1 Mary Patrice Ozanic ID 830305979 COMM 4700 001 Dr. Sonja Foss May 07 2016 An examination of the nature of drug use as constructed in the rhetoric of music festivals
2 The way in which drug use is constructed in popular culture is one factor that impacts the appeal of drugs to adolescents and young adults Drug use is often much more than the ingestion of a preparation in order to experience a physical or psychological reaction referred to as Great significance can be imparted to the drug use through varied sources including s ocial activities, use by family and friends, peer pressure, popular images, celebrity endorsement, references in music, myths, availability, self acceptance, and youthful rebellion. Researchers refer to the influencers as subcultural evolution and theorize that drug use occurs within forms of popular cultural context such as music. (Golub, Johnson and Dunlop, 2005). R ecreational drug use and its subsequent potential for the onset of abuse and addiction are dependent on many factors including personal characteristics, social conditions and current cultural trends. Among the increasing number of recrea tional drug users, there is a consequential percentage who will develop potentially severe chemical dependency. One influential cultural aspect that has been shown to affect drug use is music. Youth culture and school age students have demonstrate d that preference for certain types of music are correlated or associated with specific behaviors and propensity for illicit drug use, specifically in hours a d ay is noted as the number one non school activity among students W ith 87% of 13 to 17 year olds listening to music after school and two thirds declaring music a hobby, the potential effects of various forms of music on the choice to use drugs are substa ntial. The study also revealed that 27 percent of the 1,000 songs evaluated contained a direct reference to illicit drugs, alcohol or tobacco, and an additional 14 percent contained figurative usage of drug language
3 One form of popular music that is particularly associated with drug use is the music festival. Festivals not only reflect the state of a society at a precise moment but indicate the feelings the various actors have about the society in which they live, their grievances and their ideas of how to bring about change (Fabre and Heideking, 1982). In a world where notions of culture are becoming increasingly fragmented, the contemporary festival has evolved in response to processes of cultural pluralization, mobili ty and globalization while also communicating something meaningful about identity, community and a sense of belonging (Bennett et al., 2014). A significant percentage of festivalgoers subscribe to the theory that the use of ha llucinogenic drugs enhanc es both broadens and In addition to the consideration of the music as fundamental to the experience as a whole, participants also speak the music is only one key ingredient. Woven into the rich tapestry that is a music festival are the threads of a distinctive and inclusive culture that springs up and flourishes in the advancement of community building and self transformation through personal and spiritual growth. Festivals regularly include not only music but also dance, rituals, visual and performing arts, and creative activities that foster participation rather than spectatorship. Because of the prominence and social significance of music festivals, artifacts that rhetorically depict music festivals are widely available for popular consumption. Precisely how drug use is depicted in the artifacts might well have a significant i mpact on the choice to use drugs by individuals The music festivals memorialized in film documentaries are often seen as major cultural happenings and represent historical records of the events. This is the case with the Woodstock Arts and Music Festiva l held in 1969 and the Electric Daisy Carnival in 2014. The intention of my research is to contribute to the body of literature investigating recreational drug
4 use among young people and the development of strategies and policies for the reduction of har m and prevention of abuse. Research Question What is the nature of drug use as constructed in the rhetoric of music festivals? Fabre and but indicate the feelings the various actors have about the society they live in, their grievances and aspirations, and their ideas of how to brin of culture are becoming increasingly fragmented, the contemporary festival has evolved in response to processes of cultural pluralization while also communicating something meaningful about identity, communi ty and belonging (Bennett et al. 2014). Significance of the Study The continuation of a long standing pattern of drug use among a specific population suggests that new perspectives and fresh approaches in evaluation and intervention methods cou ld be helpful in the reduction of harm and the prevention of substance abuse. Current models and methods of treatment used at rehabilitation centers for recovery from chemical dependency have a high rate of relapse among clients after they are released fr om the treatment program. I will argue that research on the impact of music festivals when communicating the nature of drug use may reveal a cultural influence that could be of significance when reviewing treatment modalities, specifically in regard to ho w relapse is addressed through current prevention strategies. Based on an ideology commonly embraced among many recreational drug users, it is presumed that the use of mind altering psychedelic drugs enhances the ability and potential of an individual to achieve transformative personal and spiritual growth. For the purpose of this
5 research, the analysis will concentrate on the use of psychedelic drugs and not on marijuana, its derivatives, alcohol, nicotine or other drugs. In an attempt to offer p otential remedies, the existing problem that requires research to address is that methods in drug treatment programs have remained virtually unchanged over the past decade, even though drug use in the United States is on the rise among young people 18 25 y ears of age. This situation is certain to escalate as more states move to legalize marijuana for both medical and recreational use. Many members of this demographic group identify themselves as music festival aficionados and regular participants. A more thorough understanding of how, or if, the construction of drug use at music festivals has changed will help align relapse prevention programs and harm reduction strategies with social trends and cultural evolution. The modalities and prevailing metho ds of therapy in drug treatment programs at rehabilitation centers for recovery from chemical dependency may not be adequately addressing the impact of cultural influences such as music festivals as they relate to drug use. My hypothesis is that music fes tivals could be used as site specific locations to reach certain audiences in order to expand drug education programs and as a platform to identify harm reduction practices in addition to those already in use. The draw of music festivals for young people may be impacting the high rates of relapse, which is a return to drug using behavior, after clients are released from treatment. 12 oung adults cannot be expected to eliminate soci alization at music festivals as part of their relapse prevention plan. It is simply unrealistic and has proven intensely ineffective. As more artists and musicians enter recovery there has been a correlative increase in peer supported harm reduction pra ctices among young recreational drug users
6 Research Design The term music festival usually communicates an image of a gathering of people oriented toward a type of music that is often presented around a common, unifying theme based on musical genre, nationality, locality of musicians or holiday celebrations, for example. Festivals are commonly held outdoors over multiple days and are often inclusive of other attractions such as food, art shows, merchandise vending, performance art and social activities. The Woodstock Music & Arts Festival, 1 held in 1969 in upstate New York was selected as a medium from which to extract data for analysis because of its historical significance and social impact. Similar data were extracted for comparative inquiry from the more contemporary annual festival, th e Electric Daisy Carnival, due to the nature of its explosive growth in popularity with fans of electronic dance music. Description of the Artifacts Woodstock Arts and Music Festival The year was 1969. Against all odds and the subtext of the unpopu lar Vietnam War with a poignantly passive dream of peace, humans first set foot on the moon, the New York Mets won the World Series and for three days in August, half a million young people experienced the single most defining moment of their generation -a music festival unprecedented in its scope and influence, a coming together of people from all walks of life with the single common goal of enjoying peace and music (Lang & George Warren 2009). This festival is widely considered to be the definitive nexus for the larger counterculture of the era. With the greatest roster of rock 1 For the purpose of this paper, the event "Woodstock" refers only to the original event held in upstate New York in 1969 and is not inclusive of any reference to the 1999 tribute event billed as "Woodstock 99."
7 and folk musicians ever assembled, Woodstock was selected by Rolling Stone magazine as one Officially declared a state disaster area, many commentators claim that the communal view came about not in spite of disaster, but because of it. The hunger, rain, mud and hampered toilet service conspired to create an adversity against which people could unite and bond. There was one confirmed death at Woodstock of 17 year old Raymond R. Mizzak of Middletown, New York, who was run over by a tractor while sleeping in the mud. There were no officially recorded events of violence, no arrests, and not even the rumor of a lone fistfig ht or theft. In his article for the New Yorker Woodstock led a generation to lay claim to an epic and heroic youth culture that subsequent By the first n ight more of us are still coming. The major thing you have to remember here is to l ook around you. we had in as many ways as it could be split up Abbie Hoffmann a cultural revolutionary from the era, Utopian vision, comes the energy to go out there and actually participate in the process so that Artifact One Woodstock: 3 Days of Peace and Music (Doc umentary Film) The Academy Award winning documentary movie was originally released in 1970 by Warner Bros. Pictures with an accompanying soundtrack on vinyl album. The film was directed by
8 Michael Wadleigh, produced by Bob Maurice and edited by Thelma Schoonmaker with Martin Scorsese. It captures the essence of the music, the performances of 18 of the 32 artists and bands, featured at the festival, along with extensive coverage of the experience of those who Ray disc for the 40 th anniversary in 2009. Artifact Two Woodstock Diary: Friday, Saturday, Sunday (Documentary Film) R eleased in 1994 in Dolby Digital AC3 Stereo Sound, this documentary looks in greater detail at the pre and post production business aspects of Woodstock, rather than the artistic side as in the first documentary. This diary was directed by D.A. Pennebaker with Chri s Hegedus, produced by Alan Douglas for Gravity, Ltd. in association with Warner Bros. Pictures, and distributed by Wienerworld. Both Woodstock documentaries are subtitled in English, French, German, Dutch, Japanese, Portuguese and Thai. The film is a fl y on the wall look at the creation of the event; the vision of Michael Lang, its producer; and the drama, humor and pathos change the world. The Electric Daisy Carnival The second music festival selected for analysis is the Electric Daisy Carnival a n electronic dance music (EDM) festival hosted by the company, Insomniac Events, which produced the first EDC in 1997 in Los Angeles. The term EDM as an acr ony m has its roots in academia. Scholars electronic music. The Electric Daisy Carnival is contemporary youth culture between the ages of 18 and 25.
9 I nsomniac, producers of the of the Electric Daisy Carnival, create a sense of Cirque de Soleil. part and parcel of a scene wide chemical intake notoriously excessive even by Grateful Dead standards back in the 70s. Almost everyone here is on acid and mushrooms at the same time raging. 2 As with the participants at Woodstock, attendees at the Electric Daisy Carnival view the scene The events at EDC have been characterized as a shadowy youth subcultur e who, in reaction to the Peace L ove, U nity and R Promoters have successfully distanced themselves from use of the word in its advertisi Pasquale 3 brought it back with the EDC. A producer, he stuck with it (the music) and now the events are of The Electric Daisy Carnival is a far more sophisticated and theatrical production than Woodstock ever aspired to be. Presented in a carnival like atmosphere with a midway, rides, las er light shows, projected images, visual effects, smoke machines and live performance artists there is extensive interaction from the stage with the crowd. As its mission, the milieu at the EDC promotes and provides extravagant "sensory stimulation" to e nhance the drug experience A small number of critics believe that electronic dance music makes a political statement, but 2 Raging is defined as the behavior of dancing and partying as hard as the individual is able to all night long. 3 Pasquale Rotella is the executive producer of the Electric Daisy Carnival and owner of its copyright license.
10 In comparison to the non violence at the original Woodstock, o n its 30 th anniversary a weekend concert featuring electronic dance music t was marked by violence, ending abruptly when festival goers began setting fires, hurling bottles and destroying the stage. Artifact Three Under the Electric Sky (Documentary Film) In 2014, Focus Features released an Insomniac Productions film in association with Haven Entertainment titled Under the Electric Sky, which captured the monumental experience of the Electric Daisy Carnival held on June 24 26, 2010, at the Las Vegas Mo tor Speedway in Nevada. Almost one quarter million young people attended over the three days of the event (Matos 2015). The film premiered at the Sundance Film Festival to great acclaim. Directed by Dan Cutforth with Jane Lipsitz, edited by Kevin Klaube r and produced by Pasquale Rotella, the team collaborated with some of the most talented names in film, including director of photography Reed Smoot and music supervisor Jason Bentley, with original scores by Kaskade. Rotella was voted by Billboard magazi ne as one of the top five most influential people in music today. Says The documentary shares with viewers the experience of life, love, community and passion o f Artifact Four The Electric Daisy Carnival Experience (Documentary Film) This groundbreaking film goes behind the scenes of the production of the Electroni c Daisy Carnival, now the largest outdoor music festival in North America, in similar fashion to the way the producers of The Woodstock Diary took a technical look into Woodstock. This film
11 presentations of EDM music recorded in Dolby Digital 5.1 Sound capture the essence, flavor and the power of the palpable energy force emanating between the stage and the audience in an ever increasing crescendo in this symbiotic relationship. spread that popular disc jockey Kaskade would be making an appe arance. The crowd became cancelled as a result of the raucous and belliger ent crowd. Method of Data Collection The four documentary films were each viewed twice with the repeated use of slow motion technology to accurately record the depictions and construction of drug use by both individuals and in group settings, along with capturing the nature of the drug use. Data included the sc rutiny not just of actual drug use but of music, clothing, artifacts, paraphernalia, vocabulary, behaviors, emotional states, facial expressions, setting, geography, stated mission and vision that are each part of the collective whole of the drug culture. Instances were recorded of both substance use, which included actual and implied consumption, and substance appearance which encompassed substance related paraphernalia and inferences. Collection of data was somewhat limited due to the use of documentar y films only and did not include personal surveys or on site interviews with participants at festivals. Data were catalogued by theme using coding methods, moving from overall generalizations to observations of specific acts of drug use and drug using beh avior rooted in group norms for these practices.
12 The data were studied using an ideological analysis, which looks beyond the surface structure of the artifacts to discover the beliefs, values and assumptions they suggest. Van Dijk (1998) identified f our categories which encompass the full range of elements that combine to create the These categories are: social, economic, political and cultural. The music festival experience appears to inform a sense of self and helps to define for the individual participants their place in some aspect(s) of the world -in this case, the nature of drug use at music festivals and how it has evolved. In combination, the artifacts present dozens of images and examples of drug use at both Woodstock and the Electric Daisy Carnival, by individuals, musicians, disc jockeys, staff and members of community groups, along with depictions of the behaviors, altered mental states and enhanced emotions that accompany such drug use. These are the presented elements of data which suggest themes, concepts, ideas and references that this pap er will analyze. Using presented suggested elements to code and sort data represents part of what is known as an ideological analysis in rhetorical criticism. Literature Review Generally speaking, scholars have studied music scenes from one of two br oad perspectives. First, the cultural viewpoint maintains that the electronic dance music experience is rooted in a sense of community and empathy for others (Hutson 2000; Sylvan 2002) with the predominance of the "PLUR" sentiments of peace, love, unity a nd respect. These researchers contend that the use of psychoactive drugs such as LSD and MDMA, with their empathy inducing properties, has functioned to enhance the PLUR philosophy at festivals and not singularly create it.
13 Conversely, empirical rese arch in public health portrays the music festival culture as a site of extensive drug consumption wrought with numerous interpersonal and health risks, devoid of collective meaning for the participants (Yacoubian et al., 2004; Miller et al., 2005). Here, the solidarity experienced at music festivals among attendees is thought to be nothing more than a function of excessive psychedelic drug use. The emergence and growth of electronic dance music has been charted by a growing group of academics such as Collin and Godfrey (1997), Redhead and her colleagues (1993) and Thornton (1996), with the level of interest culminating in the establishment o f Dancecult, a multi disciplinary academic journal about this genre of music and its accompanying culture. An examination of existing research reveals few studies that specifically address the nature of drug use as constructed in the rhetoric of mus ic festivals Relevant studies are concentrated in one of three areas: (1) Culturally based research on the role of music as impacted on the behavior of adolescents and young adults; (2) Medically based epidemiological research to define the effects and impact of recreational drug use by the festival participants in order to identify harm reduction policies and strategies; and ( 3) Sociology based research that examines the formation of solidarity within the framework of community building systems at fes tival sites and the use of music festivals as a form of socialization for youth and as a platform for personal growth. Culturally Based Research Relative to the communication of the nature of drug use in popular cultural artifacts Roberts, Henriksen and Christenson (1999) investigated the frequency and nature of substance use in the most popular songs and movie rentals of 1996 and 1997. Because teenagers are major consumers of both music and movies, there is concern about the potential for media depi ctions of
14 substance and drug use to encourage use among this demographic. The research suggests that portrayals that tend to legitimize, normalize, trivialize or glorify substance use might propose to young people that this behavior is without negative co nsequences. Neither music nor movies provided much insight into motives for substance use, and the study argues that careful examination of media content in music and movies is a crucial first step in determining what role media may play in the promotion of substance use and abuse. Oksanen (2012) examines mainstream rock musician autobiographies that describe a wide range of drug use and reckless behavior. Most of the books give detailed accounts about different methods of using a variety of illegal drugs and in many ways are much more explicit than lyrics that make allusion to drug use and the nature of "being high." His analysis shows that drugs and alcohol are no longer as associated with rebellion by musicians as they once were in rock music and tha t surviving addiction, which symbolizes the authenticity of the artists, has become a key theme in rock culture. The research is significant because it supports the sequence of progression and the patterns of drug use from adolescence to young adulthoo d as identified by Yamaguchi and Kandel (1984) that at one point include experimentation with psychedelic drugs such as the LSD and MDMA which are consumed prevalently at music festivals. Research on popular music has explored its effects on schoolwork, social interactions, mood and affect, and particularly choices and behavior. Roberts and her colleagues (2009) reported that at risk youth spend up to 6.8 hours per day listening to mu sic, which represents a higher percentage of use of music than even television viewing and video games combined. They propose that the effect s of popular music on adolescent behavior and emotions should be of paramount concern because of rising levels of substance use in the United States among 18 to 25 year olds.
15 Medically Based Research There is a reservoir of medically based quantitati ve and statistical analysis of recreational drug use and the demographics of users, mainly concentrated at electronic dance music raves and festivals with data gathered through surveys and interviews with volunteer attendees. Researchers have found that large scale entertainment events such as open air music festivals are social environments that promote recreational drug use that can lead to misuse and abuse (Erickson et al., 1996; Bellis et al., 2002). For example, the Center for Forensic Science Research and Education found that, on average, as many as eighty percent of electronic dance music festival goers, ages 18 to 25 years of age, admitted to having consumed club drugs such as MDMA, also known as Ecstasy within the past thirty days. The goal of the multi site study was to get a better grasp on emerging new drugs in order to implement safety strategies and harm reduction policies for future music festivals. No such studies appear to have been conducted at Woodstock, where the bulk of research done after the event was administered from an anthropological perspective that analyzed the politics and counterculture movement of the Sixties and their historical implications on future generations. Sociologically Based Research Over the past two decades, there has been a substantial increase in science and health research that investigates the potential contribution of the arts in general and music specifically to the health, well being and acquisition of life skills by individuals (Packer & Ball antyne, 2010). Pascoe and her colleagues (2015) highlight the physical, social, emotional and cognitive benefits that are derived through association with music and conclude that "music has the power to exalt the human spirit, transform the human experien ce and bring healing, joy and satisfaction to
16 Ter Bogt and Engels (2005) examine motives and consequences of MDMA (Ecstasy) use at different types of dance parties and live performances and determine that participants are moti vated primarily by the energetic and euphoric effects they anticipate receiving from psychedelic drug use. The motives include the desire to achieve euphoria, enhanced energy, sexiness, flirtatiousness, self insight, sociability and a sense of camaraderie and community. Dilkes Frayne (2014) proposes that current research addressing the mediating role of "context" in youth drug use can be complemented by examining drug use events 4 at music festivals. She argues that analyses of the events capt ure the temporality, dynamism and multiplicity often lacking in research into contexts and the nature of drug use. Drawing on Actor Network Theory, she further conceptualizes the drug use event as a process of successive mediations that bring about transf ormations and actions that promote drug use and points out that research has been conducted without sufficient regard for the mediating role of space and spatial processes. Other f indings by Dilkes Frayne (2015) indicate the need to explore how socio spatial relations may be involved in both the generation and mitigation of harm stemming from recreational drug use at music festivals. Her conclusions lend support to previous research that has emphasized the need to look beyond individual modes of beha vior to setting specific approaches to harm reduction, such as at the campsites, in education and generation of alternatives. "Campsite relations mediate the form of drug knowledge and norms, informal harm reduction practices, access to and exchange of dr ugs and opportunity for recovery from drug use that is shared among festival attendees," explains Martinus and her colleagues (2010). 4 In this case, an "event" of drug use refers to a single incident of drug use by one individual.
17 Current research and theory on electronic dance music or "rave" culture has articulated a link between solidarity an d recreational drug use at music festivals. Solidarity is sociologically defined as "the degree or type of integration and collective identity in a society or within a social group" (Wallace and Wolf, 2006, p. 36). Solidarity is further illuminated by th e personal attachments within one's primary group. The research team of Kavanaugh and Anderson (2008) characterize an episode of drug use as a "process of successive mediations in which many actors come together in shifting configurations, generating a se ries of transformations in each assembled actor or entity." States Kavanaugh (2008), "Drug use and its effects emerge relationally, both as the result of and the generator of the unfolding of the event of use." Sylvan (2002) and St. John (2006) further examine the inclusive act of ritual dancing as it "synchronizes" the emotional and mental states of collective group members as they are exposed to the same "driving sensory stimuli." The resultant exhilaration is theorized as reinforcing solidarity, and the corresponding feelings of connectedness and spirituality are the result of collective participation in these dance rituals, not simply the result of drug use. Hutson (2000) added to the body of work by identif ying the deep and genuine sense of camaraderie that exists. The experience of "exhilaration," according to Cranny and Francis (2013) has led to the emergence of "sensory studies as a research field" and to the discovery of other senses such as the vestibular sense of the sense of balance. Duffy (2014) believes these developments to be of vital importance and suggests how "festivalization" may relate to this body of study as communal ideas of identity and belonging are formed through the shared unde rstanding and practices of agency, time and space. She argues that festival participants engage in the experiential process, which opens the body to the sights, smells and feelings aroused by the
18 entire festival experience, in addition to those aroused by the sounds of the music and the crowd noise. Kommers (2001) joins the debate about "pop music as a substitute for institutional forms of religion" which are allegedly vanishing. From a base in religious studies and cultural anthropology, the aim of her research is to identify among young people forms of religious experience, spiritual expressions and the exploration of meanings attached to pop music and music festivals by participants. Kommers suggests that pop music festivals have transcendental plea for more qualitative research and multi sited fieldwork, stressing participant observation and research that starts from the perspective of young people foll owing "to discover their vision of the world." Additional literature from the field of sociology on the development and enforcement of group norms refer to the procurement and use of MDMA in a safe and harm reducing manner as the maximization of "ta minimization of "task failure" (Feldman, 1984). Use of the Haddon Matrix 5 in research studies demonstrate that interventions need to be administered at all stages of the event, incl uding pre event planning for attendees. The matrix allows event planners and promoters to formulate anticipatory intervention with preventive care strategies (Hutton et al., 2015 ). Data Analysis The data analysis presented here suggests that fac tors leading to repetitive recreational use depend on exposure to repeated drug messages, ease of access to drugs, the social context in 5 The Haddon Matrix is the most commonly used paradigm in the injury prevention field. Developed by William Haddon in 1970, the matrix looks at factors related to personal attributes, vec tor or agent attributes, and environmental attributes before, during and after an injury or death.
19 which drugs are used, the typology of peer groups, current cultural trends and the assumption of by cultural social circles which impart significance to the drug use. Some researchers articulate a s ociological basis to the evolving popularity for different types of drugs in which drug use emerges from a dialogue between drug use subcultures and indiv idual identity development. The subcultural perspective provides insight into the widespread use of drugs, the dynamics of drug eras or epidemics and the formation of drug generations that define the nature and implications of being in a chemically altere d state. both the properties of the psychedelic drug use as impacted on the mind, as well as the influence of the drug use on the physical body. A porti on of the data further suggests that the impact of the as augmentation, along with other sensory incitements that enhance the experience of being in an altere d state of mind. The ease with which drugs are initially obtained at the music festival begins the initial augmentation of the overall experience. Ease of Drug Procurement Within the culture of recreational drug users, obtainment of drugs appears to be easy and of authorities who are on hand to monitor security and safety at the scene of the event. In order to reduce the appearance of authoritative p rovocation as much as possible, many members of the security staff are dressed in event t Attempting to reduce or stop the number of drug transactions does not appear to be a priority for the workf orce. As festivalgoers trail into the Electric Daisy Carnival, for example, there is a
20 ic drug, specifically festival site. Physical and Mental Effects of Drug Use in the Artifacts Analysis of the artifacts reveals several distinct areas of effect on the body and mind including physiological and behavioral vagaries, lowered inhibitions with increased sexual activity, heightened visual and sensory stimulation, and enhanced individual self expression, all of which are influenced by the festival milieu. The depictions of actual pill taking are fairly rare into a baggie of white powder and ingested orally. Exactly how the effects of psychedelic drug use w ill unfold for each individual is of hallucinogenic drug use. The uncertainty is captured in an example by a female hippie in one of the Woodstock artifa cts as she explains: T here is an astuteness that exists among the individuals who share a collective use of recreational the strangers, which is tran smitted through the angle and lens of the camera and its capture of the various facial expressions that denote glee and satisfaction.
21 One participant appears, for example, to suggest that he knows he is not alone in his consumption of some type of psychedelic, mind altering drug, but that there is a community of w ith a pill on his tongue, which is sticking out, and he slowly rolls up his tongue to swall ow the pill. A broad grin grows across his face as he wickedly winks at the camera with an all knowing sense of understanding. Physiological Effects. The effects of hallucinogenic drugs display a wide range of influences and are dependent on the p ersonality and milieu of the user. adverse reactions, such as the fear of losing control with an impending sense of doom, is dilation with observable shining eyes; exaggerated facial expressions; elevated body temperature hyperactivity with maniacal bursts of energy; and frenzied verbal and gesticu lated expressions; and dehydration leading to dizziness and fainting for which medical attention is often sought out by friends of the user. In addition, users experience sensory changes including alterations in intensity of attention and reaction to stimuli accompanied in many cases by vivid delusions and hallucinations. There appear to be impairments in depth and time perception with distorted perception of the size and shape of objects, movements, color, sound, touch and personal body image of ones elf and others.
22 Through the continual bumping and touching of other partially clad bodies, there is a heightened sense of sexuality. Many speak of realizing actual physical orgasm which they attribute to the heightened stimulation of senses as brought about by the use of psychedelic drugs. Many observers talking to the camera and interviewers speak of feeling great sensations of love for one another, including the strangers in their midst. The data uncover support for physical contact and lowered inhibitions amon g festivalgoers with the public address in combination with the driving beat of the music is almost palpable to observers as they flash peace signs and power fists to the cameras while sticking out their tongues as if to simulate pill swallowing, which is a subtle signal that they are among the majority who appear to have consumed psychedelic drugs. At the Electric your mind from all the touching and feeling. When the women are twerking, 6 I almos t lose my Psychological Effects. Psychological effects appear to be decidedly more pronounced because users are better able to articulate descriptions of their moods and emotions which include transient and alternating feelings of e xcitement, exhaustion, exhilaration, intoxication, euphoria, power, anxiety, confusion, enlightenment, despair and then release followed by a sense of redemption and salvation that is described by many as religious in nature. Many users attempt to describ e feeling several different emotions at once. New perspectives about oneself abound 6 A style of dancing in which women dip into a squat style position and rapidly shake the hips and buttocks back and forth in a highly sexualized replication of fornication.
23 with insights on self worth, recollections, redefinitions, acceptance and newfound interest in artistic, social and philosophical concerns. There appears to be greate r preoccupation with internal events involving self that become integrated with novel views about others including a sense of unusual closeness and unity; comprehension of agape or universal love for one another; understanding, empathy and compassion; and communal camaraderie are also prominent. There is much discussion among the Woodstock attendees about the quality of the trip for individuals, whereas at the Electric Daisy Carnival, there is more talk about the use of psychedelic drugs as a groups with m uch discussion about love for one another and for their neighbors at the festival. Described one Impact of the Festival Milieu on Drug Effects Attendees at both festivals are exposed for long periods of time to a kaleidoscopic sensory milieu that is rich, varied and filled with sounds, sights and bodily experiences that ca n provide overwhelming sensory stimulation. At both Woodstock and the Electric Daisy Carnival, the environments are replete with music in the air and the continual hum of the crowd. At EDC, one visuals at the festival work in tandem to create a sort of unity that is a modern interpretation of indigenous tribal cultural gatherings. We can all understand the beat of the music, and it ipants
24 commonly describe their experience with sensory engagement in everyday life as mundane, ordinary, comfortable, safe and frighteningly dull. The lack of special theatrical effects on the stage at Woodstock suggests that the music there was of more importance than at EDC. The essence of the Woodstock scene is captured in the artifacts through a montage of tangible, tactile stimulations as demonstrated by hippie men and women walking together; holding hands; picking wildflowers, lying down toge ther in embrace; sleeping on the ground; drinking and eating; reading in groups; playing instruments and singing in small groups to achieve the impact of sound; and dancing while others look on. Others are wading naked in the marshes feeling the effect of water on the skin, swimming naked in the ponds, making love in the distant meadows or trying to milk the local cows in order to take full advantage of the back to nature scene. Augmentation of the Drug Effects by Users Analysis of the artifacts rev eals that participants appear to augment the nature of their high with the use of specific behaviors, accoutrements and other trappings. Augmentation includes bubble blowing, floating bouquets of helium balloons, fragrant flowers, burning incense and bill owing flags, flashing neon lights, battery operated toys and costumes, 3 D and special effects glasses, and fluttering fairy wings. All of it works in tandem to tantalize the senses that have been hyper he glasses blur your vision and moving glow sticks being swung on a string. ulation whereby the participants conduct individual light shows with gloves that contain lighted fingertips. The large quantities of luxurious and thick fabrics such as velvets, furs and feathered boas enhance the overtly sensual and tactile
25 experience of touching and petting one another. Many attendees are depicted sucking on infant contractions brought on by prolonged exposure to MDMA with its amphetamine like qu alities. the camera by members in the crowd. Child like frivolity with a sense of playtime is dished up further by means of specially inclusive explosion of sensory stimulation. There are fragrant bursts of aromatherapy with vast displays of undulating lights, beams, mirrors and lasers. Referred to as sensory stimulation cham bers others are sized for individuals and shaped like enclosed tanning booths which give the appearance of motorhomes, hotel rooms and campsites to keep the stimulatio n ongoing. Many do not take a break from the action throughout the course of the three tunnel is reminiscent of the excursion through a black hole in a science fiction adventure tale, and observers note that the exper sociological foundatio n. These are: (1) Solidarity as a sense of belonging to a group with emphasis on the importance of group decision making on the choice to use drugs; (2) As a mode of socialization; (3) The environment of the music festival as a catalyst for personal and s piritual growth as expanded by the use of psychedelic drugs (4) To remedy boredom and routine ordinariness.
26 To Facilitate Solidarity. A common thread that appears to weave groups together into a collective as depicted in the artifacts is the shared e xperience of drug use In a famous scene a and proffers the cameraman a smoking pipe. A lone hand emerges from behind the camera to take the pipe. There is subtle and understated laughter between the observer and the observed as a sense of solidarity develops, PLUR is experienced and the act of s haring is constructed based on a common interest of getting high. The incorporation of adherence to group decision making as personal policy has a powerful influence on individuals and the small groups to which they belong on their choice to use drugs or not. One clip in an artifact reveals the extent of the power when the interviewer rounds up a group of young men at the Electric Daisy Carnival, all wearing the same grey Wolf Pack t shirts. The shirts identify them as members of a special, elite gro up with a mission that is understood to offer support to its individual members for the duration of the festival. It is a creative way to put for all and all for morning, so we other so they do not lose one another in the crowd. Explained one member o f The Pack, whole scene binds us together all year long as one unit. As friends, we inspire each other and nurse, and my partner is a firefighter, but here, w There is a common thread among the interviewees that reveals their overarching belief in the theory that when people are passionate, they can do amazing things. Comments one young
27 of me. They were at Woodstock, and they would want me to be true to myself and my values. EDC is like a moment at Woodstock when As a Mode of Socialization. Socialization the lifelong process by which individuals both inherit and disseminate norms, customs, values and ideologies in order to acquire the skills necessary to succeed as funct ioning members of society, can be seen in full force through depictions of the nature of drug use at music festivals. A n analysis of the data reveals that individual views by attendees on social issues tend to lean toward what other participants have col subculture that includes drug use for enhancement. The experience of the music festival appears to change the lives of many of the attendees for the better by ins tilling a sense of hope for the future with them at work and among their family and friends. A young man explains in agreement, ippies but without the violence of their political war platform. ne l ove. As the choice of wardrobe at both festivals suggests, there is instruction in normative behavior for the partic ipants that promotes a sense of nonjudgment and lack of pretension with open acceptance of various lifestyles within communities at both festivals. At the EDC, nipple androgynous dress diminishes distinctions about sexual orientation and positions the event as a by a reporter, a young man replies:
28 I may be just a screwed the attitude that me and my friends, blacks and whites and yellows and greens and straight and gay and fat and skinny, obtain around 2:15 a.m. on Sunday morning is the beautiful tru have the experience of this festival together. The message is that everyone can be okay as an individual just as he or she is in the present moment, while keeping in mind that the music is the common denominator among all attendees, more so than the drug use is perceived to be by the participants. As Catalyst for Personal and Spiritua l Growth. Although many of the participants reconstructed their festival experiences a s being connected with drug use, their experiences were also equated with a greater sense of belonging within a small group and of being part of something larger and aff ectively more meaningful than just the drug use alone The data suggest that within the conformity seen in the small groups there exists opportunity for individuals to discover for themselves the nature of the unique characteristics that construct persona lity. An attendee at the Electric Daisy Carnival states that the festival reinforces connections to others with shared values and ideals but, even more, it builds a foundation for an individual moving forward from the event to become a better, stronge Most attendees interviewed in vari ous segments give the impression that they not only anticipate, but strongly desire and expect, to see something at the festivals more brilliant and dynamic than they are used to seeing in daily life. In one interview, Michael, who is aboard a van trip de
29 most pronounced effects of the MDMA he has taken. The nature of the effects appears to be tied that is otherwise difficult for him. Michael states that such conversations help to develop and strengthen his friendships in ways that last long beyond after the event was over. He goes on to expand on the point that he believes it is the Ecstasy or the MDMA that has had a positive impact on his ability to talk to strangers and to meet new people. As a Remedy for Boredom and Routine Ordinariness The atmosphere depicted at both festivals reflect the values adopted by many o f the attendees whereby they discard the conventional trappings of mainstream society and adopt in its place a vision of what ordinary life could be like on a day to day basis. Explained one young man at EDC, unifying with nature nd creates a sense of community among the participants. The fact that attendance at the festivals features a disruption of routine ensures that such involvement is, by its very nature, more poignant than ordinary day to day life experiences and serv For a significant percentage of festivalgoers, the music festiva l experience is not only meaningful in itself as a memory and a narrative but appears to have potential to give meaning to the entire rest of their lives. Based on expressed benefits from individuals about the use of drugs at the site of the festival, par ticipants report feeling more positive about themselves, others and
30 the future of life in general as a result of having recreationally consumed psychedelic drugs. Performance artist Alex Murray Leslie summed it up for all festivalgoers when she said: a world that nobody feels they can change. The music looks back on all the bad architecture, fat faced politicians, faceless convenience, useless technology and greed that still exists today. Add to thi s mix, the Ecstasy, and it all combines and still gives us hope. ere for the music, for old friends and new ones, and to soothe away our anxiety from living in the world as it is today. The extent of the sense of fellowship among the participants is pervasive as one fan explains, I d much better than seeing a therapist. People are moving, dancing, trying to integrate stuff in their minds. There is hope Disadvantages of Recreational Drug Use as Depicted in the Artifact s A careful analysis of the data, as revealed in the artifacts, shows a set of four distinct disadvantages are associated with the use of recreational drugs at music festivals. These include: utside of group norms; (2) There is
31 reduction strategies to maintain safe lev els of use and optimize effects. Unacceptable Levels of Drug Use. The data reveals that some levels of drug use in the operating outside of standard group norm s. The data reveal there is a hierarchy among the peril. This is conf here and holding a balloon, unable to move, totally out of it, rolling tits. 7 I remember walking up to see the mud. One interviewee named Hermes reveals that there is a group among the festival cultural subgroups that is comprised of older, more mature and seasoned festivalgoers. Hermes says: Those of us who are a little older are more moderate in ou r consumption. But frankly, I People are really fucking high. I mean, really high, out of it. I think a lot of it is coming from the Rainbow Family after Jerry Garc they come here to EDC. It 7
32 T he depiction suggests that the experienced users have little patience with the virgin users whose introduction to psychedelic drug use occurs in the midst of t he festival, thus disrupting the desire by others to incorporate the PLUR philosophy into the scene. Another mature user expressed the sentiment that the electronic dance music scene at EDC was becoming a wasted opportunity to promote personal growth and social change and was rather declining into a for the new style of electronic dance music, often extremely loud and repetitive, was actually an impediment to safe psychedelic drug use as a self transformative tool. Festival promoters, event staff and attendees are tuned in to those participants who are having bad trips with potentially dangerous interactions from their drug use. It may be generally undesirable behavior, but experienced festival goers do not turn their backs on users who are having a difficult trip Participants who are having trouble with their trips are ival where they can receive support and medical aid if necessary. Here, community groups of volunteers with nonaggressive, enlightened attitudes toward youth and drug culture work unobtrusively to dissuade undesirable behavior such as being too high and t urning toward violence and aggression. In a revelation that suggests medical Prankster named Lisa Law shared: There are a lot of people taking LSD and not quit e knowing what to do if they are a virgin user. Our job is to move these people into a situation where they can finish their trips and be happy. At first, one of the doctors was administering Thorazine and we immediately went over to let him know that T so we just move them on to us. One guy was freaking out on acid and we just told him that
33 that everyone here loves him In the e nd, he was okay. She said he eventually calmed down and successfully made it through his trip without harm to either himself or to others on the scene. Consumption of Adulterated Drugs. There is an inherent danger in recreational drug use that participants may in some way ingest an adulterated substance whose potential effects and side effects are unknown to them. Electric Daisy Carnival artifacts introduce a colorful character in a fanc iful costume known to the crowd as Mr. Kool Aid flyers are distributed at the festival depicting a Disneyesque character with a pill on its tongue. feature cartoon characters or reconfigu advertisi ng. Confirms a health care worker at the Electric Daisy Carnival: Young users think Ecstasy and Molly are two forms of different substances. They perceive Ecstasy to be safer but do not seem to realize that the pill can be pressed into form from an adulterated base. The effects of adulterated drugs can alternate between the heavy duty psychological carnival ride of LSD and the gush of Ecstasy. A young man explains how their friend, Sunshine, ses of LSD and MDMA simultaneously.
34 drugs were just too much. It was the worst place I could have been because of the reverb off the plastic walls, but I coul another friend, without realizing it, had smoked some angel dust sprinkled with cocaine. Harm Reduction Strategies. Four stages of recreational drug use are identified in the artif acts including pre loading, coming up, loaded and coming down, each of which are attended with specific strategies for harm reduction by users. The experience of the high begins with to taking the hallucinogenic drugs in order to help relieve some of the physical effects of the eventual reduction practices during this stage may include eating a nutritious light meal before drug use, buying only fr om regular suppliers, taking equal amounts of MDMA among group members and ensuring safe passage back home after the festival ends by using a designated driver who may only smoke marijuana during the event. Other strategies include resolution to replace f luids and sodium during the event with energy drinks, avoiding the risks of poly or multiple drug use. he onset of the first effects of the drug in which can last for many hours. As a harm reduction strategy in practice at the Electric Daisy Carnival, peer group areas where individuals can find free water, humidifying fans, couches, cushions and other comfortable spaces to lie down for a while and recuperate from dehydration and near exhaustion R ecognition of the need for such areas enables preventative practices and contributes to the mental and corporeal experiences and pleasures of recreational drug use.
35 a very negative event due to the sometimes severe physical effects of prolonged drug use. Individuals support groups to come down together using marijuana and tra nquilizers such as Valium or drinking small amounts of wine. At all four stages, peer initiated harm reduction practices are put into play with group members particularly watching out for virgin users and for signs of distress among group members. Abstinence is one form of harm reduction practiced by a minority of festival goers. One young male fan explains: I used to be into heavy drugs, but not anymore. Now, to me, it seems like drugs are almost my experience to be mass insanity. I want to be human. I want to feel human. I want to be able to communicate man. This is all bigger than just that and the drugs. This is a happening. A scene and I want to be part of it. Significance of Mentors Analysis of the data suggests that the musicians, disc jockeys and event staff have the opportunity to play an important role as mentors and role models in the introduction of harm reduction practices. Mentors fill four significant roles : as cultural role models for the recreational use of d rugs; as advocates of legitimacy in the promotion of recreational drug use; as a means to communicate messages of support and warnings; and finally, as a model for harm
36 reduction strategies and practices. Through their stage presence, mentors reach out t o the crowd as a means of working together to help create a safe and supportive environment for drug use. Peer group members at Electric Daisy Carnival seem to be better educated about harm reduction practices than were their counterparts at Woodsto ck where one of the most famous depictions of a call for harm reduction awareness with a safety suggestion comes directly from your trip, but the brown acid going around is not particularly Small support staff are two other types of role models who have the opportunity and the status among the crowd to present information that the drug users are receptive to receiving and implementing. Further analysis of the data reveals that the nature of the volunteer work suggests that the workers have personal experience upon which to draw in order to help those who are having trouble with their drug trips. They are nonjudgmental about the act of using the drugs, and they support the potential for the users to experience profound spiritual awareness and possible enlightenment. Volunteers who work to Sitters try to reduce negatives effects through soothing talk and loving endo rsements, The sitters subscribe to the psychedelic cultural ideology that frames psychedelic drug use as a means for personal and spiritual enlightenment if h andled properly. Throughout the films of both festivals, the workers embrace this cultural discourse. A staffer asks one woman if she is on
37 have asked me t o help their friends who are freaked out on acid. There are some bad trips going One festival goer named Jeff festival this way: We pulled into the entrance lane on the interstate from Ohio headed west. We had no idea how we were going to get there, but we had a Rand McNally and Ecstasy me enough money to do it a second time the way we did it the first time. Conclusion The way in which drug use is constructed in popular culture is one factor that impacts the appeal of drugs to adolescents and young adults. One significant influenc e that has been shown number one non school activity among students. With 87% of teenagers listening to music and two thirds declaring it a hobby, the potential ef fect of music on the choice to use drugs is substantial. Music plays an important role in the socialization of adolescents and youth adults by providing entertainment, distraction from problems and worries, and as a way to relieve boredom and tension. Young people use music in their process of identity formation and individual music preference provides a means to achieve group identity and integration into the youth culture. Analysis of the data suggests that attendees at music festivals are in a pos ition to acquire a personal sense of safety, value and connection, which studies in the social sciences describe as
38 the three elements necessary for humans to not only survive, but thrive. An academic examination of cultural forms of music consumption may help gain insight into social beliefs about recreational drug use as a connection between society and culture. The music festival experience appears to inform a sense of self and helps to define for the individual participants their place in the world. The data analysis suggests that factors leading to continued recreational drug use depend on exposure to repeated drug messages, ease of access to drugs, the social context in which drugs are used, the typology of peer groups, current cultural tren significance to the drug use. drug use as a viable transformative tool for personal growth is accompanied by a n element of expected uncertainty as to exactly how the effects of psychedelic drug use will unfold for each individual. The unpredictable effects of LSD appear to be part of the attraction of psychedelic drug use. The argument presented in this ess ay supports the theory that even though contemporary music festivals can be a platform that endorses illicit drug use, there is a larger sociological consideration whereby recreational drug use at festivals can be a catalytic agent for personal enrichment and positive social change. My research builds upon the existing identification of the need to recognize and expand harm reduction practices at entertainment events, such as music festivals, that may encourage recreational drug use among young adults in a ttendance. Close examination of the data reveals six distinct areas of common construction regarding the nature of drug use in the rhetoric of music festivals as depicted in the selected documentary films. These include: (1) Participants feel they are an integral part of something greater than themselves, an individual part of a larger whole, with historical implications; (2) The
39 development of community and the influence of peer group decision making impacts the choice to use drugs; (3) Music festi vals are a form of socialization that seed the development of a sense of self and self acceptance within a cultural group whose individual members often feel misunderstood by society at large; (4) Music festivals offer an atmosphere favorable to the genesi s of new ideas and impressions to which the young participants are expressly receptive; (5) The incorporation by user groups of harm reduction practices to help ensure safe drug use; (6) The separation experience that distinguishes the festival as a depar ture from everyday life and routine ordinariness prompts participants to examine their lives, their understanding of themselves, and their role in the larger community. Attendees describe the personal insights and revelations they gain at the festival as life changing and religious in nature. The music festival scene has historically been characterized by an ethos of premeditated intoxication, predominantly with the consumption of psychedelic drugs such as LSD at Woodstock and MDMA, which is endemic a t Electric Daisy Carnival. The inherent properties of psychedelic drugs appear to be three fold: as a positive mood enhancer; as an energizer; and for the empathogenic qualities which seem to embellish everything in the surrounding environment including the people, music, lights and sound, making users more open, talkative and endearing to each other. The adopted philosophy observed at both festivals suggests that attendees pride themselves on a lack of pretension with open acceptance of one another. Ex matched group, you know, groups within groups On the other hand, if the user feels that he or she is in an unsettling or uncomfortable environment, the individual may not be mentally pre pared for the powerful distortions in perception and thought that psychedelic drugs cause. Zinberg (1984) described the phenomenon
40 but on the attitudes of th e users with regard to the drug at the time of use and the physical and social environment in which the drug use has taken place. The combination of set and setting is experience a harm reduction practices into the framework of experimentation with psychedelic drugs. Analysis of the artifacts reveals several diverse areas of effect on the body and mind including physiological and behavioral changes, lowered inhibitions with increased sexual activity, heightened visual and sensory response to stimuli, and enhanced individual self expression. Psychological effects a re decidedly more pronounced in the artifacts because users are better able to articulate descriptions of their moods and emotions which include transient and alternating feelings of excitement, exhaustion, exhilaration, intoxication, euphoria, power, anxi ety, confusion, enlightenment, despair and then a spiritual release with a sense of redemption that is described by many users as religious in nature. U sers describe achieving new perspectives about oneself with insights on self worth, recollections, rede finitions, acceptance and newfound interest in artistic, social and philosophical concerns along with a sense of unusual closeness and unity with others. Research suggests that young people who attend music festivals are far more likely to use illicit drugs than their age matched cohorts and that festival venues would be appropriate sites for intervention to promote safer drug use (Lim, 2008). Recognition of the relevant need for harm reduction strategies will become increasingly more important as additional states in the U.S. move to legalize high potency recreational marijuana, some strains of which are believed to have hallucinogenic properties. Social normative theory indicates that individuals will adjust
41 their health related behavior acco acceptance among their peers (McKay, 2015) which forecasts the potential effectiveness of harm reduction practices. Studies in the area of successful harm reduction policies have uncovered three ma in sources to acquire drug related knowledge as accessed by young adults that include: observational learning; experiential learning in which the user experiments with various drugs and dosages to achieve desired effects; and database sources that include websites, chatrooms, peer and parental advice, school programs, medical experts and research studies (Duff, 2003). In conclusion, the music festival environment is a natural habitat to conduct research on recreational drug use, its effects and poten tial strategies to reduce associated harms. Not all festival attendees use drugs, but many illicit drugs are liberally available for those who chose to use them to enhance the festival experience. In cultural studies, a great deal of attention has been p aid to depictions of the nature of drug use found in lyrics, movies, television and music videos, but little attention has been paid to the actual environments in which drugs are consumed, such as at music festivals. Current research on drug abuse preven tion notes that success is predicated upon (NIDA, 2002). Science reveals that the nature of drug use travels a circuitous four fold path through the processes of conversion, acceleration of use, growth/quest and slow down or abstinence. It is during this evolution of individual patterns of drug use that harm reduction strategies should be introduced to users on multi dimensional levels to help ensure safe recreat ional drug use and minimize associated risks as much as possible.
42 Further Studies Suggested There is general agreement in the literature that drugs dominate an increasing range of licensed recreational activities among young people such as the music festivals examined here. Although the social, emotional, cognitive and physical benefits of engagement with music are well known, little research has been conducted on the psychological benefits of music as constructed in the rhetoric of music festivals. Preliminary studies have provided evidence regarding the impact of music festival attendance being. Previous research suggests that engagement with music in a festival context can contribute to the creation of a sense of community, binding group members together as participants in a larger culture; providing an opportunity to engage in social activities; and providing opportunities for participants to reflect on their understanding of themselves and their place in the world. Family and emergency physicians should have some understanding of the f estival culture, the drug use and associated health risks in order to communicate knowledgeably with patients and recognize potential drug misuse. Although there is an abundance of articles on the pharmacology of psychedelic drugs and the complications as sociated with its use, there exists a paucity of literature on the concept of harm reduction as a public health policy at music festivals. A somewhat significant body of work on this subject exists in the United Kingdom, Australia and Canada. Where drug use has been addressed, studies have tended to survey drug use prevalence among festival attendee populations, rather than examine how drugs are used at the festival itself (Hesse & Tutenges 2012). Bakhtin (1984) did, however, examine the notion of the carnivalesque atmosphere and its impact on the effects of psychedelic drug use. Dilkes Frayne (2014)
43 can be complemented by examining drug use events s uch as music festivals. She argues that events analyses capture the temporality, dynamism and multiplicity often lacking in research into contexts of use. Motives for psychedelic drug use have not been studied methodically and past research has f (1984) available for identification purposes. It appears to be possible to develop reliable research tools to evaluate drug use, its culture and patterns of dru g effects within the festival (the festival) and set (frame of mind) for the study of psychoactive substances. Of the systematic reviews of the frequency of subst ance use in media published since 1980, almost all have focused on television and movies with few, if any, dedicated to music festivals. Most studies have examined media portrayals simply by reporting the percentage of depictions in which a substance appe have been found to be difficult due to differences in units of analysis. Few studies have attempted to examine the deeper issues explored in the research, such as the types of char acters involved, motives for use and the consequences attached to use. se of balance. Duffy (2014) believes these developments to be important and suggests how are formed through the shared understanding and practices of agency, ti me and space. She argues that festival participants engage in the experiential process which opens the body to the
44 sights, sounds, smells and feelings aroused by the entire festival, in addition to those aroused by the music. Statistics provided by t he National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) estimate that as high as possible negative outcomes of festival attendance may reveal increased exposure to or escalation of antisocial behaviors and inability to distinguish the shift from recreational drug use to abuse. Ingold (2000) proposed that the weather, an element of our natural environment, which counts that consider the interaction weather is often experienced at a distance; however, during a festival, participants are directly exposed to a variety of weather and climate change for extended periods of time, often experiencing great adversity because of it as was the case with Woodstock.
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