy of punishment and opaqueness could become normatively enacted with regard to supposed human rights abuses. Withholding such information constitutes a subsequent injustice, because the public is then precluded from demanding justice on behalf of those whom have silently suffered human rights abuses at the behest of the state.
In restricting what we may know, and what we read, hear and see, the media participates in the state’s attempt to regulate the “evidence” we have available to form judgments about governmental policies. Individuals, and democracy, require unmediated information, to the extent to which it is possible, in order to cast well-informed votes. When information is censored and manipulated, our democratic capacities are impaired, and our understanding of the world, those that inhabit it, and those that are harmed by it, will be insufficient for enacting comprehensive ethical redress.
Concluding Remarks
Demonstrated in the preceding paragraphs, the epistemic frame not only delimits the epistemic field upon which we depend to form political positions, but the frame also participates in the discursive denigration and negation of actual human beings, who are harmed epistemically by discursive practices, but also physically by harmful policies which result from prejudicial and misrepresented epistemic campaigns. This brings us to the most pernicious consequence of epistemic manipulation. As the frame controls the narrative of governmental
79 Hosenball, Mark and Patricia Zengerle. “Democrats Seek More Records on Trump’s Choice to Head CIA.” Reuters, 7 May 2018, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-trump-haspel/democrats-seek-more-records-on-tmmps-choice-to-head-cia-idUSKBNlI8184.
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policies and state violence, it suppresses oppositional voices, and justifies the use of force; and thereby demarcates which lives will be worth saving, from which lives are permitted unto death. That is, institutional narratives humanize certain lives, while making them excessively visible and worthy of sympathy, while dehumanizing lives that are adversarial or incidental, or perhaps politically “un-useful.” Simply, the frame determines which lives will be perceived as lives. In this regard, “the epistemological capacity to apprehend a life is partially dependent on that life being produced according to norms that qualify it as a life or, indeed, as part of life.”80 In the next chapter, I will explore the concept of grievability as it pertains to the qualifications of life and victimhood (a status reserved for the ontologically valuable). As I will demonstrate, only certain populations are perceived as “grievable,” i.e., as lives whose deaths would matter, and consequently, as victims. This happens as a result of epistemic manipulation and partakes in the development of a hierarchy of ontological value, which has an inverse relationship to precarity; the “most ontologically valuable” are exposed to the least amount of precarity, and the “least ontologically valuable” are exposed to the greatest degree of precarity. In the fourth chapter, I will explore the ontological category of the migrant as a population that has been cast as distinctly not -grievable, and therefore, not-victim; even when these persons are direct victims of U.S. foreign and economic policy. There, I will illustrate that due to negative epistemic manipulation, migrants—legal, illegal and those with credible claims to asylum—are made to suffer all four consequences of epistemic manipulation (the epistemic, political, ontological and ethical) and therefore require urgent consideration and ethical attention.
80 Frames of War, p. 3.
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CHAPTER III
The Ontological Consequences:
We Perceive Lives as Grievable When We Perceive them as Lives
In this chapter I will examine the discursive techniques employed by the epistemic frame to produce the normative conditions of subjectivity, through which subjects are humanized and receive recognition, and thus qualify for grief and mourning. At the same time, the frame establishes a hierarchy of ontological value in which certain lives appear as ontologically superior and allegedly more valuable than other lives, as accorded by norms and ideological priorities, and enacted through positive epistemic visibility. The frame witnesses and empathically represents these ontologically superior lives, which meet the qualifications for victimhood: their deaths are perceived as morally reprehensible. Other subjectivities, however, are differentially and prejudicially produced, whose deaths are sometimes normatively justified by virtue of being other, criminal or adversary, or whose deaths do not appear publicly at all, because these persons or populations do not occupy a status that is considered normatively grievable.
According to Butler, “grievability is a presupposition for the life that matters.”81 Consequently, a life is apprehended as grievable, if the loss of this life would matter; and, a life is ungrievable, if the loss of this life would not matter. However, a life only begins to matter, if it is made to matter; a process which is epistemic-discursive in origin.
Butler remarks that, “schemas of intelligibility condition and produce norms of recognizability;”82 the norms by which a life becomes intelligible as a life. These norms
81 Ibid., p. 14.
82 Ibid., p. 7.
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“produce the idea of the human who is worthy of recognition and representation,”83 and are utilized in public discourses for ideological purposes, but also appear as a consequence of deep-rooted preferences and prejudices. These norms function to differentiate between those whose lives are similar to our own and deserve protections, and those who are not intelligible to us as human and do not make ethical demands.84 Thus, when the epistemic frame produces resemblances, makes visible certain lives, mourns their losses, and counts their deaths, the frame demarcates which lives count as lives, from those which do not. In this regard, ungrievable lives, “though apparently living, fail to assume perceptual form as such.”85
Furthermore, “forms of racism instituted and active at the level of perception tend to produce iconic versions of populations who are eminently grievable, and others whose loss is no loss, and who remain ungrievable.”86 The imbalanced distribution of grievability explicates our differential affective responses to violences that yield comparable outcomes. It explains, for example, why we experience horror in response to violence perpetrated against the United States; but feel either apathy or a sense of retribution in response to violence perpetrated by the United States.
The deaths of ungrievable persons are not perceived as ethically or ontologically significant. Instead, these deaths are regarded as “Tose-able,’ or can be forfeited, precisely because they are framed as being already lost or forfeited; they are [often] cast as threats to human life as we know it rather than as living populations in need of protection from illegitimate state violence, famine, or pandemics.”87 Thus, we do not mourn the loss of these lives, because
83 Ibid., p. 138.
84 It is worth noting, though, that these schemas of intelligibility and recognizability do shift, and it is possible for a life to become grievable.
85 Ibid., p. 24.
86 Ibid.
87 Ibid., p. 31.
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they were not perceived as living. “When such lives are lost,” Butler writes, “they are not grievable, since, in the twisted logic that rationalizes their death, the loss of such populations is deemed necessary to protect the lives of ‘the living.’”88 Grievability, then, and the affective states which make it possible (recognition, sympathy, horror, shock, anger, etc.) are discursively conditioned, and “highly regulated by [epistemic] regimes of power and sometimes subject to explicit censorship.”89
The inequitable distribution of grievability is upheld by another concept of differential victimhood as formulated by Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman, called worthy and unworthy victims. Chomsky and Herman assert that, history demonstrates that mainstream media will devote widespread and sympathetic coverage to politically useful victims, in an attempt to garner the public support to advance political and financial agendas. Conversely, these same publications tend to ignore “less useful” victims whose public representation could produce the following: distrust of the United States, preferred politicians and corporate financiers, and therefore result in lack of support and political dissidence. According to Chomsky and Herman, grievability is distributed along ideological lines, examples of which abound.90
In this chapter, I will analyze the differential distribution of grievability, distinct situations in which it appears, the ontological consequences suffered by the ungrievable, and the ethical implications thereof.
88 Ibid., p. 31.
89 Ibid., p. 39.
90 By way of illustrating this phenomenon, Herman points to the “coverage by Time, Newsweek, CBS News, and the New York Times of the 1984 murder of the priest Jerzy Popieluzko in Communist Poland, [which was a] dramatic and politically useful event for the politicized Western mainstream media,” and “exceeded all their coverage of the murders of a hundred religious figures killed in Latin America by U.S. client states in the post-Second World War years taken together.” In this case, and many others like it, it was “cheap and safe to focus heavily on the ‘worthy’ victim, whereas looking closely at the deaths of those hundred would have required expensive and sometimes dangerous research effort that would have upset the State Department.” “Fake News on Russia and Other Official Enemies: The New York Times, 1917 2017.” Monthly Review, 69(3), 2017, p. 98.
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Differential Grievability
The phenomenon of “differential grievability” manifests in a multitude of situations. It is perhaps most prominently displayed in instances of U.S. military conflict. In these situations, the U.S. and its citizens are portrayed as vulnerable to some population that has been positioned as adversarial. In this case, the U.S. appears as the worthy victim, and the deaths of adversarial populations are either trivialized or justified. The deaths of adversarial civilians are considered “collateral,” a status that is distinctly “not-victim,” but denotes some person whose death was incidental to the greater cause (of “fighting terrorism,” for example, or before that, “resisting communism”) and is therefore not punishable in a court of law. The words “victim of the U.S. military” do not often appear in public discourse, because the category “collateral” averts accountability and justifies the death; these deaths are considered unpreventable consequences of justified warfare. Furthermore, the mass-villainization of “adversarial” populations, and populations encompassed within the greater zone of conflict, results in public support for military intervention; support that is offered with the apprehension that such interventions generally cause widespread “collateral damage,” and without public grief or mourning (in the U.S.) for “incidental deaths.”
A second occurrence of ungrievability is distinct, but not unrelated. War and military conflict reverberate and create humanitarian crises in the form of a lack of access to nutrition, clean drinking water, medical care, and intense precarity. Due to the reality of military conflict, huge populations of human beings are driven out of territories marked by violence and instability, which results in refugee crises. According to the Dictionary of Military Terms, a refugee is “a person who leaves his or her home in order to escape from danger (especially war),
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and looks for refuge elsewhere.”91 However, the precedent of danger (the legal definition by which one qualifies for asylum) seems to be trivialized or forgotten in public discourse, and instead of empathically representing these populations, they appear in political rhetoric as distinctly “not-victim” and typically as nuisances inundating our borders (I will provide specific examples of this in the following chapter). The overwhelmingly unsympathetic public perception toward refugees demonstrates the effectiveness of adverse epistemic campaigns that actively dehumanize these lives and justify their collateral deaths. Despite the fact that refugee populations are often direct victims of military intervention—and not atypically U.S. military intervention—they are not met with sympathy in public representations and are sometimes refused the human right to asylum, and admitted into the United States (and into Europe, also) in ever-smaller numbers.
Migrants are a third category of “not-victim” that deserve special attention. Although migrants may have credible claims to asylum, or might be seeking refuge from U.S. foreign or economic policy that has obstructed their access to the resources that support wellbeing, migrants are portrayed in public representations as menacing populations that choose to emigrate, and are often barred from the right to asylum, and fail to yield public grief and critical moral consideration. This conceptual reality indicates that an ontological hierarchy exists even amongst asylum seekers, refugees and migrants; that is, refugees are more likely to yield sympathetic affective states by the public than are migrants, however, both groups are often the target of adverse epistemic and political campaigns that impede public sympathy, support, and ethical attention.
91 Dictionary of Military Terms: Over 6,000 Words Clearly Defined. Vol. 3rd ed, London: Bloomsbury Information, 2007, p. 200. Italics my own.
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Finally, there are domestic deaths as well that do not ascend to the status of “victim.” Which is to say, not all American deaths are equally produced, perceived, or represented, nor do all American deaths qualify as “victim.” This can be witnessed, for instance, in the case of deaths due to gun violence. Despite the fact that the Center for Disease Control (CDC) reported 38,658 deaths due to firearms in 2017, about 15,000 of which were homicides, this statistic has failed to elicit any comprehensive gun control reform.92 While the political climate regarding these deaths has begun to shift, perhaps an indication that these lives will soon become grievable, currently, many of these deaths do not receive national recognition. I attribute this phenomenon to a multitude of causes. First, when considering the manufacturing industry and individual gun sales, it is estimated that firearms produce roughly $17 billion in income annually.93 Second, these deaths disproportionately claim the lives of persons of color; African Americans suffered “over 54% of all firearm homicides.”94 Third, “persons in poor households [have] a higher rate of violence involving a firearm (3.5 per 1,000) compared to persons above the [federal poverty level] (0.8-2.5 per 1,000).”951 believe this instance of differential grievability indicates two conclusions: first, victims of gun violence, in disproportionate measures, do not appear to fit the mold of normative grievability, which I believe is related to race and class; and second, the ideological valuation of the financial contribution made by the firearms industry is of much greater significance to (many) American politicians, and probably to (a majority of) the American public, than are these individual or collective deaths. Conceptually, these deaths are
92 “All Injuries.” Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 3 May 2017, and “Assault or Homicide.” Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 30 May 2013.
93 Popken, Ben. “America’s Gun Business, By the Numbers.” The National Broadcasting Company,
3 Dec. 2015, https://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/san-bemardino-shooting/americas-gun-business-numbers-n437566.
94 “Statistics.” Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, https://lawcenter.giffords.org/facts/statistics/.
95 Harrell, Erika, Lynn Langton, Marcus Berzofsky, Lance Couzens, and Hope Smiley-McDonald. “Household Poverty and Nonfatal Violent Victimization, 2008-2012.” Bureau of Justice Statistics, 18 Nov. 2014.
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also considered “collateral damage” of a lucrative firearms industry—in the sense that these deaths are merely “incidental” to a prosperous American economy and Second Amendment rights. This is just one such instance, of which there are many, of domestic deaths that do not ascend to the status of victim, due to racism, classism, and ideological and financial priorities.
Of course, there are manifold and perhaps innumerable circumstances that are demonstrative of the discursively situated ontological hierarchy of victimhood; however, for the purposes of this inquiry, I will focus on the four aforementioned categories: collateral lives, refugees, migrants, and gun violence fatalities. The first of which I will elucidate in this chapter, and the second and third ontological categories will be addressed in the next chapter. Although each of these categories are distinct, they share a common feature: the dominant discursive and epistemic regimes have situated these populations as distinctly unworthy of grief and mourning, because framing these populations as ungrievable helps to fulfill desired political outcomes; such as, the war in Iraq, the asylum ban, support for a wall at the U.S. southern border, and unremitting gun sales. Thus, these individuals fail to achieve the status of victim in public discourse, and American consciousness, and become subsumed by a broader discursive-ontological status of “not-victim.” The status of not-victim is achieved through normative framing devices that disqualify these populations from being perceived as equally human, or sometimes, as human at all.96
96 The concept of differential grievability is comparable to the theory of bare life (or homo sacer) as explicated by Giorgio Agamben. This theory finds its origins in the nuanced etymology of the word “life” in Greek. “The Greeks,” Agamben writes, “had no single term to express what we mean by the word ‘life.’ They used two terms that.. .are semantically and morphologically distinct: zoe, which expressed the simple fact of living to all beings (animals, men, or gods), and bios, which indicated the form of way of living proper to an individual or group.” (HS 1) While bios could participate in the polls, zoe could not, and was instead restricted to the margins, or confined to the home. Zoe is not politically qualified life. In modernity, a concept of biopower emerges, which suggests the “increase in importance of the nation’s health and biological life as a problem of sovereign power.” (HS 3) Which is to say, it became increasingly important for the government to monitor and regulate human bodies, their health and existence, in order to maintain the smooth-functioning of government. Agamben cites Foucault who writes, “what follows is a kind of bestialization of man achieved through the most sophisticated political techniques. For the first time in
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A Hierarchy of Ontological Value: Discursive Denigration and Discursive Negation Lead to Ontological Denigration and Ontological Negation
In the paragraphs that follow, I examine the discursive constitution of the ontologically valuable, as elucidated through its converse concept of “ungrievable,” that sheds light on a hierarchy of ontological value, enacted and upheld through epistemic denigration and negation, and that result in ontological denigration and negation.
Butler demonstrates that “the US’s own losses are consecrated in public obituaries that constitute so many acts of nation-building;”97 however, the “names, images, and narratives of those the US has killed,” do not appear in public representations.98 For instance, we do not know or respond empathically to the names of the Korean, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Iraqi, Afghani, Libyan, Syrian, or Yemeni civilians killed in conflicts in which the U.S. was directly involved (1950-present in consecutive order).99 The names of civilians killed in U.S. conflict are both intentionally and unintentionally withheld. They are intentionally withheld because as a method of garnering support, dominant American epistemic frames humanize American lives, and position them as more valuable than the lives of American adversaries. Since the objective is to
history, the possibilities of the social sciences are made known, and at once it becomes possible both to protect life and to authorize a holocaust.” (HS 3) Eugenics and genocide, here, being primary examples of the use of biopower on bare lives. It is in this regard, then, that zoe becomes politicized, although it is still without political autonomy and is defined by the sovereign power exerted over these persons which permits them unto death because they are not considered politically qualified lives. This is bare life'. “For bare life is not natural life per se... but rather, it is the politicized form of natural life. Being neither bios nor zoe, then, bare life emerges from within this distinction and can be defined as ‘life exposed to death, ’ (HS 88) especially in the form of sovereign violence.” It is in this light that the correspondence between bare life to grievability becomes apparent; bare lives are not grievable lives, but are ungrievable, because the loss of these lives would not matter, by the very definition of bare life, these lives are always already permitted unto death; always already exposed to greater degrees of precarity. Agamben, Giorgio. Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998, and Mills, Catherine. “Giorgio Agamben.” Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, https://www.iep.utm.edu/agamben/.
97 Precarious Life, p. xiv.
98 Ibid.
99 “America Has Been at War 93% of the Time-222 out of 239 Years-Since 1776.” Centre for Research on Globalization, Feb. 2015, https://www.globalresearch.ca/america-has-been-at-war-93-of-the-time-222-out-of-239-years-since-1776/5565946.
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justify intervention, which is enacted through discursive denigration, it would not be useful to
provide the names of civilians killed in U.S. conflict, which would humanize these lives, if only
to a degree. The justification adheres to the following logic: because American lives are valuable
and grievable, and because these adversarial lives present some alleged form of threat to
Americans, military intervention is warranted and required to protect grievable lives, at the
expense of the ungrievable. Furthermore, the names of civilians killed in U.S. conflict are
unintentionally withheld, because the framing devices that justify these deaths are effective, and
so the American public does not demand to know the names of those the U.S. has killed.
This is problematic because we are only able to encounter grievability through the
ontological presence of the other, and the subsequent ethical demands made by their appearance;
only those who are made to appear before us can make ethical demands. However, those who are
ideologically situated as menacing and hostile do not evoke condolences, either. In this regard,
Butler recommends Emmanuel Levinas’ face-to-face encounter as a possible framework for
considering the method by which ethical demands are made, and unmade. The Levinasian face:
communicates what is human, what is precarious, what is injurable. [Therefore,] the media representations of the faces of the “enemy” efface what is most human about the “face” for Levinas. Through a cultural transposition of his philosophy, it is possible to see how dominant forms of representation can and must be disrupted for something about the precariousness of life to be apprehended.100
In the media, the faceless (the discursively negated) cannot make ethical demands, and the “wicked” (the discursively denigrated) do not engender compassion. The unknown and unnamed, and those who are “presented to us as so many symbols of evil, authorize us to become senseless before those lives we have eradicated, and whose grievability is indefinitely postponed.”101 A life must first be regarded as an equally human life to apprehend that a life has
100 Ibid., p. xviii.
101 Ibid.
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been lost and to respond to these deaths with grief and with calls for justice. By failing to represent these faces equally, publicly, and with compassion, and by justifying violent intervention, we disqualify these lives from public remorse and remediation. With regards to this, Butler contends that:
[These] faces must be admitted into public view, must be seen and heard [as human] for some keener sense of the value of life, all life, to take hold. So, it is not that mourning is the goal of politics, but that without the capacity to mourn, we lose that keener sense of life we need in order to oppose violence.102
Conversely, “certain lives will be highly protected, and the abrogation of their claims to sanctity will be sufficient to mobilize the forces of war.”103 This sentiment catalyzed the post-9/11 War on Terror, and it could be argued that a similar ideological opprobrium is currently aimed at migrants hoping to immigrate to America. Mr. Trump claims that immigrants threaten the security of blessed, decidedly grievable American citizens, and so, through a national emergency declaration, President Trump has attempted to enlist the military to erect a wall that Mr. Trump has claimed will protect sacred American lives, by reducing the number “rapists, murderers and drug-traffickers” that illegally cross the border into the United States. Despite the fact that migrants seldom commit such crimes, and often attempt to legally cross the border with legitimate claims to asylum, in this case, Americans prevail as the worthy victims of an alleged immigration crisis, even when this victim-status of Americans is based on perceived threats, and not real ones.
On this matter, Butler writes, we could easily demonstrate a hierarchy of grief, and consequently, one of ontological value that can be witnessed “in the genre of the obituary, where lives are quickly tidied up and summarized, humanized, usually married, or on the way to be,
102 Ibid., pp. xviii-xix.
103 Ibid., p. 32.
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heterosexual, happy, [and] monogamous.”104 That is, obituaries humanize lives with traits that are normatively valued, which creates a sense of resemblance or equivalence, through which we can recognize grievability. The differential evaluation of life is made even more prominent by the fact that “we seldom, if ever, hear the names of [or publish obituaries for,] the thousands of Palestinians who have died by the Israeli military with United States support, or any number of Afghan people, children and adults. Do they have names and faces, personal histories, family, favorite hobbies, slogans by which they live?”105
In this regard, obituary articulates what is normatively valued as human, and who is normatively valued as human. A life becomes grievable as it is humanized according to traits that we both value and recognize.106 Because of this, we need only look to obituary to determine what is normatively valued. One could perform a genealogy of obituary and discern how the valued ontological traits have evolved and shifted over time. As minorities, for instance, receive recognition and become normativized, these populations become grievable; however, as with the epistemic frame, certain individuals will always be excluded, and will not be grieved nor be perceived as equal.
104 Ibid., p. 33.
105 Ibid.
106 The following humanizing adjectives appear in a generic “fill-in-the-blank” obituary template, of which there are an innumerable amount that can be found on the internet: kind, gentle, patient, driven, generous, witty, dedicated; but also, married, with children, highly skilled, financially successful, an active member of the Church, or the military etc. We use these adjectives to qualify the lives we deem grievable, humanize them, and thus make them grievable. However, we seldom, if ever, use such terms to memorialize the lives that we have terminated. Even in cases in which the police have mistakenly killed young black men, these lives are not normatively humanized. Instead, they are described as “violent” and “dangerous” so as to justify their deaths and mark them as ungrievable. “Fill-in-the-Blank Long Obituary.” Obituary Help.net, https://www.obituaryhelp.net/Fill-in-the-Blank_Long_ Obituary.php. and Wells-Wallace, Benjamin. “Police Shootings, Race, and the Fear Defense. The New Yorker, 12 July 2016, https://www.newyorker.com/news/benjamin-wallace-wells/police-shootings-race-and-the-fear-defense.
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On the normative production of ontology, Butler insists that we must not merely include
formerly excluded populations into an already established ontology. Doing so would not
effectively yield equitable ontological statuses. Instead, Butler calls for:
An insurrection at the [very] level of ontology, a critical opening up of the questions, what is real? Whose lives are real? How might reality be remade? Those who are unreal have, in a sense, already suffered the violence of derealization. What, then, is the relation between violence and those lives considered as “unreal”? Does violence effect that unreality? Does violence take place on the condition of that unreality? If violence is done against those who are unreal, then, from the perspective of violence, it fails to injure or negate those lives since those lives are already negated.107
The act of discursive exclusion discursively negates ungrievable lives, even before they have
been literally negated. This serves as the justification for their deaths: they are not real human
lives, they make no ethical demands, and so their deaths will make no difference. The media
does not humanize these lives, because doing so could disrupt a prioritized ideological agenda,
upon which the “dominant form for the human” responds;108 if the elimination of certain persons
is required or incidental to a dominant political pursuit (the Iraq War, asylum ban, border wall),
then these persons will not be humanized to fit the dominant form for the human. Butler argues
that “their dehumanization occurs first, at the discursive level and that this level then gives rise to
a physical violence that in some sense delivers the message of dehumanization that is already at
work in the culture.”109 This theoretical development allows her to make the argument that,
“discourse itself effects violence through omission.”110
Butler’s conclusion that discursive-epistemic violence enables physical violence
corroborates my conclusion that epistemic denigration and negation lead to ontological
i°7 Precarious Life, p. 33.
108 Precarious Life, p. 34. The dominant form for the human follows ideological priorities. For instance, following the 9/11 attacks, the victims of 9/11 were commemorated as exceptional, grievable, recognizablq American lives. These lives became the “dominant form for the human,” and Iraqi lives were said to pose a threat to dominant American lives.
109 Ibid.
110 Ibid.
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denigration and negation. Epistemic manipulation can effectively yield ontological deprecation and apathetic affective states, which then achieve the desired end of justifying violent intervention. This process is epistemic-discursive in origin and made possible through politicized underrepresentation, misrepresentation, and misinformation about the persons who will be impacted by violent intervention. Once a life has been made ungrievable, no further justification is required for its termination. This, in my opinion, is the ontological consequence of epistemic manipulation, and can be demonstrated through the absence of public mourning, as in the following example:
If 200,000 Iraqi children were killed during the Gulf War and its aftermath do we have an image, a frame for any of those lives, singly or collectively? Is there a story we might find about those deaths in the media? Are there names attached to those children?111
Or perhaps through a comparable example offered by Frantz Fanon, who elucidates the reality
that colonialism spanned three centuries with a startling lack of documentation. The Holocaust
took place less than twenty years prior to the publication of the acclaimed The Wretched of the
Earth, which would ultimately be memorialized as a social symbol, cautioning us against the
risks of totalitarianism and ambivalence. Following World War II, histories of the Western
World shift focus to the Cold War, all the while the liberation movements taking place in the
colonized world fail to appear in our collective memory.
In 1945, “the 45,000 dead at Setif [, Algeria] could go unnoticed; in 1947 the 90,000 dead
in Madagascar were written off in a few lines in the press; [and] in 1952 the 200,000 victims of
repression in Kenya were met with relative indifference.”112 In many respects, colonialism was a
111 Ibid.
112 Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press, 1963, p. 38.
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forgotten genocide. Historians, eventually, deemed European Jews worthy victims. Colonized Africans, however, would not be met with the same sympathy, or historical regard.113
The Front de Liberation Nationale estimated between 30,000 and 150,000 Harkis114 had been killed in the Algerian War; the Algerian government declared 1 million deaths.115 Later estimates put the death toll at 700,000.116 Meaning, if reports had been made to the public, anywhere between 550,000 and 970,000 deaths were uncounted.
Simply, we do not publicly mourn the lives we have killed, because we have already justified exposing these populations to death. These lives do not ascend to the status of victim, because granting this status would have to involve an acknowledgement of the discursive violences (both the intentional and unintentional) that situated these lives as ungrievable. These lives were already permitted unto death through the very act of epistemic framing. These victims, or non-victims according to U.S. policy, were discursively cast as terrorists, militants, enemies of the state, criminals, i.e., populations without need for protection. That is, “there are no obituaries for the war casualties that the United States inflicts and there cannot be. If there were to be an obituary there would have had to have been a life, a life worth noting, a life worth valuing and preserving, a life that qualifies for recognition.”117 And acknowledging that these were lives worth valuing and preserving, would undermine the ideological project that had already justified their deaths, and then perpetrated them. Accordingly, the epistemic denigration of these lives led
113 This is not to suggest the victims of the Holocaust, or any victims of well-documented events, do not deserve to be memorialized. Rather, I wish to pose the questions as to why certain victims are not memorialized. My position is that all victims are worthy of representation, and that when we fail to represent victims to the public, or fail to consider them as victims, we enact a further violence, that fails to honor their deaths, and thereby, their lives.
114 Harkis were native Muslim Algerians that fought on behalf of the French army, primarily as a means to secure a livelihood, and not out of an allegiance to France. Naylor, Phillip. "A Practical Guide to French Harki Literature". The Journal of North African Studies, 6 Aug. 2016, p. 22.
115 Home, Alistair. A Savage War of Peace: Algeria 1954-1962. New York: Viking Press, 1978, p. 358.
116 Ibid.
117 Precarious Life, p. 34.
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to the ontological negation of these lives, metaphorically but also literally; we could not conceive of these lives as equal lives, and we subsequently failed to protect them from discursively justified violence.
In this regard, obituary plays a critical recognition function; it is the “the instrument by which grievability [and ontological value are] publicly distributed.”118 When we fail to commemorate deaths, as we so often do for civilians killed in conflicts in which the U.S. is involved, we denote that these lives were not ontologically valuable, and did not qualify for recognition or mourning. Through commemoration, then, “a life becomes, or fails to become, a publicly grievable life, an icon for national self-recognition, the means by which a life becomes noteworthy.”119
As such, discourse dehumanizes certain persons by producing the interpretations by which we perceive these individuals as less than human, violent, and threatening, and either justifies their exposure to violence, or excuses us from protecting them from violence. Discourse delimits the horizon of human intelligibility, by which we can think certain individuals as humans worthy of protection. Those that are publicly visible, and publicly grievable are worth saving; whereas, others are castigated or vilified, or remain invisible and do not appear as humans vulnerable to unjustified violence.
In this regard, dehumanization is not enacted simply through discourse, but also through its limitations. Dehumanization similarly occurs when discourse fails to incorporate these lives within the scope of human intelligibility; “it is not just that a death is poorly marked but that it is unmarkable. Such a death vanishes, not into explicit discourse, but in the ellipses by which
118 Ibid.
119 Ibid., p. 35.
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public discourse proceeds.”120 Dehumanization takes place through both explicit discursive denigration, but also through discursive exclusion. For instance, “the queer lives that vanished on September 11th were not publicly welcomed into the idea of national identity built in the obituary pages.. .few deaths from AIDS were publicly grievable losses, and.. .the extensive deaths now taking place in Africa are also, in the media, for the most part unmarkable and ungrievable.”121 These deaths were or are considered non-normative, do not resemble our own normative lives, and so we do not recognize them as such.
The invisibility of death and violence tacitly indicates support for the violences that produce such deaths. “In the silence of the newspaper, there was no event, no loss, and this failure of recognition is mandated through an identification with those who identify with the perpetrators of that violence.”122 Thus, the news reported is complicit in the act of violence. This is a charge launched at United States journalists who cooperate with the U.S. military, and censor and construct news at the behest of their ideological objectives. Journalists, then, are “part of the war effort itself, [and] reporting itself has become a speech act in the service of the military operations.”123
The question of grievability, then, begins with the question of who has access to public obituary. That is, “the norm governing who will be a grievable human is circumscribed and produced in these acts of permissible and celebrated public grieving.”124 The inequitable valuation of human life, and those whom are barred from the status of victim (those whose deaths are not perceived as reprehensible), can be demonstrated by the prohibition on public
120 Ibid.
121 Ibid.
122 Ibid., p. 36.
123 Ibid.
124 Ibid., p. 37.
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grieving. To this extent, the “differential allocation of grief serves the derealizing aims of military violence.”125 Meaning, those deaths that take place in the ellipses of discourse, or at the margins of it, have already suffered discursive negation; and if a life is not made to exist, their deaths will not require justification.
Concluding Remarks
I would like to conclude this chapter by looking at a recent example of ungrievability. On March 6th of 2019, The New York Times reported that President Trump had “weakened a rule that required the government to annually make public its estimates of civilian bystanders killed in airstrikes outside conventional war zones—increasing the secrecy that cloaks one of the most contentious aspects of the fight against terrorists.”126 President Barack Obama instated the rule in 2016 to limit and make public the “use of drone strikes and commando raids targeting Islamist militants in places like tribal Pakistan and rural Yemen.”127 Even while the rule was in place, however, it only required the Defense Department to disclose civilian deaths, and did not pertain to the military operations of the C.I.A., which has been involved in bombing terrorism suspects in these areas.
After becoming president, Trump swiftly and discreetly designated “large sections of Yemen and Somalia to be ‘areas of active hostilities’ subject to war-zone rules.”128 Upon doing so, it became “lawful to carry out [strikes]” in these regions, “knowing that some nearby civilians may die, so long as the collateral damage is deemed to be necessary and
125 Ibid.
126 Savage, Charlie. “Trump Revokes Obama-Era Rule on Disclosing Civilian Casualties From U.S. Airstrikes Outside War Zones.” The New York Times, 6 Mar. 2019, https://www.nytimes.eom/2019/03/06/us/politics/trump-civilian-casualties-rule-revoked.html.
127 Ibid.
128 Ibid.
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proportionate.”129 Upon signing this most recent executive order, Mr. Trump is no longer obligated to disclose the number of civilian deaths that have resulted from U.S. airstrikes outside established warzones. Even when he was required to disclose these numbers in 2017, the American public did not receive a published report.130
For what purposes, one must ask, would it be useful to exclude this information from public discourse, and with what consequences? It would seem that it would only be useful to withhold this information if the goal is to terminate these lives without scrutiny. Such a lack of transparency further reduces the significance of these “collateral” deaths, and the lives of individuals encompassed within “conventional” and “non-conventional” zones of conflict. How are we to resist the war effort, and determine its moral valency if we are not aware of its full impact, especially as it concerns the most controversial aspects of war (civilian deaths)? Furthermore, how does the military and the government determine when a civilian death is “necessary” or “proportionate”? Who has the authority to make such determinations, how can they be properly evaluated, and to what extent do civilian deaths occur in situations that are not necessary or proportionate? Do we get to know about unnecessary and unproportionate deaths? Who, then, gets to make those judgments?
To close, the epistemic frame conditions our affective responses to certain populations of victims, through either humanizing or dehumanizing discursive techniques, in order to establish the public perspective that is most conducive to achieving political and ideological objectives. While this happens, a hierarchy of ontological value is formed, by which some populations qualify for public grief and mourning, and others do not. This ontological hierarchy, which is epistemically produced, has resounding and detrimental consequences. The most consequential
129 Ibid.
130 Ibid.
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of which is that deceptive yet effective epistemic campaigns constitute conceptual structures of justification, that absolves the U.S. from accountability, and gives grounds for exposing innocuous populations to undue degrees of suffering, death, and precarity; all of which takes place without transparency or truthfulness, which inhibit our resources for opposition, and critical questioning about the justness of these actions and pursuits. These are the ontological consequences of epistemic manipulation; epistemic denigration and negation lead to ontological denigration and negation. Epistemic manipulation, then, has a direct correlation to human death and suffering, and to the value ascribed to social groups. In the next chapter, I will examine the conditions under which refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants have been discursively excluded and effaced, through misrepresentative measures, and the consequences of this logic on these populations.
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CHAPTER IV The Ontological, Cont’d: The Border Crisis Case Study
In the previous chapter, I demonstrated that through epistemic-discursive denigration and negation, the epistemic frame produces a hierarchy of ontological value, in which only certain persons qualify for public grief and mourning, and therefore qualify as “victims.” Grievable, ontologically valuable populations receive widespread and sympathetic coverage in mainstream media, whereas ungrievable populations are either publicly vilified, or fail to appear in public representations at all. Often, grievability has a correspondence to ideological priorities.131 If public displays of mourning could obstruct the development of dominant agendas—if humanizing certain populations could thwart public support for preferred positions—then these populations are likely to be made ungrievable by public discourses, through discursive and epistemic measures. This phenomenon can be witnessed with regards to the public representation of refugees, asylum seekers and migrants. As a means to accomplish the ideological and political priority to restrict immigration, and despite our role in creating or contributing to the crises that cause mass emigration,132 the Trump administration has consistently depicted migrants as distinctly not-victim. Instead, migrants are cast as threatening and menacing—as criminals,
131 For instance, under the current Trump administration, it has been an ideological priority to restrict legal pathways to immigration; and so, it is in the interest of the Trump administration to also restrict public mourning for persons seeking legal immigration.
132 This is currently the case with Venezuelan refugees. After supporting regime-change in Venezuela, the U.S. implemented sanctions against Venezuela, making access to resources even more limited. It is estimated that by the end of 2019, the number of Venezuelan refugees and migrants will reach 5.3 million. U.S. policy has dramatically contributed to this crisis, and the U.S. has been intimately involved in Venezuelan affairs, while at the same time the U.S. has “deported more Venezuelans in the past few months than it’s resettled Venezuelan refugees in years.” In fact, “the U.S. has not resettled a single Venezuelan refugee since 2013,” despite the “20,100 petitions for asylum from Venezuelans from January through September [2018].” Madrid, Manuel. “Trump Is Tough on Venezuela—but Won’t Let Fleeing Venezuelans Into the U.S.” 12 Feb. 2019, https://prospect.org/article/trump-tough-on-venezuela-wont-let-fleeing-venezuelans-us, and Iskajyan, Mariam. “U.S. Denial of Safe Harbor Compounds Venezuela’s Crisis." Just Security. 3 Apr. 2019, https://www.justsecurity.org/63469/u-s-denial-of-safe-harbor-compounds-venezuelas-crisis/.
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rapists, murderers, drug traffickers, and terrorists, etc.—which situates these populations as ungrievable and therefore unworthy of sympathy, remediation, and sometimes the human right to asylum. In this chapter, I examine epistemic representations of migrants and refugees, with attention to the U.S. southern border crisis in particular, and migrants as a population that presently (but also historically) suffers the ontological consequences of epistemic manipulation; a process which is epistemic in origin, and that leads to public support for, or ignorance about harmful policies that impact real human lives in profoundly detrimental ways.
Specifically, I will inquire into the epistemic-discursive constitution of migrants (including refugees and asylum seekers) and the victim-status assigned thereto, both with regards to U.S. immigration policy, and by U.S. public discourse. It is my view that the perceptions of these populations are epistemically manipulated in ways that are ontologically harmful, that reduce our sense of moral responsibility to these persons, and which achieve support for the ideological agenda to reduce the numbers of migrants that are permitted entry into the United States.
To begin, I would like to provide a brief summary of the right of asylum, as it is politically defined. As per the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, every person “has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.”133 According to the UN Convention of 1951 and the 1967 Protocol, a refugee is defined as “a person who is unable or unwilling to return to his or her home country, and cannot obtain protection in that country, due to past persecution or a well-founded fear of being persecuted in the future ‘on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.’”134 In 1980, the United States signed into law the US Refugee Act, which
133 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. United Nations, 10 Dec. 1948, italics my own.
134 Ibid.
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adopted the international law definition of a refugee, and legally stated that all persons who meet the criteria of this definition would qualify for asylum protections.135 The US Refugee Act increased the number of refugees that were permitted entry into the United States from 17,400 to 50,000. The Act also put in place a protocol for “reviewing and adjusting the refugee ceiling to meet emergencies.”136 One can apply to receive asylum protections from abroad as a resettled refugee, or within the U.S. as an asylum seeker. A person who is granted these protections cannot be deported and is eligible to work in the U.S., to travel abroad, to receive health insurance, to apply for a Social Security card, and to request for family members to receive asylum status as well.137
Despite these internationally protected policies, U.S. immigration policy and the asylum process in the United States has always been a complicated issue, which has been exacerbated by recent decisions by the Trump administration.138 These decisions are “justified” by harmful, and often fictitious depictions of migrant populations offered to the public by the Trump administration. Beginning on the campaign trail, President Trump has consistently portrayed the U.S. southern border as “lawless, chaotic,” and dangerous to Americans.139 His arguments for a
135 Barsky, Robert. “The Legal Responsibilities of the United States Towards Asylum Seekers.” Center for Migration Studies, 4 Dec. 2018, https://cmsny.org/publications/barsky-us-legal-responsibilities-asylum-seekers/, and “Asylum in the United States.” American Immigration Council, 14 May 2018, https://www.americanimmigrationco-uncil.org/research/asylum-united-states.
136 “Refugee Act of 1980.” National Archives Foundation, https://www.archivesfoundation.org/documents/refugee-act-1980/.
137“Asylum in the United States.” American Immigration Council, 14 May 2018, https://www.americanimmigration-council.org/research/asylum-united-states.
138 In the 1980s, for instance, concurrent with the US Refugee Act, the Regan administration intervened in El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua, to resist “communism.” Although these regions were marked by violence, and the United States was directly involved in sowing upheaval, the United States called migrants from these regions “economic migrants,” and were subsequently able to deny their asylum claims. Which is to demonstrate that there is long history of immorally handling asylum claims within the United States. Gzesh, Susan. “Central Americans and Asylum Policy in the Reagan Era.” Migration Policy Institute, 1 Apr. 2006, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/central-americans-and-asylum-policy-reagan-era.
139 Qiu, Linda. “Tramp’s Rationale for a National Emergency Is Based on False or Misleading Claims.” The New York Times, 15 Feb. 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/15/us/politics/fact-checking-trump-emergency-border.html
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border wall, closing the border, and restricting the number of immigrants who are permitted to seek asylum and legally immigrate to the United States, are predicated on several false and misrepresentative claims. I intend to examine a few of these harmful representations, some of the more persistent and erroneous claims promulgated by the Trump administration, and the policies they seek to support, with regards to the ontological consequences of epistemically manipulated depictions; and with particular attention to the consequences that have already been suffered by migrant populations.
Epistemically Manipulated Depictions of Migrants
In his February 5th, 2019 State of the Union address, President Trump repeated the now ubiquitous claims regarding the alleged immigration crisis at the southern border. He portrayed migrants as hostile criminals, “ruthless coyotes, cartels, drug dealers, and human traffickers.”140 Trump claims that the illegal immigrants “pouring into our country like they have over the last 10 years,”141 pose a distinct “threat to the safety, security and financial well-being of America.”142 According to Trump, “year after year, countless Americans are murdered by criminal illegal aliens,” and “tens of thousands [more] innocent Americans are killed by lethal drugs that cross our border and flood into our cities.”143 The MS-13 gang “almost all came through our border.”144 Trump alleges that “mass illegal immigration, reduce[s] jobs, lower[s] wages, [and] over-burden[s our] schools, [meanwhile] hospitals...are so crowded you can’t get
140 Fandos, Nicholas, John Huang, Thomas Kaplan, and Katie Rogers. “Transcript: Tramp’s State of the Union, Annotated.” The New York Times, 5 Feb. 2019, https://www.nytimes.eom/interactive/2019/02/05/us/politics/trump-state-of-union-speech-transcript.html
141 Ward, Joe and Anjali Singhvi. “Tramp Claims There Is a Crisis at the Border. What’s the Reality?” The New York Times, 11 Jan. 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/01/ll/us/politics/trump-border-crisis-reality.html
142 Fandos, Huang, Kaplan, and Rogers. “Transcript: Tramp’s State of the Union, Annotated.”
143 Ibid.
144 Ibid.
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in, [all of which is accompanied by] increased crime, and [a] depleted social safety net.”145 Trump asserts that “in the last two years, our brave ICE officers made 266,000 arrests of criminal aliens, including those charged or convicted of nearly 100,000 assaults, 30,000 sex crimes and 4,000 killings or murders.”146 Suffice to say, the Trump administration has depicted a stark reality of an oversaturated job market, gang violence, cold-blooded murder and terror. A reality which he claims accounts for nearly all migrants attempting to enter the United States, migrants, refugees and asylum seekers alike. However, a reality that immigration experts and data analysts argue is far from the truth.147 Despite their credible claims for asylum, and other hardships that motivate migrants to immigrate to the United States, in the representations offered by the Trump administration, migrant populations are not-victims, but instead, they are represented as actual or probable victimizers\ an epistemically manipulative, yet effective strategy to garner public support for restricted immigration.
Trump’s fictitious narrative has reached and influenced a wide audience. Just before this address, in mid-January of 2019, during the height of a government shutdown over border wall funding, an ABC News and Washington Post poll cited that “42% of Americans support a wall” at the southern border, which is a 10% increase from the previous year.148 It is worth stating that this percentage of persons who support a wall does not account for a majority of the American public; most Americans do not support a wall at the southern border. Nonetheless, the number of persons who do support a wall is neither a small minority, nor does the increase in support
145 NPR Staff. “Fact Check: Trump’s State Of The Union Address.” National Public Radio, 5 Feb. 2019. https://www.npr.org/2019/02/05/690345256/fact-check-tmmps-state-of-the-union-address.
146 Ibid.
147 Ibid.
148 Chaitin, Daniel. “Support for Tramp’s wall reaches all-time high: Poll.” The Washington Examiner, 13. Jan. 2019, https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/support-for-tramps-wall-reaches-all-time-high-poll
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indicate a small number of persons; and probably, this trend is not unrelated to the derogatory depiction of migrants consistently portrayed by the Trump administration.
Despite this alarming impression of criminals storming our borders, killing Americans, and taking our jobs, the reality of immigration is quite different. First, there has been a steady decline in illegal border crossings over the past two decades.149 The New York Times reports that “in 2017 border-crossing apprehensions were at their lowest point since 1971.”150 In fact, between 2006 and 2016, undetected illegal border crossings decreased by nearly 93%.151 Second, in Texas, which shares the most extensive border with Mexico, a research center found that “crime among undocumented immigrants was generally lower than among native-born Americans,” by about 32 percent.152 Third, rural employers also disagree with Trump’s assessment about migrants and the economy. On this matter, Phil Scott, Republican governor of Vermont, states that the faltering labor force is the “biggest threat” to rural America; not a swelling and violent immigration crisis as Trump would have it, but a “shrinking population and work force,”153 which could be mitigated by more lenient immigration policies. Furthermore, there has been a notable difference in migration patterns. Historically, single men seeking employment would account for the majority of migrants crossing the border. More recently, though, there has been a rise in families, women and children from Central America, trying to cross the border in search of “asylum, citing a fear of violence or persecution back home.”154
149 Ward and Singhvi. “Trump Claims There Is a Crisis at the Border. What’s the Reality?” The New York Times, 11 Jan. 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive /2019/01/11/us/politics/trump-border-crisis-reality.html
150 Ibid.
151 Ibid.
152 Ibid.
153 Ibid.
154 Taylor, Jessica and Brian Naylor. “As Trump Declares National Emergency To Fund Border Wall, Democrats Promise A Fight.” National Public Radio, 15 Feb. 2019, https://www.npr.org/2019/02/15/695012728/trump-expected-to-declare-national-emergency-to-help-fund-southem-border-wall.
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Following this, we have witnessed an increase in asylum claims, which as I described above, is a legal path to immigration and an internationally protected human right. With that said, “only 21 percent of asylum claims were granted in 2018, and many cases can take years to be resolved.”155 In light of these facts, although many migrants attempting to cross the border are seeking protection from violence, and would qualify for asylum, under the Trump administration the process has been delayed, in some cases indefinitely,156 and migrants find themselves in ever more precarious conditions that compel them to cross the border illegally. The “invasion” President Trump speaks of actually consists of these populations, who do not pose empirically suggested threats, but have been forced to emigrate due to dangers they themselves experience. However, in order to justify his agenda to restrict immigration altogether, which appears to be motivated by racism, xenophobia, and nativism, Mr. Trump is liable to create his own “facts,” data and intelligence. In the paragraphs that follow, I will describe some of the harmful policies that have accompanied Mr. Trump’s misinformation campaign, and the ontological consequences subsequently suffered by migrant populations.
Ontologically Harmful Immigration Policy After Trump
According to a report published by the Migration Policy Institute in July of 2018, from the beginning, the Trump administration has been involved in exhaustive immigration policy reform, which “move[s] the United States toward the administration’s ultimate goals of decreasing immigrant admissions and expanding deportations.”157 Such actions “break from the
155 Ward, Joe and Anjali Singhvi. “Trump Claims There Is a Crisis at the Border. What’s the Reality?”
156 Rosenberg, Mica and Kristina Cooke. “Trump attorney general's ruling expands indefinite detention for asylum seekers.” Renters, 16 Apr. 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-bond/trump-attomey-generals-mling-expands-indefmite-detention-for-asylum-seekers-idUSKCNlRT053
157 Pierce, Sarah and Jessica Bolter and Andrew Selee. US. Immigration Policy Under Trump: Deep Changes and Lasting Impacts. Migration Policy Institute, Jul. 2018, p.l.
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longstanding and generally bipartisan consensus among the leaders of both political parties that immigration is a net positive for society and the economy.”158 Instead, “the White House has framed immigrants, legal and unauthorized alike, as a threat to American’s economic and national security, and embraced the idea of making deep cuts to legal immigration.”159 Mr. Trump’s concerted epistemic manipulation and his fallacious and derogatory depiction of migrants have resulted in or supported the following policy changes, the consequences of which are ontologically borne by those whom he targets.
In the paragraphs that follow, I will show that President Trump’s fictitious epistemic campaign against immigrants, legal and illegal, has served as the justification for his implementation of restrictive and harmful immigration policies. That is, epistemic manipulation has upheld a social perception of migrants as dangerous criminals that, in most cases, should be barred entry from the United States, or else admitted in exceedingly low numbers. This illuminates a correspondence between the epistemic and the political; epistemic manipulation has directly impacted U.S. immigration policy. In fact, epistemic manipulation has been utilized for the very purpose of vindicating these policies, which adheres to the following logic: “because migrants are dangerous criminals, we must markedly restrict immigration;” despite that migrants are not characteristically “dangerous,” and are actually 32% less likely to engage in criminal behavior than native-born Americans.160 Accordingly, in this scenario, misinformation has resulted in epistemic and political consequences. However, it has also resulted in ontological consequences. As I will demonstrate, the policies that have been put in place by the Trump administration are ontologically harmful for the targeted populations. Trump’s immigration
158 Ibid.
159 Ibid.
160 Ward, Joe and Anjali Singhvi. “Trump Claims There Is a Crisis at the Border. What’s the Reality?”
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policy has obstructed the flow of migrants seeking refuge and asylum, who are therefore exposed to greater degrees of precarity, suffering and danger. Below, I will illustrate the ontologically harmful policies that have followed from the epistemically manipulated depictions of migrants.
Expanded Immigration Enforcement
1. Between January and September 2017, the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) deported 61,000 immigrants, which represents a 37% increase in deportations from the previous year. During this time, “ICE arrested more than 110,000 people, a 42 percent increase from those months in 2016.” The Trump administration now indiscriminately arrests noncitizens, including those whom have no criminal record, and do not appear demonstrably threatening.161
2. In May of 2018, the Trump administration “implemented a ‘zero-tolerance policy at the U.S.-Mexico border, under which [the Justice Department and Department of Homeland Security (DHS)] pledged to work together to prosecute everyone who crossed the border without authorization for the crimes of illegal entry or re-entry.”162 This policy resulted in the separation of migrant children from their parents; parents were held in criminal custody, but because children cannot be held as such, they were sent to separate government shelters and placed on a different legal path, which made reunification with their parents a difficult process; in fact, as of March 2019, some children have yet to be reunited with their families.163 This policy was halted by a California federal district judge on June 26th, 2018; before which time more than 2,500 children (exact numbers are unknown, because it was
i(3i pjerce Sarah and Jessica Bolter and Andrew Selee. U.S. Immigration Policy Under Trump: Deep Changes and Lasting Impacts, pp. 2-3.
162 Ibid., pp. 4-5.
163 Hesson, Ted. “Judge expands pool of separated families who may require reunification.” Politico, 8 Mar. 2019, https://www.politico.com/story/2019/03/08/judge-orders-reunification-family-separation-1203345.
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poorly documented) had been separated from their parents.164
3. In June of 2018, the Trump administration limited asylum eligibility. At which point, it became more difficult for victims of domestic and gang violence to achieve asylum status in the United States. Many migrants from Central America file for asylum with such claims. A leak also revealed that the Justice Department is considering “barring anyone who is criminally prosecuted with illegal entry from applying for asylum.”165 These two decisions, in particular, have huge ramifications for asylum seekers from Central America.
Reduced Humanitarian Programs
4. In 2017, before Trump assumed office, the Obama administration had increased the total number of refugees permitted entry into the United States annually to 110,000. When Trump assumed office, he temporarily suspended refugee resettlement, and then reduced the number of refugees permitted entry into the United States to 50,000. That number was then lowered to 45,000; but at the end of the 2018 fiscal year, only 22,491 refugees were resettled into the United States.166
5. Also, in 2018, “the Trump administration ended a refugee parole program designated for vulnerable youth in need of protection in Central America.”167 The Obama administration created this program in 2014 in response to the large numbers of Central American youth with legitimate asylum claims who were making dangerous journeys into the U.S. This program facilitated a safer pathway to legal immigration, wherein parents from El Salvador,
164 Ibid.
i(35 pjerce Sarah and Jessica Bolter and Andrew Selee. U.S. Immigration Policy Under Trump: Deep Changes and Lasting Impacts, p. 5.
166 Ibid., p. 6, and Rush, Nayla. “Refugee Resettlement Admissions inFY 2018.” Center for Immigration Studies, 1 Oct. 2018.
167 U.S. Immigration Policy Under Trump: Deep Changes and Lasting Impacts, p. 6.
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Guatemala or Honduras, “lawfully present in the United States [could] request a refugee resettlement interview for their children.”168
6. The Trump administration ended the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) “for nationals of El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua, Sudan, and has ended similar protections for several thousand Liberians. By January 2020, approximately 310,000 TPS holders (98 percent of total TPS holders) will lose their benefits.”169 Many of these migrants have been living in the U.S. for decades and were awarded these benefits because they were “unable to return to their home countries due to violent conflict or natural disaster.”170
Increased Vetting and Delays to Legal Immigration
7. The Trump administration substantially increased the number of interviews applicants for visas and green cards must undergo. This extra burden on U.S. immigrant visa adjudicators has likely been a cause of the significant processing delays of family-based immigration and naturalization applications.171 Visa applicants must now provide additional information, and visa adjudicators have been encouraged “to be more discriminating in approving applications.”172
DACA
8. The Trump administration has also endeavored to end the DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) program that “currently provides protection removal and work authorization to nearly 700,000 unauthorized individuals who were brought to the United
168 Ibid., p. 6.
169 Ibid., p. 7.
170 Ibid., p. 6.
171 Ibid., p. 7.
172 Ibid., p. 8.
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States as children.”173 This action was put on hold as per two federal court rulings in January and February of 2018. A March 2018 ruling attempted to reinitiate the removal; however, an April 2018 ruling paused it once more, and requires that the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services continue accepting DACA applications.
Travel Ban
9. In January of 2017, just after his inauguration, President Trump signed an executive order that barred entry into the United States to nationals from seven Muslim majority countries: Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen; the order pertained to visitors, immigrants and refugees alike. The order was challenged almost immediately in federal courts. A new order was put forward in March of 2017, which “removed Iraq from the list of countries, set a delayed implementation date, and exempted individuals who were previously authorized to travel to the United States.”174 This order was also challenged by federal courts, but the Supreme Court upheld a version of it that did not pertain to “visa applicants with ‘bona fide’ relationships to U.S. persons or entities.”175 The Trump administration announced a third iteration of the travel ban in September of 2017, which barred entry of certain nationals from Chad, Iran, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Syria, Venezuela, and Yemen. The Supreme Court upheld this ban in its full implementation, but Chad was removed from the list as of April 10th> 2018.176
173 Ibid., p. 9.
174 Pierce, Sarah and Jessica Bolter and Andrew Selee. Trump’s First Year On Immigration Policy: Rhetoric vs. Reality. Migration Policy Institute, Jan. 2018, pp. 19-20.
175 Ibid., p. 20.
176 Beech, Eric. “U.S. lifts travel ban on Chad citizens—White House.” Thomas Reuters Foundation, 10 Apr. 2018, https://in.reuters.com/article/usa-chad-security/u-s-lifts-travel-ban-on-chad-citizens-white-house-idINKBNlHI001.
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Cut Aid to Central American Countries
10. On March 30th, 2019, President Trump cut aid to three Central American countries—El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras— after he accused them of sending migrants in caravans to the United States. He also threatened to close the southern border if Mexico did not prevent immigrants from these three countries from traveling further north into the U.S.177
Concluding Remarks
In the preceding paragraphs, I have outlined some of the more well-documented policy changes, but also some of the less visible ones, that contribute to the Trump administration’s overall ideological goal of limiting legal pathways to immigration, even for refugees and asylum seekers. This campaign began at the epistemic-discursive level, denigrating all migrants from Central America, and those from Muslim majority countries targeted in all three iterations of the travel ban; which then resulted in public support for harmful policies, with ontologically suffered consequences, and reduced ethical redress. Without hesitation, Trump has painted these populations as hostile and threatening and has relied upon these depictions to justify his efforts to restrict immigration. However, as described above, the public representations of refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants, consistently delivered by Trump’s White House are predominantly based on false and misleading claims. Mr. Trump, therefore, has engaged in misrepresentative epistemic framing, and espoused rhetoric that debases entire populations of migrants. He has portrayed migrants as beings that are less than human, who are not-victim, not grievable, and who do not deserve entry into the United States, or else in very limited numbers.
177 Harte, Julia and Tim Reid. “Trump cuts aid to Central American countries as migrant crisis deepens.” Thomas Reuters Foundation, 30 Mar. 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-trump/trump-cuts-aid-to-central-american-countries-as-migrant-crisis-deepens-idU SKCN1RC013.
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On an ontological scale, he has stripped these populations of the very humanness that affords them certain rights, public sympathy, and ethical attention. That is, if they are not human, if their claims to victimhood are not credible or do not constitute victimhood to begin with, then they do not qualify for the human right to asylum.
Accordingly, Trump’s tirade on immigration demonstrates all four consequences of misinformation and misrepresentation. Trump manufactured a deceitful epistemic reality that has manifested in harmful political policies with ontological consequences ranging from ontological invisibility (we do not learn about the full scope of suffered injustices) to the ontological debasement (stripped of humanity) of entire populations of human beings. Furthermore, he has positioned migrants in a status, with reduced access to human rights and ethical attentiveness; he has also justified exposing them to greater degrees of death and precarity. These are the four primary consequences of misinformation and misrepresentation in public discourses—the epistemic, the political, the ontological and the ethical—and, as confirmed by the policies elucidated above, they are currently being suffered by migrants as they enter or attempt to enter the United States. That is, these harmful policies demonstrate that severe ontological and political consequences follow from epistemic manipulation. In the next chapter, I will suggest a few solutions to this problem, that might reduce the impact of some of these consequences, and address the moral responsibility we have to the ontologically denigrated and the physically harmed.
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CHAPTER V
An Ethics of Accountability and Public Mourning: Resolving the Four Consequences
As demonstrated in the preceding chapters, epistemic manipulation in public discourse is accompanied by wide-ranging consequences. In the second chapter, I explicated how the prejudicial operations prevalent within the epistemic frame foreclose access to comprehensive, unmediated information and constitute hierarchies of credibility upon which only certain types of information, proffered by certain types of individuals, will appear as credible in public discourse. Other types of knowledges, but also their “knowers,” are denigrated or invisibilized by the frame, discredited of epistemic value, and unable to participate in the formation of social meanings. The subjugation of knowledge, whether because it appears ideologically subversive or is deemed epistemically deficient, results in widespread pedagogical absences, which weaken democratic processes; we rely upon available information to form political positions and to cast votes, but as a result of epistemic injustice, absence, and manipulation, the information publicly available does not sufficiently elucidate the implications of a given position—as was the case with the Iraq War. In the third chapter, I illustrated that epistemic denigration and negation leads to ontological denigration and negation. Those who are demonized, discredited of epistemic value, or invisibilized by the epistemic frame, do not appear in public discourse as qualified lives; these lives are granted a status that is less valuable than the lives of those who are permitted to partake in public discourse. This is problematic for a number of reasons, especially as it concerns the visibility of victimhood and injustice. The frame favorably represents qualified and grievable populations, whilst vilifying or failing to represent “unprioritized” populations, or those who pose a perceived threat to dominant ideological pursuits. For example, dominant American epistemic frames discursively denigrate and negate (1) civilians in U.S. occupied
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warzones, (2) migrants, (3) asylum seekers, and (4) inner-city gun violence fatalities; this happens because adequately humanizing these lives could result in dissidence, and thereby frustrate dominant agendas. If such lives were adequately humanized, the U.S. public might, for instance, resist U.S. military intervention, make evidence-based claims for stronger gun-control legislation, or advocate on behalf of more lenient immigration policy.178 But because it has been in the interest of the U.S. government to advance the ideological agendas that could be threatened by humanizing these populations, instead, they are subject to epistemic and ontological denigration and negation, which justifies their exposure to death and precarity; because they are portrayed as less than human, criminal or adversary, or because we are simply unaware of their existence, we are unmoved by their suffering, and the ideological agendas related to these groups remain unimpeded.
The phenomenon of differential grievability, as it is epistemically facilitated, is especially pronounced in cases of public obituary.179 We do not have accurate records of the lives we have killed, and we do not publicly mourn these deaths; obituary is not made available to the ungrievable. The absence of public mourning, then, fails to recognize these populations as victims, i.e., as lives taken unjustly. These lives are not regarded equally, and in many cases, they are not regarded as lives at all. Therefore, no life can be lost, and no death will be recognized. Without public recognition of unjust deaths—and the lives that precede them— ethical intervention and remediation cannot effectively take place, accountability is postponed, and genuine mourning cannot occur. It is my view, however, that public mourning that is less
178 Of course, the American public already does make such claims, but with more comprehensive access to information, and more equally-distributed public grief, there would be more evidence upon which to make these subversive claims, and also more information to consider when forming political positions and casting votes.
179 Here, I mean that the ontological value assigned to certain lives as influenced by epistemic depictions of these groups, can be clearly witnessed in public obituary—grievable populations have excessively mournful and widely published obituaries, whereas, in many cases, ungrievable populations do not have public obituaries. Hence, ontological value and grievability can be measured by obituary.
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prejudicial and more evenly-distributed can yield more equitable ontological statuses for those whose victim-status has been withheld; and thereby help remediate epistemic denigration and negation, political ignorance, and ethical inertia. Accordingly, in this chapter I will examine the epistemic, political, ethical and ontologically restorative potential of public mourning, as an avenue by which to mitigate the consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse.
In the paragraphs that follow, I will examine three theories of public mourning as offered by Richard Kearney and Sheila Gallagher, Jeffrey Blustein, and Kelly Oliver, respectively. The first three theorists, Kearney, Gallagher and Blustein, offer models of commemoration that are retrospective in nature, although I believe these models translate well into a disposition of critical public mourning and recognition in the present. The fourth theorist, Oliver, proposes a present-oriented model of witnessing the unwitnessed that challenges traditional theories of recognition, and in this way elucidates in more nuance what effective mourning must entail. Together, these three approaches formulate a position on public mourning that works in the following ways: (1) publicly mourning victims, especially those overlooked, calls for reflection on how politicized commemoration invisiblilizes certain injustices and those whom suffer from them; (2) reflections of this nature elicit a moral responsibility to bear witness to concealed injustices, in public ways, and to act and to vote on behalf of them; (3) and finally, publicly witnessing concealed injustices and unmoumed lives restores ontological value to victims formerly ungrieved, who were deemed unworthy of grief and mourning. In this regard, a theory of public mourning helps to address the four consequences of misinformation and misrepresentation in public discourse—the epistemic, the political, the ontological and the ethical.
Richard Kearney and Sheila Gallagher, through verbal and visual representations respectively, bring to light epistemically subjugated “micro-narratives,” with the view that
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critical remembrance—a form of public mourning—can provide healing to those whose histories have been under-commemorated. According to Kearney and Gallagher, those whose histories are neglected by historical master narratives are “deprived of the ‘work of memory’ necessary for genuine mourning.”180 Although Kearney and Gallagher exhume accounts that have been suppressed by dominant historical narratives, I contend that their theory is amenable to present cases of undocumented victimhood. That is, those whose present narratives of victimhood do not appear publicly are also deprived of the recognition necessary for genuine mourning and adequate ethical remediation. Through public performances of obituary and mourning, Kearney and Gallagher retrieve “some stories and images occluded by... official history.. .and so doing [they aspire], symbolically, to transform ‘melancholy into mourning.’”181 Kearney demonstrates that suffering an injustice can be emotionally, ontologically and morally devastating for victims; and without acknowledgement, healing can be out of reach. Conversely, narrativizing the suffering of victims disregarded by discourse can be therapeutic and cathartic for victims, and make possible genuine mourning; hence, “transforming melancholy into mourning.”182 Genuine mourning, then, calls for ethical intervention—if an injustice has been acknowledged and victim-accounts are publicly represented, then ethical demands are put forward to hold perpetrators accountable, and to rectify the injustice. As this happens, a victim is recognized, the loss of a life is avowed, mourning can occur, and ontological value is restored to those formerly deprived of it.
Jeffrey Blustein also advocates for the restorative potential of mourning and remembrance. He inquires into memorialization as a method of redress that can provide
180 Kearney, Richard and Sheila Gallagher. Twinsome Minds: An Act of Double Remembrance. Quinnipiac: Quinnipiac University Press, 2017, p.ll.
181 Ibid.
182 Ibid.
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recognition for undocumented human rights abuses and extend accountability where it was lacking. According to Blustein, memorialization can serve a reflexive historical function that witnesses previously unreported injustices. Memorialization, as Blustein defines it, is “a term that covers a range of initiatives at least one of whose explicit and main aims is to preserve the memory of past abuses for present and future generations, by such means as monuments, museums, commemorative ceremonies, and rituals.”183 Although Blustein refers specifically to human rights abuses and those carried out by authoritarian regimes, there is value in extending a theory of critical remembrance (and representation) to invisibilized injustice more generally, which also occurs in “democratic societies.” That is, as demonstrated in previous sections, American public discourse has been involved in concealing injustice, and also framing certain vulnerable and innocuous populations as threatening, in order to justify exposing them to precarity. Thus, Blustein’s model of critical remembrance can be effectively implemented in the United States for the purpose of illuminating instances in which U.S. public discourse has epistemically manipulated representations of contentious issues—civilian deaths, gun-violence fatalities, indefinitely detaining asylum seekers, separating migrant children from their families—with the consequence of invisibilizing injustice. In these instances, then, critical reremembrance and critical representation have the capacity to yield more comprehensive understanding, better informed vote-casting, and mourning for victims formerly ungrieved; which could result in more equitable ontological statuses for these populations, and ethical intervention on their behalf.
183 Blustein, Jeffrey. “Human Rights and the Internationalization of Memory.” Journal of Social Philosophy, 15 Mar. 2012, p. 19.
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Blustein argues that we have “a moral duty to remember wrongdoing,”184 and effective
remembrance must meet the following conditions: “(i) the victims must be identifiable; (ii) the
party with the duty must be specifiable; and (iii) the wrongdoing must cross a threshold of
seriousness.”185 Blustein, acknowledges, however, that there are limitations to remembrance in
eliciting comprehensive moral redress. On this matter, he writes,
There is a great deal that remembrance obviously cannot do. It cannot “make good” the loss that was caused. It cannot, that is, make it right. It cannot restore the victims to the state they were in prior to the violation, as expropriated possessions or their equivalent might be restored to their rightful owner. It cannot literally compensate the victims for what they suffered, and even as symbolic compensation, it is not by itself a fully adequate response to the grievances of survivors and victim families. The remedy or redress that remembrance itself provides, insofar as it does, may seem to be relatively modest and is only partial. But especially when combined with other sorts of remedial action, it can have powerful moral, psychological, and social effects for the victims whose suffering is memorialized as well as for their families and communities.186
In this regard, although remembrance has its limitations, it does have the capacity to restore
ontological value to invisibilized victims, who can then be perceived as victim, i.e., as worthy of
grief and mourning. In line with my argument, Blustein maintains that memorialization can
provide both validation and vindication for victims. That is, “it can validate the victims by
symbolically restoring their moral standing and political status. And it can vindicate them by
giving the lie to official histories that minimize the culpability of state agents and demonize the
victims as traitors who deserved whatever they received.”187 Accordingly, “by remembering and
thereby honoring the victims, living and dead,” and acknowledging their status as victim as
opposed to as adversary, “a step is taken toward repairing the [moral and ontological] harm
caused by wrongdoing.”188 Thus, memorialization has an ontological and ethical function: it
184
185
186
187
188
Ibid., p. 20.
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 21, emphasis my own.
Ibid.
Ibid.
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reinstates ontological value to those deprived of it, while holding perpetrators accountable, making visible injustice, and making ethical demands.
Furthermore, critical memorialization and mourning has an epistemic and political function. Memorialization narrativizes injustices and, in so doing, more accurately represents epistemically manipulated events, and better informs political positions. The political depends on the epistemic, and better representation means more effective democratic participation. Blustein argues that critical memorials dedicated to illuminating injustice “are often the loci of public education and debate, because they challenge a society’s natural tendency to think well of itself and official versions of the past that regimes promote to cast themselves in a favorable light.”189 In this respect, memorialization is subversive and encourages critical reflection about the past. Memorials, then, “are critical devices, for they question what kinds of historical interpretation are normatively appropriate.”190 More simply, critical memorials destabilize official narratives and call for greater accuracy and inclusiveness, which holds regimes to higher standards of truth.
Finally, I will discuss Kelly Oliver’s ethical elucidation of witnessing. Ethical theory often expounds on recognition; however, as Oliver demonstrates, witnessing surpasses and supplements the affective, empathic and ethical capacities of recognition. Because recognition is grounded in hierarchical exchange—a superior group confers recognition to an inferior group— the model of recognition perpetuates relationships of dominance and oppression and is therefore insufficient; recognition cannot yield genuine mourning, nor restore ontological value. Additionally, recognition does not involve the affective states required to motivate ethical behavior; “in other words, recognition, whether epistemological or political, must be
189 Ibid., p. 22.
190 Ibid.
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accompanied by affect to become ethical.”191 In light of this, a concept of witnessing establishes
a framework for more equitable ethical relationships, and also engages pathos, which gives rise
to compassion and empathy—the affective states required for ethical intervention. In this way,
witnessing illuminates the affective states involved in effective public mourning; we must not
simply recognize unreported deaths, but in order to resolve differential grievability, and perform
ethical remediation, we must affectively witness unreported deaths and unmoumed lives.
According to Oliver, witnessing involves a multitude of cognitive, affective and ethical
states that exceed the capacities of recognition. “Witnessing,” she writes “takes us beyond the
recognition to the affective and imaginative dimensions of experience, which must be added to
the politics of recognition.”192 Oliver muses that this might explain why “Butler speaks about
recognition in terms of 'seeing as, ’ [which] requires not only re-cognition but also
imagination.”193 However, seeing as does not quite account for the restorative potential of
witnessing either, which Oliver defines in the following way:
Avowing the suffering of others caused by [our] own privilege.. .requires more than cognition or even imagination. It requires pathos beyond recognition. It requires a commitment to what Jacques Derrida calls “hyperbolic ethics,” an ethics of impossible responsibilities for what we do not and cannot recognize.194
To witness, then, is to “avow the suffering of others caused by our own privilege,”195 and an
adequate avowal—an adequate act of witnessing—involves cognition, imagination, and pathos,
and an ethical commitment to avow the suffering that we have yet to witness. To witness is to
cognize suffering, imagine suffering, feel suffering, and feel for those who suffer it; but also, to
191 Oliver, Kelly. “Witnessing, Recognition and Response Ethics.” Philosophy and Rhetoric, Vol. 48(4), 2015, p. 481.
192 Ibid., p. 475.
193 Ibid.
194 Ibid.
195 Ibid.
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avow suffering, and to comprehend that our own security comes at the expense of another’s. For Oliver, witnessing is not simply a cognition; witnessing is affective, emotional and ethically disposed. Witnessing is committed to identifying injustice and to rectifying it. As it does so, more peoples become grievable, ontologically valuable, and consequently, alive; more peoples will be considered as lives whose deaths would matter, the criterion of grievability. In this regard, witnessing is a disposition that elucidates what is involved in effective public mourning, and in a way that mitigates the consequences of epistemic manipulation.
Concluding Remarks
In the preceding paragraphs, I have drawn upon three theories of public mourning that help to resolve the problems created by epistemic manipulation in public discourse, and especially the problem of ontological denigration and negation. Although incomplete when independent of other kinds of remedial action, public mourning does have the capacity to address each of the consequences of epistemic manipulation—the epistemic, the political, the ontological and the ethical. When evenly-distributed to all persons without prejudice, public mourning more comprehensively represents injustice, better informs political positions, restores ontological value to those deprived of it, extends accountability where it was lacking, and makes public demands for ethical intervention. Granted its limitations, as described by Blustein, public mourning has powerful epistemic, political, ethical and ontologically restorative capabilities that are worth pursuing.
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CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION
Throughout this thesis I have argued that there are resounding consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse that extend into the epistemic, political, ontological and ethical domains. To begin, epistemic manipulation forecloses comprehensive understanding and prejudicially allocates credibility along axis of social power, upon which only certain knowers are able to appear in and contribute to public discourse. Other persons are epistemically denounced and disenfranchised, whose knowledges, histories, perspectives, and experiences remain restricted from public purview. As such, our understanding of complex political realities will be insufficient. Voters, then, form political positions with limited and manipulated information, which impairs democratic processes; we cannot vote effectively if we do not comprehend the full implications of our positions. Furthermore, populations are ontologically harmed by epistemically manipulated depictions, and by unjust policies that ensue from votes cast with misinformation. These populations are sometimes depicted and therefore regarded as less than human and unworthy of grief and mourning, and as a consequence, they are exposed to undue degrees of death and precarity. However, because these populations are portrayed as menacing and threatening (to qualified human life), the public is not always motivated to ethically intervene on their behalf; and as a result, we fall short of our moral responsibilities. These are the four dimensions of consequences that follow from epistemic manipulation, and they are fully operative at the current moment, especially with regards to the U.S. southern border crisis.
However, in the fifth chapter, I illustrated that public mourning has the capacity to mitigate some of these consequences. Public mourning, when evenly distributed—without
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preference or prejudice—is able to more accurately represent complex political realities,196 by which we can cast better-informed votes. Additionally, public mourning can be therapeutic and ontologically and morally restorative for formerly ungrieved victims. Furthermore, when an individual is perceived as a victim, certain ethical demands are put forward, which restores ontological value to populations that have been deprived of it, and thereby compels the public to ethically intervene. In this regard, equally-distributed public mourning helps mitigate the consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse.
In this thesis, I have shown that epistemic manipulation results in widespread consequences—which include epistemic misunderstanding, democratic deficiency, ontological injustice and ethical inertia—that require critical consideration and urgent ethical attention. These consequences can be witnessed in cases such as the Iraq War, the U.S. southern border crisis, and sweeping and unreported gun-violence, wherein epistemic manipulation resulted in misconception, erroneously influenced vote-casting, extensive deaths and injuries—both symbolic and literal—and inadequate moral responsiveness. It is possible though, that equally-distributed public mourning for the causalities of each of these crises—Iraqi civilian deaths, migrant deaths, and gun-violence fatalities—could yield more comprehensive awareness of injustice, more effective democratic participation, ethical intervention, and the restoration of ontological value to those dispossessed of it; thereby remedying, to a certain degree, the wide-reaching consequences of epistemic manipulation in public discourse. In so doing, social responsibility will be better distributed, and more efficaciously enacted, and more persons will
196 As described in footnote number 27, access to “accurate, comprehensive, unmediated information,” might always be limited. However, it is clear that certain representations are more accurate, more comprehensive, and less mediated than others. Furthermore, I argue that unequal public mourning, because it does not comprehensively represent the consequences of political initiatives, and the victims of such initiatives, forecloses comprehensive understanding of complex political realities. Alternatively, then, equally-distributed mourning, that does not preferentially determine who qualifies as victim, but represents all victims, will more accurately and comprehensively represent complex political realities, by which we can cast better informed votes.
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be permitted the status of victim, and therefore included in the category of subject; more lives will be perceived as lives that are worthy of grief and mourning. Accordingly, following Butler’s recommendation, effective and equally-distributed public mourning more equitably distributes grievability by evoking “an insurrection at the [very] level of ontology, a critical opening up of the questions, what is real? Whose lives are real? [And] how might reality be remade?”197
197 Precarious Life, p. 33.
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PAGE 16

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PAGE 17

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