George H. Garrey (1875-1957)

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George H. Garrey (1875-1957) mining geologist and mining engineer
Edwards, Carol Ann
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
University of Colorado Denver
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vi, 141 leaves : ; 28 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Mining geology -- History -- West (U.S.) ( lcsh )
Mining engineering -- History -- West (U.S.) ( lcsh )
Mining engineers -- Biography -- West (U.S.) ( lcsh )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )


Thesis (M.A.)--University of Colorado at Denver, 1994. History
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-141).
General Note:
Department of History
Statement of Responsibility:
by Carol Ann Edwards.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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30937457 ( OCLC )


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GEORGE H. GARREY (1875-1957): MINING GEOLOGIST AND MINING ENGINEER by Carol Ann Edwards B.A., Duke University, 1969 M.L.S., Indiana University, 1970 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts History 1994


GD 1994 by Carol Ann Edwards All rights reserved.


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Carol Ann Edwards has been approved for the Department of History by Mark S. Thomas /f: Noel James B. Whiteside Date


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks are due to those who have given vital support during my master's degree studies: Mark S. Foster, my faculty advisor, teacher, and friend, who provided thoughtful insights, a sense of humor, and invaluable encouragement and guidance; Thomas J. Noel, whose deep well of knowledge about Colorado and the West generates contagious enthusiasm; James B. Whiteside, who introduced me to George H. Garrey in a graduate research seminar; the University of Colorado at Denver History Department, for funding through a Graduate Tuition Award; the U.S. Geological Survey, Geologic Division, for funding through its Continuing Education Initiative; friends and colleagues at the U.S. Geological Survey. Words are inadequate to express thanks to my husband, David, and son, Jason, whose love, support, encouragement, and sense of humor are indispensable.


Edwards, Carol Ann (M.A., History) George H. Garrey (1875-1957): Mining Geologist and Mining Engineer Thesis directed by Professor Mark S. Foster ABSTRACT In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, mining in the western United States changed from the relatively straightforward exploitation of surface placer deposits and shallow, heavily weathered ore deposits, to the more complex methods demanded by more deeply deposited sulphide ores. Mining became a more scientific and technical enterprise, requiring the expertise of formally trained mining geologists and mining engineers. The George H. Garrey Papers at the Colorado Historical Society trace his career as a mining geologist and mining engineer in the western United States from 1904 into the 1950's, and provide a glimpse into his personal life as well. Garrey was educated at the University of Chicago and the Michigan School of Mines. After a brief tenure with the U.S. Geological Survey, he undertook mine examination iv


and development work for the American Smelting and Refining Company in Mexico and in the southwestern U.S. Garrey was employed in a similar capacity by the Tonopah Belmont Development Company of Nevada. For most of his career, however, he worked as an independent consultant. Other than a brief, troubled marriage in 1920 which ended in divorce, he remained single until 1938, when he married Anna Reynolds Morse, daughter of Denver mining entrepreneur A.E. Reynolds and heir of a vast mining empire. Their combined incomes provided the couple wfth a comfortable living. This study of Garrey's papers shows that his career was typical of many mining geologists and mining engineers of the day. His career encompassed a variety of activities centered around the examination, evaluation, and development of mining properties. Garrey's career began during a period of increasing professionalism in many occupations, and he participated in the process through professional organizations, publishing, and communication with colleagues. His papers also reveal many aspects of his private side. These details of his personal life add a human v


element to his character. His activities as a professional mining geologist and mining engineer reveal aspects of the history of the mining industry in the western United States during the first half of the twentieth century. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication. Mark S. Foster vi




CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In the December 1901 issue of Mines and Minerals, an article entitled 11The Value of Science and Training in the Mining Industry11 began with the observation that mining is rapidly changing from an aimless, luckless, blind grasping for treasures to a systematic, scientific business ... a truly technical, professional business. 1 Early gold mining development in the western United States exploited placer deposits, where miners used water to separate free gold from soil or sand and gravel deposits at or near the surface. After these surface deposits were exhausted, miners searched for readily accessible layers of heavily weathered ores that were easily processed by stamp mills, which reduced the ore to a fine-grained powder. In that state, gold could still easily be separated from the surrounding rock, and through simple chemical processes be separated from other E.J. Babcock, "The Value of Science and Training in the Mining Industry," in Mines and Minerals, v. 22, no. 5 (December 1901), p. 220. 1


minerals with which it might be combined. Deeper mining operations, however, often encountered gold ores that were more complex, where gold was combined with sulphides of other metals. Gold and silver are often found in combination with sulphides of other metals which are themselves valuable, such as copper, zinc, and lead. 2 Miners termed these "rebellious" or "refractory" ores, because the gold and other metals could not be separated from the ores by the usual mechanical and chemical processes. 3 Such ores had to be treated at smelters, where furnaces roasted the crushed ores from the mills and more elaborate chemical processes forced the separation of the valuable metals from the remaining worthless slag. Increased costs of processing complex ores, plus the generally higher costs of developing mines in the often remote areas of the western United States, Mining Explained (Toronto: Northern Miner Press, Ltd. I 1968), pp. 35-39. Rodman Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 1848-1880 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963), p. 118. 2


led mine owners and investors to demand more information about the properties into whch they were being asked to pour thousands--frequently hundreds of thousands--of dollars. The business of mining became more scientific, as formally trained geologists were hired to examine and report upon the potential for, or presence of, ore deposits which could be profitably mined. This expanded application of geology and the work of the geologist to the role of recommending means for the economical--i.e. profitable--exploitation of commecially desirable minerals, led to the development of the professions of economic geologist, mining geologist, and mining engineer. These geologists and engineers examined the mining properties and adjoining areas, including any underground workings. Samples of ores were taken for chemical assay to determine the presence and richness of any ores. Some of the most important products of this examination work were maps, not only of surface features, hut especially of the underground geology. These geologic maps showed the nature, structure, and location of rocks below the 3


surface. They showed the distribution of rocks that contained the desired mineral ores, identified areas that held "greater potential for the occurrence of a mineral commodity of a particular type and grade," and so provided a basis for recommending particular strategies for further exploration and possible mine development. Finally, geologic maps also provided a basis for "projecting operational costs that depend[ed] upon the complexity and scale of the geologic setting." 4 Potential purchasers and investors relied heavily upon the maps and reports resulting from these examinations, and upon the knowledge, skills, and experience of the professional geologists and mining engineers who performed the work. "The successful mining geologist," said eminent geologist Josiah Spurr, must have a thorough acquaintance with the principles of geology, and at the same time understand the general principles of mining; and he must be able to judge nicely where the two come together. Every miner ... is constantly obliged to Societal value of Geologic Maps by Richard L. Bernknopf et al. (U.S. Geological Survey Circular, 1111), (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1993), pp. 16-17. 4


confront geological problems .... 5 George Garrey was trained as an economic geologist, mining geologist, and mining engineer. During much of his career, from 1904 to the 1950's, he traveled extensively in the western United States and in Mexico, and to a lesser extent in Canada, examining mining properties for potential investors, and guiding the development of mining operations for mine owners, leasors, and managers. He was also personally involved in the leasing and development of mining properties in Colorado owned or managed by Albert E. Reynolds and, after Albert's death, by his daughter Anna Reynolds Morse. However, a discussion of Albert E. Reynolds' mining enterprises in Colorado is beyond the scope of this study.6 Josiah E. Spurr, "Application of Geology to Mining," in Mining and Scientific Press, whole no. 2199, v. 85, no. 11 (September 13, 1902), p. 145. 6 For more information on Albert E. Reynolds and the Reynolds' mining enterprises, interested readers should consult the soon-to-he-published biography of Reynolds by Dr. Lee Scamehorn (History Dept., University of Colorado, Boulder) and the Papers of Albert Eugene Reynolds and the Reynolds Mining Enterprises at the Colorado Historical Society. 5


The George H. Garrey Papers at the Colorado Historical Society in Denver provide insights into his education and career, and into his relationships with colleagues and clients. Through these papers we can also determine if Garrey was successful at his profession, and whether he attained financial security. Was he a 11typical11 mining geologist and mining engineer? In addition, there is information which illuminates his human, personal side. An exploration of Garrey's career and private life may also add to our understanding of professionalization among mining geologists and engineers, and of the development of the mining industry in the western United States during the first half of the twentieth century. 6


CHAPTER 2 BEGINNINGS AND EDUCATION George Henry Garrey was born at Reedsville, Wisconsin, on June 29, 1875, one of four children of John Eugene and Harriet Anderson Garrey. George had one brother, Walter, and two sisters--Emma and Helen. John Garrey was a physician and surgeon. The family moved from Reedsville to Stockbridge and then Wausau, Wisconsin, and finally settled in Aurora, Illinois located about 40 miles west of Chicago.1 There, George Garrey attended Aurora West high school, and graduated on June 14, 1894.2 He began studies in the scientific course at the University of Chicago, and worked at various jobs to pay most of his expenses. 3 He attended for four years, and 1 "Mining Geologists of Note: George H. Garrey," in Enqineerinq and Mininq Journal -Press, v. 114, no 12 (September 16, 1922), p. 492. "Commencement Announcement, Aurora West High School, June 14, 1894," George H. Garrey Papers, folder 866. (Hereafter cited as GHG folder ___ ) "Mining Geologists of Note", p. 492. 7


then returned to Aurora, where during 1898-1899 he taught science at his alma mater, Aurora West high school.4 He then returned to his studies at Chicago. He found time for outside activities, and in 1897 played left end on the football team under the famous coach Amos Alonzo Stagg. Later, he served as an assistant coach.5 The University was in the Big Ten Conference at that time, and in 1899 the football team won the Big Ten Conference title. 6 Walter Garrey also attended the University of Chicago. He had been an instructor in zoology (1895-1898) and a Fellow in physiology (1898-1900). 7 There is no evidence in the George Garrey papers about whether the boys' fathei contributed to the costs of their education. But both of them worked during their college years, and Application for U.S. Army. Engineer Reserve Corps., n.d. GHG, folder 899. 5 University of Chicago. Cap and Gown, 1896-1897, p. 117; and, "Stagg Predicts Grid Revival at Chicago U.", Rocky Mountain News, June 11, 1955, p. 40. New York Times, December 23, 1939, p. 19, c. 1. Who Was Who in America, v. 3 (New York: Marquis, 1960) 1 p, 314, 8


so we can speculate that they paid much if not all of their own expenses. In 1901, George Garrey was one of two students to receive the Bachelor of Science degree in geology from the University; the other recipient was Eliot Blackwelder. 8 Garrey credited Professor Rollin T. Salisbury with persuading him to specialize in geology.9 Salisbury had undertaken work for the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) while also on the faculty at the University. Sometimes he led student volunteers from the University on geological studies in the field during the "open season" which generally ran between May 15 and October 15, depending on the geographic locale and weather conditions. 10 After graduation in 1901, Garrey and Blackwelder--under the supervision of Salisbury (who D. Jerome Fisher, The Seventy Years of the Department of Geology, University of Chicago, 1892-1961 (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1963), p. 77. "Mining Geologists of Note", p. 492. 10 Mary C. Rabbitt, Minerals, Lands, and Geoloqv for the Common Defence and General Welfare, (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1980), v. 2, p. 349; Twenty-Seventh Annual Report of the Director of the United States Geological Survey ... 1905-6, (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1906), p. 25. 9


was himself at work in New Mexico)--worked for the USGS on geologic mapping in northwestern Montana, northern Idaho, and northeastern Washington. 11 Salisbury was paid $10.00 per day, but there is no indication whether Garrey and Blackwelder were paid. 12 Garrey then returned to the University of Chicago for graduate work, and received the Master of Science degree in economic geology in 1902.13 He taught several classes at the University in 1901 and 1902. After graduation, he gained some practical experience "working as an ordinary miner and laborer in the mines and mills of Leadville," Colorado.14 The lack of information about Garrey's early years again permits only speculation about why he chose to work that summer, and why in Colorado. We do not know if he needed the money to pay for additional schooling. Leadville, however, would have 11 Rabbitt, v. 2, p. 316. 12 Official Register of the United States, containing a list of the officers and employees ... vel. 1. Legislative, executive, and Judicial. (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1905), p. 999. 13 Fisher, p. 77. 14 "Mining Geologists of Note", p. 492. 10


been an exciting place to be, and Garrey may have been attracted to the West after his mapping activities with Blackwelder in Montana, Idaho, and Washington. In 1902, Garrey entered the Michigan School of Mines at Houghton for more specialized training. He had graduated from the University of Chicago only 9 years after the Department of Geology was established in 1892. Now, he was at the Michigan School of Mines only 16 years after it first opened. (The school, which opened in 1886, was lithe second State-supported school of mines to be established in the United States as an individual institution and physically and academically separate from any other."15 Two years later, in April 1904, he received the degree of Engineer of Mines. 16 In that same year, Garrey joined the USGS. As happens in many occupations, it may have been that lithe influence of friends, relatives, and teachers was 15 Thomas Thornton Read, The Development of Mineral Industry Education in the United States, (NY: AIME, 1941), p. 100-101. 16 "Mining Geologists of Note", p. 492. 11


instrumental in placing the beginner in his first job. "17 Professor Thomas C. Chamberlin, a member of the geology department faculty at the University of Chicago, had worked for the U.S. Geological Survey since 1881, while also holding various academic positions. Other faculty in the geology department with USGS connections included Joseph P. Iddings, C.R. Van Hise, and William Henry Holmes. Fellow students Garrey may have known and who had USGS connections included N.M. Fenneman, Stephen R. Capps, Rollin T. Chamberlin, E.S. Bastin, W.C. Alden, W.W. Atwood, and William H. Emmons.18 They may have been able to put in a good word on his behalf. Recommenda-tions would not have been unusual and were, in fact, very appropriate.19 For example, Professor Joseph P. Iddings corresponded with USGS colleague Whitman Cross about "a student here who will make a good fellow for you .... The student was William H. Emmons, who at Cross's 17 Clark C. Spence, Mining Engineers and the American West: the Lace-boot Brigade, 1849-1933, (New Haven: Yale, 1970), p. 60. I B Fisher, p. 1-6, 77. 19 David Love, USGS Retired, Personal communication, February 28, 1994. 12


suggestion took the qualifying examination, was placed on the eligible list, and received his appointment to the USGS in 1904 as well. 20 However, since the mid-nineteenth century, mining in the United States had become a more scientific enter-prise, with mining engineers taking a central role. Once the mining engineer degree had been obtained, "a substantial number of newly minted mining engineers found employment temporarily with public or semi-public agencies."21 These agencies included state as well as federal geological surveys, which were seen as the "most traditional and legitimate training ground for youthful engineers and geologists fresh from college .... The USGS in particular "was regarded as a steppingstone--as a place to learn and gain experience at government expense. "22 20 Letters from Joseph P. Iddings to Whitman Cross, dated February 2 and March 8, 1903, and May 5, 1904, plus letter from Whitman Cross to Joseph P. Iddings, February 20, 1904 in Joseph Paxson Iddings papers, Number N0-7879, U.S. Geological Survey Field Records Library. 21 Spence, pp. 4, 57. 22 Spence, pp. 58-60. 13


As the stream of economic geologists and mining engineers moved through the USGS "training ground," some remained to pursue careers in the federal service. Many others left to assume positions in private industry, independent consulting, state geological surveys, and academia. In such an environment, George Garrey may have had no trouble securing a position as an economic geologist by his own efforts. 14


CHAPTER 3 A BRIEF STAY WITH THE U.S. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY, 1904-1906 With his training in economic geology and mining engineering, George Garrey was assigned to the Section of Economic Geology of Metalliferous Deposits, or Metals Section, in the Geologic Branch. His pay as a geologic aid was $1400 per year. 1 This was "the most coveted assignment for Survey geologists in 1904,"2 as economic geology was proving its worth to the mineral industry. In 1887, Samuel F. Emmons' massive study of the geology and mining industry of Leadville, Colorado, was published, and became a classic.3 The study not only "guided exploration and secured economical mining in a district that had produced between $200,000,000 and $400,00,000" in gold, silver, and other metals, but had Official Register of the United States containing a list of the officers and employees .... July 1, 1905. Vol. 1. Legislative, executive, and Judicial ... (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1905), p. 999. Rabbitt, v. 3, p. 23. 3 Samuel F. Emmons, Geology and Mining Industry of Leadville, Colorado, U.S. Geological Survey Monograph 12 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1986 [1887]) 15


been of even more beneficial results in teaching the mining engineer and the miner the practical importance of geologic study in carrying out their work; in other words, it has greatly improved mining methods throughout the whole country.4 Now, in 1904, Survey Director Charles D. Walcott supported mineral resources investigations to aid industrial development, and directed the Survey to "conduct scientific investigations to aid in every possible manner the development of material industries affected by knowledge of the earth .... "5 For Samuel F. Emmons, Chief of the Metals Section in the Geologic Branch, the basic objective was to determine the laws that govern the formation of deposits of the useful minerals and of the rock formations in which they were most likely to be found. This would require careful and detailed study of a number and variety of mineral deposits, particularly in the older mining districts where mining development was The United States Geological Survey: Its Origin, Development, Organization, and Operations. U.S. Geological Survey Bulletin 227 (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1904) 1 P 16, Rabbitt, v. 3, p. 2-3. 16


extensive and so the underground geology was exposed in the numerous mine shafts and tunnels.6 Garrey was assigned to work with Josiah E. Spurr, who in 1904 directed two field parties who mapped the areal and economic geology of the mining regions in Clear Creek and Gilpin Counties, Colorado, in the mountains west of Denver. In one field party, Garrey and H.F. Clark assisted Spurr in detailed studies of mines and ores, and in mapping of the Silver Plume mining district. They also studied mines of the Georgetown quadrangle which were outside the Silver Plume district, including mines near Georgetown and Idaho Springs, and in the nearby Empire mining district. Sidney H. Ball, assisted by Oscar H. Hershey, comprised the other field party. Their focus was mapping of the region adjacent to the Empire, Georgetown, Idaho Springs, and Silver Plume mineralized areas.7 Rabbitt, v. 3, p. 23. Josiah E. Spurr and George H. Garrey, Economic Geology of the Georgetown Quadrangle (Together with the Empire District), Colorado, U.S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 63 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1908), pp. 4-17, and Annual Report of the Director of the U.S. Geological Survey ... 1904-5, p. 49. 17


Gold was discovered in Clear Creek and Gilpin Counties, Colorado in 1859 and 1860. The gold was recovered from placer deposits and from "sluicing or stamping of the decomposed ores of the veins, until miners were stymied by complex sulfide ores which defied traditional methods to separate the gold from the ore. Active development of the principle mineral lodes did not begin until 1867, when a smelter in Blackhawk, near Central City, successfully and profitably treated the ores. Extensive underground mine development since that time exposed underground mineral veins and other geologic features which were mapped by Garrey and the other field party memhers.8 In the resulting publication, Economic Geology of the Georgetown Quadrangle (Together with the Empire District), Spurr and Garreys discussion of the economic geology of the mining districts comprised over three-fourths of the 422-page hook. Their discussion included descriptions of specific mines and mine tunnels and geological comparisons of the areas studied with other Spurr and Garrey, Economic Geology of the Georgetown Quadrangle, pp. 172-173. 18


important mining districts outside the Georgetown quadrangle and Empire district. The clear descriptive text is supplemented with photographs of ore specimens and mines, and with numerous detailed sketches and maps of mine workings and geology. Spurr left the Survey to establish his own geologic consulting firm in 1905. In his place, Frederick L. Ransome was assigned to investigate newly discovered and very rich gold fields in southwest Nevada, assisted by Garrey and Walter H. Emmons.9 The Survey's high reputation for work in economic geology continued, as the revival of mining activity in Nevada and the recent development of several new and important mining districts ... created a great demand for information concerning the geology of this region. Ransome, Garrey, and Emmons made a detailed investigation of the geology of the Goldfield district during September through December of 1905. From December 1905 into March 1906, Emmons and Garrey mapped the geology of the Bullfrog district, while Ransome "devoted a short time to a general survey of the field and to the examination of the ore deposits." Then, Ransome sent Emmons and Rabbitt, v. 3, p. 36. 19


Garrey, "who had efficiently assisted in the work throughout the [field] season," to visit the Manhattan district, some distance north of Goldfield, to "make a hasty reconnaissance" of the mines and geology of the area, "mainly for the purpose of ascertaining the area that should be included in future mapping and study of this new gold field." The authors published preliminary reports on the gold fields "to meet the demand for prompt information," but reserved final judgment until a thorough study of all the material gathered during the field work had been completed.10 Through its geologic and mineral investigations and resulting reports, the U.S. Geological Survey provided a great impetus to the development of an economical and efficient mining industry in the United States. The Survey also contributed geologists and mining engineers who acquired valuable hands-on experience and training during their tenure with the agency. In its annual 10 U.S. Geological Survey Annual Report, 1905-06, (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1906), p. 19 and Frederick Leslie Ransome, "Preliminary Account of Goldfield, Bullfrog, and Other Mining Districts in Southern Nevada" and "Notes on the Manhattan District" in U.S. Geological Survey. Bulletin 303 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1907), pp. 7-85. 20


report for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, the Survey stated that its geologic branch ... is experiencing embarrassment by its success as a training school for mining geologists. The increasing exodus of such geologists by reason of their employment by large mining companies at salaries much greater than those paid by the Government seriously impairs the efficiency of the economic work of the Survey.11 Spurr had resigned from the Survey prior to the beginning of the 1905 field season to become chief geologist and mining engineer with the American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO) and affiliated companies. His beginning salary with ASARCO is uncertain, but in October, 1908 ASARCO offered Spurr $6,000 per year for his services as Consulting Engineer and Geologist for the year 1909.12 Garrey also found private industry appealing, and in 1906 he also resigned from the Survey to join his colleague Josiah Spurr at ASARCO, as first 11 U.S. Geological Survey Annual Report for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1907 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1907) 1 p, 4, 12 Letter from Edward Brush dated October 27, 1908 in Josiah E. Spurr Collection, American Heritage Center, Univ. of Wyoming, Box 1, Correspondence 1894-1919. 21


assistant geologist in the Mining Division.13 13 "Mining Geologists of Note", p. 492, and Biographical Data, GHG Papers, folder 899. 22


CHAPTER 4 ASARCO, SPURR & COX, AND SPURR AND COMPANY The American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO) was incorporated in 1899, and at that time owned and managed the properties of 17 corporations and one partnership, including 16 smelting plants, 18 refineries, and "a number of mines and mining claims of relatively slight importance." When ASARCO came under the control of M. Guggenheim's Sons in 1901, its businesses were still primarily smelting and refining of mineral ores.1 Previously, company management had been reluctant to enter the mining business "on any considerable scale." By 1904, however, the Guggenheims believed it was necessary to acquire mines, "since it was already evident that many mining fields on which the Company's smelters were dependent for their raw materials were gradually becoming exhausted." At the same time, ASARCO management Isaac F. Marcosson, Metal Magic: The Story of the American Smelting and Refining Company, (New York: Farrar, Straus and Company, 1949), pp. 63-70, 88. 23


decided to expand their business beyond lead ore smelting and refining to include the smelting and refining of copper and silver ores.2 Along with other American mining companies, ASARCO and the Guggenheims had obtained generous concessions from the Mexican government to mine and export lead, silver, and gold ore to smelters in the United States. However, the McKinley tariffs passed in 1890, and supported by American lead interests, imposed duties on Mexican lead-silver ores imported into the United States. As a result, the flow of American capital into Mexico increased in order to build additional smelters in Mexico to handle the locally mined ores, utilizing smelting techniques developed in the United States. Improved transportation routes south from the United States, especially railroads, expedited the movement of machinery, fuel, and other resources to aid in operating the mills and smelters, as well as in opening new mining districts. In addition, with lower smelting and refining costs due to the closeness of the local smelters and the Ibid., pp. 78, 88-91, 182. 24


low cost of Mexican labor, mine operators could fully exploit properties where development had been abandoned due to the lower grade of ore.3 ASARCO management decided to begin expanding its operations in Mexico in 1904, and when George Garrey joined ASARCO in late 1906, he joined Josiah Spurr in exploration work there.4 As an economic geologist with the U.S. Geological Survey, Garrey had investigated and reported on geologic facts concerning the nature of mineral deposits. Through discussion of the facts, his reports enabled the miner and mine owner to apply the information to the evaluation and development of their mineral deposits for practical and economic uses.5 U.S. Geological Survey economic geology reports present the facts as known, with impartial interpretation, so that no one is given an James E. Fell, Ores to Metals: The Rocky Mountain Smelting Industry, (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1979), p. 197; Ezequiel Ordonez, "A Brief Review of the Mining Industry of Mexico," in Economic Geology, v. 3, no. 8 (December 1908), p. 682. Marcosson, p. 191-192; Various mine reports in GHG, folder 1. R.A.F. Penrose, J., "The Relation of Economic Geology to the General Principles of Geology" in Economic Geology, v. 16 (1921), pp. 48-49. 25


undue advantage in the development of the economic resource. As an economic geologist with ASARCO, Garrey was still responsible for the accurate and scientific geologic investigation and reporting of the facts. But now the profit motive and business plans of ASARCO would influence his recommendations for or against the leasing or purchase, and method of development, of mining properties. Garrey worked with Spurr investigating conditions at various properties controlled by ASARCO in central and northern Mexico. They also examined properties offered to ASARCO for lease or purchase. Their reports and correspondence to ASARCO offices in New York City presented the geologic facts and interpretations, as well as the arguments for and against acquiring specific properties. In addition, they reported local gossip which might offer insights into local affairs, such as speculations about graft and other irregularities at La Magdalena Mines, one of ASARCO's properties in the state of Durango.6 Mine reports and correspondece in GHG, folder 1. 26


Early in 1908, Garrey, Spurr, and W. Rowland Cox, another ASARCO geologist, all resigned their positions and formed a partnership as consulting mining geologists and engineers under the name Spurr & Cox, Inc. Spurr and Cox each held four-ninths interest in the company, while Garrey held one-ninth interest. Company headquarters were at 165 Broadway, New York City. Their stationery also showed an office at 305 Boston Building (corner of 17th Street and Champa), Denver, and later an office in San Francisco. Garrey was southwestern manager of the firm, and in charge of their offices in El Paso, Texas and Mexico City.7 Spurr & Cox undertook consulting work for ASARCO as well as for other clients, including a Dr. Howard Kelly of Baltimore, Maryland. Dr. Kelly engaged the firm's services to look into the status of certain mill and mining operations in the Taviche district, Oaxaca, Mexico, in which he had heavily invested. Dr. Kelly "Mining Geologists of Note," p. 492; also letter from R.S. Conrad, secretary of Spurr & Cox, Inc. to George H. Garrey dated August 21, 1908, GHG, folder 2; also copy of letter from George H. Garrey to Josiah E. Spurr dated October 23, 1912, GHG, folder 25. 27


wrote to Garrey of his concerns, and the exchange of letters among Dr; Kelly, Spurr, and Garrey illustrates many concerns relating to mining operations and their owners or investors with which consulting geologists and mining engineers had to deal.8 These issues included geographical distance separating the investor from his investments, investors' frequent relative ignorance of geology and mining, less than trustworthy associates in the mining investment, the lack of transportation facilities in remote areas, and the high cost of mine development. In a letter to Garrey dated February 5, 1908, Dr. Kelly expressed his hope that the investigation could be concluded promptly. He noted that "I am so strained in my resources in meeting my obligations at Oaxaca" that he hoped they could limit his expenses "to whatever is absolutely necessary to get a thoroughly satisfactory clear report." Also on February 5, Spurr wrote to Garrey in Mexico that the investigation for Kelly "is just the kind of problem we need, and is a typical case where we 8 All the correspondence between Spurr & Cox and Dr. Kelly is in GHG, folder 8. 28


can be of invaluable service to mine owners ignorant of mining .... 11 In his reply to Kelly the next day, Spurr reassured him that Garrey had been reminded to "so manage the investigation as to keep down expenses so far as is compatible with doing first-class work." The problem was a complex one, however, "one that demands and will well repay careful and thorough study." Spurr carefully explained the situation facing Dr. Kelly's mill and mine: The question of the advisability of building a mill depends entirely upon the character and the amount of ore available for treatment, so that this problem cannot be studied separately from the investigation of the ore resources of the mines, both in regard to the ore already developed or exposed (which in Mexican mines is apt to be very little) and to that which may be reasonably expected to be opened up in the future. This latter all-important point can only be elucidated by a consideration of the local geological conditions. Spurr reassured Kelly that "with our training in considering complex problems of this character we shall be able to put our finger upon the points that most need investigation .... Dr. Kelly sounded a bit relieved in his letter of February 8, telling Spurr that he is confident his associates in the Taviche district "cannot have made a mistake in recommending a cyanide mill for the treatment 29


of the low grade ores of that region." However, Kelly was in fact very concerned, for he had invested $40,000 or $50,000 in the mill already before asking your expert advice .... I am putting pretty much all of my savings of years into this venture and am naturally anxious .... In mid-February 1908, suspicions about the integrity of the investment promoters increased. Spurr sent Garrey some "confidential information", and noted he would advise Dr. Kelly "to put up no more money until we get a definite opinion .... [The] suspicions into the unreliable character of Dr. Kelly's associates may have some foundation," he continued. He cautioned Garrey to be "very cautious and secretive" and to avoid saying or doing anything that might tend to arouse susp1c1on from anybody until we have the whole facts and all information of all sorts concerning the district, the mines, and the people. Dr. Kelly's associates in Oaxaca, H.W. Catlin and C.A. Hamilton, became suspicious of Garrey's activities there, and demanded that he be recalled by Spurr, who refused to do so. But Spurr reminded Garrey "to be very careful and tactful and at the same time go to the bottom of things." In addition, Spurr warned him to "take all 30


precautions against salting of samples" which might be taken during the mill and mine examinations. Spurr was also concerned about the security of the mail service. He decided against mailing Garrey a copy of a private report which indicated that "Hamilton and Catlin are of the promoter type and have used at times questionable promoter methods," and instead shared the information in a brief statement in his letter. Spurr did send Garrey a copy of a letter he had written to partner Rowland Cox, wherein Spurr noted the "unbusiness-like money transactions" of the promoters, and wondered whether the services of an accounting expert would be needed to go over the books. In a handwritten note to Garrey at the bottom of the copy of the letter to Cox, Spurr repeated his concern over the security of the mail service, and reminded Garrey to "make quite sure that your mail is sent and delivered without any possibility of its being tampered with." Garrey continued investigating the operations of Dr. Kelly's associates in Oaxaca, and wrote Cox that "Mr. Catlin and his mine superintendents, while trying to make believe they wish to help me ... are trying to retard the 31


work, and have succeeded to some extent .... Garrey could not obtain specific data from Catlin on the mines or the mill. In addition, a report received from R.G. Dun & Co. reported that Hamilton "started innumerable undertakings, none of which he carried through, and most of which went into the hands of a receiver." The report on Catlin was no better, stating that "he is not reputed to be very reliable.'' Spurr was "extremely suspicious" of Catlin and Hamilton, and was determined to get to the bottom of things. "The chief point that worries me is this," he wrote to Garrey, "--Dr. Kelly has put up about $65,000 gold for a cyanide mill. Where has the money qone?"[emphasis his]. In the final letter in the exchange concerning Dr. Kelly, Spurr wrote to Dr. Kelly explaining Garrey's investigations at Oaxaca. He noted that the mill would need ore which could be treated by the cyanide process from other mines, and so they will need to test these potential ores. From a business point of view, Spurr continued, Kelly and his associates would need contracts for ore from other mines to keep the mill running at a profitable capacity, a railroad connection to those other 32


mines, and a contract with the railroad specifying (and therefore guaranteeing) freight rates. They would need to run the mill at full capacity for long enough to pay start-up and on-going costs, to pay high enough salaries to retain good management of the operations, and to make a profit. 11If, however, any one of these steps which I have described are omitted or slighted,11 Spurr cautioned, "you would not be justified in feeling confident or even hopeful about the matter.11 There the correspondence in the Garrey papers ends, with no indication of the future success or failure of Dr. Kelly's investment.9 However, the concerns Dr. Kelly expressed about his investment, the problems he encountered and which Garrey and Spurr & Cox investigated on his behalf,.were typical of the mineral industry. Unscrupulous promoters looked for every advantage to gain profit from their schemes. An eager but ignorant investor living hundreds, if not thousands of miles away, was an ideal partner and potential victim of fraud. Spurr & Cox received $3,762 from Dr. Kelly for their Ibid. 33


investigations, part of over $39,000 in profits the company reported for 1908. Among other clients, the company received $4,791 as a retainer from ASARCO, and over $6,600 for work performed for the Camp Bird Ltd. (Colo.) Their largest single source of income was the Inde Gold Mining Company, operating in Durango, Mexico, who paid over $10,000 in retainer, examination, and other fees. Fees paid by clients included salary costs during the particular examination or investigation, as well as other expenses. Spurr & Cox conducted examinations for gold mining companies and investors, as well as for those with interests in minerals such as copper, iron, and oil. Expenses for 1908 for Spurr & Cox included dividends to the partners, based on their shares in the company: one-ninth to Garrey, and four-ninths each to Spurr and Cox. Garrey received a payment on his shares in the partnership totaling $2,850; Spurr and Cox each received payments of $11,400. 10 10 "Spurr and Cox Profit and Loss Statement for Years 1909-1910," GHG, folder 837, and copy of letter to Rowland Cox from Inde Gold Mining company dated January 9, 1908, Josiah E. Spurr Collection, Box 1, file of Correspondence 1894-1919. 34


Profits in 1909 declined slightly to a little over $35,000. ASARCO's retainer fees totaled $6,375, and the Inde Gold Mining Company paid $4,440 in retainer and other fees. Expenses for that year increased slightly, and payments to the partners were listed as "salaries" rather than dividends. However, the salaries were still proportional to their share holdings in the company. Payments for 1909 included increased salaries for all three partners: George Garrey received $3,000; Spurr and Cox each received $12,000.11 Profits soared to almost $57,000 in 1910. Clients included: ASARCO, $6,000 retainer; Inde Gold Mining Company, $4,875 retainer and fees; Socorro Mines, $11,000 retainer and fees. Expenses for the year also rose sharply, with increased salary costs for field office personnel, as well as increased salaries for the three partners. George Garrey received $4,413, Spurr received $16,900, and Cox received $11,799. 12 It is unclear why these salaries do not reflect the proportion of shares 11 12 Ibid. Ibid. 35


held by each of the three partners. However, discontent was brewing, for Spurr & Cox, Inc. dissolved in 1911 after a disagreement between Spurr and Cox. The George Garrey papers do not reveal the source or details of the disagreement. The formal dissolution agreement, dated May 1, 1911, declared the firm inactive as of April 1, 1911. At that time, Spurr and Cox each owned 60,000 shares in the partnership and Garrey owned 15,000 shares. The geological work to which the firm was committed was divided three ways, but in fact Garrey received very little of it. In addition, mines owned by Spurr & Cox were divided between the two major stockholders. It may be that Garrey had not contributed money to the purchase of these properties, and so did not receive title to any of them. Office and field equipment, supplies, and outstanding expenses were also divided among the three former partners.13 Upon the dissolution of Spurr & Cox, Garrey and Spurr contnued their consulting work as Spurr and Company, with headquarters in Philadelphia. But Garrey 13 Dissolution Agreement, Spurr & Cox, Inc. dated May 1, 1911. GHG, folder 837. 36


was not happy with his situation. In a letter to Spurr in 1912, Garrey observed that at the time of the breakup of Spurr & Cox, there was a good deal of work on his schedule: "the 3 or 4 weeks Inde Mapping job ... and ... an examination of the Socorro Mines properties, which examination would have been a large one." With the final dissolution agreement, "I lost all of this work on my schedule because I sided with you instead of with Mr. Cox." Both Spurr and Cox, he wrote, had plenty of work and income to carry on, as well as the "services of the assistants, some of whom I had helped to train." Garrey was adrift, "stranded without any examination work ahead whatever ... He felt at an additional disadvantage because he was "not generally known as one of the partners in the firm .... After the first year of Spurr & Cox, Garrey's name appeared only on his own business stationery, not on all the firm's stationery.14 While with Spurr & Cox, Garrey had anticipated undertaking work for the Tonopah Mining Company at Aurora, Nevada. Mining company officials were looking 14 Letter from George Garrey to Josiah E. Spurr, October 23, 1912, GHG, folder 25. 37


forward to seeing their old friend undertaking work in the district (he had worked in the Tonopah area while employed by the USGS.) But it didn't happen. Instead, little work came his way after the dissolution of the firm, and it took him practically the whole 8 months [the rest of 1911] to make new acquaintances and get to a point where I felt I would see considerable possible work ahead for ... 1912.15 Then another blow hit. On October 2, 1911, from aboard the S.S. Havana, Spurr wrote Garrey that he had "received an offer lately which I decided after some deliberation to accept." After January 1, 1912, Spurr would be working full-time for the Tonopah Mining Company in Nevada, a Guggenheim allied company. This new position would take all his time, and after January 1 he would "do no further business under the name of Spurr and Company." Spurr felt that accepting this position would "simplify my work" and would enable him to "gradually establish more of a home life, which as you know has become an absolute necessity with me, and one which could not have been long 15 Ibid. 38


postponed .... "16 Garrey must have had mixed emotions--perhaps happiness at his friend's good fortune, and probably shock at the pending breakup of Spurr and Company, not even a year after the dissolution of Spurr & Cox. The income of Garrey and Spurr, as partners in Spurr and Company, had been "based upon the net earnings of each for the particular year in question. "17 Garrey had just spent eight months rebuilding his business contacts and developing proposals for examination work which would stabilize his source of income. Now he would be cut off from the beneficial influence and reputation of Josiah Spurr as a business associate and solicitor of new clients. He would be on his own again. His friend and business partner must have known Garrey would be disappointed with the pending situation, and Spurr tried to be reassuring: Although this will involve discontinuing the arrangement that we have between us, yet my retiring 16Letter from Josiah E. Spurr to George H. Garrey, October 2, 1911, GHG, folder 8. 17 Letter from George H. Garrey to Josiah E. Spurr, October 23, 1912, GHG, folder 25. 39


from the field of general practice may give you a better opportunity; and I shall do everything possible to assist you in building up your practice. 19 Spurr got down to business with a letter to Garrey the next day, October 3, and requested referrals from Garrey of properties that had potential: ... you can help me in my new work, by being on the look-out for me, for mines [emphasis his] which can be bought. Gold and silver mines--milling propositions--! will specialize on .... Such tips I can repay by trying to help you in securing geological work.19 Garrey immediately announced to colleagues his availability as an independent consulting geologist. Eliot Blackwelder, then at the University of Wisconsin in Madison, sent his best wishes for success. Apparently responding to comments by Blackwelder about their days together as students at the University of Chicago, and working during one summer for the U.S. Geological Survey, Garrey wrote: "Yes, I guess that you and I have learned considerable since we were on geological work together in 19 Letter from Josiah E. Spurr to George H. Garrey, October 2, 1911, GHG, folder 8. 19 Letter from Josiah E. Spurr to George H. Garrey, October 3, 1911, GHG, folder 8. 40


Washington and Idaho ten years ago .... "20 The end of November 1911, however, brought Garrey better news. On November 30, 1911, Spurr wrote to Garrey, offering him a job as a Chief Geologist with his former employer, ASARCO: I am authorized to offer you a one-year contract, on a basis of $6,000 a year, with field and office expenses, for your services ... with the American Smelting and Refining Company and allied companies. An option on a two year extension of the contract is also desired. I think it might be to your advantage to accept this offer, and would suggest that you arrange to meet me in the East for consultation around the latter part of December. 21 Garrey had to be pleased, if not elated. The salary was over 36% more than his highest salary with Spurr & Cox, and had to be more than he earned during the brief life of Spurr and Company. And, his long-time friend and colleague hadn't forgotten him. Garrey wrote Spurr in 1912 that he felt Spurr had used his influence to obtain the appointment for him "on account of friendship and as a reward for my faithfulness in sticking with you for 8 20 Letter to Eliot Blackwelder from George H. Garrey, October 29, 1911, GHG, folder 8. 21 Letter from Josiah E. Spurr to George H. Garrey, November 30, 1911, GHG, folder 8. 41


years" despite better offers to work elsewhere. 22 Three days before Christmas, 1911, Garrey wrote his friend and fellow geologist Ralph Arnold that "my plans for the future have changed." He was accepting the position with ASARCO and would make his headquarters at 165 Broadway, New York City, the same building where Spurr & Cox formerly had its headquarters.23 22 Letter to Josiah E. Spurr from George H. Garrey, October 23, 1912, GHG, folder 25. 23 Letter to Ralph Arnold from George H. Garrey, December 22, 1911, GHG, folder 8. 42


CHAPTER 5 WITH ASARCO IN MEXICO With its vast smelting empire hungry for ore, ASARCO had to constantly search for new or underdeveloped mines to maintain its ore supplies. In addition, each company mine had to be properly developed to assure a steady supply of ore rich enough to at least pay on-going costs. Lead-silver ores were of special interest, as they had been when George Garrey worked for ASARCO in 1906-1908. Mines producing gold and copper were also quite desirable. Since the time of Garrey's prior employment with ASARCO, the company had continued to expand its activities in Mexico. When Garrey rejoined the Company, a great deal of his work ultimately focused on their holdings in Mexico's rich Sierra Mojada district.1 During previous collaborations, Garrey and Spurr had undertaken geological examinations of many ASARCO properties in Mexico. In early January 1911, shortly after rejoining the Company, Garrey proposed to Thomas Leggett, ASARCO's consulting engineer, that Marcosson, p. 192. 43


It might be profitable to have the newer workings mapped geologically and maps brought up to date by one familiar with either the previous work or with Mr. Spurr's methods of mapping and interpretation .... Garrey wrote that he was convinced that ASARCO "has never obtained the maximum amount of good from the detailed geological examinations" which had already been undertaken for the company. Mining operations were a complex undertaking, and the need for communication and cooperation between the geologist and mine management was vital. Garrey contended that ... in order to secure the best results from the geological examinations, the geologist who conducts the examinations should be given time and allowed an opportunity to go through the mines in person with both the manager and local superintendant in order to point out carfully and explain the various important geologic features represented upon the maps, and to give his interpretation of the data collected as well as his specific reasons for each recommendation submitted .... 2 Garrey believed that in his prior time with ASARCO, it was too often the case that once an examination was completed, he had to leave the site for work elsewhere. He who had done the work did not have the opportunity to Letter to Thomas H. Leggett from George H. Garrey, January 11, 1912, GHG, folder 9. 44


explain his findings and recommendations. As a result, the mine superintendants and managers were left to interpret the geological maps and reports as best they could, and as some of them never had any special training in geology, and practically all of them were not familiar with our methods of representing geologic features on the maps, the best results were not always forthcoming. Garrey believed it important that the geologist familiar with a given mine be able to remain involved with that mine, to extend geologic mapping as mine workings expanded, to help solve new geologic problems that arose, and to assist in planning for exploration and development. In this way, the professional geologist such as Garrey, with his specialized training, knowledge and experience, "could be of even greater service to he Company and to its managers and superintendants .... "3 Garrey had traveled extensively in the United States and Mexico during his previous employment with ASARCO, as well as during his consulting partnerships with Josiah Spurr and Rowland Cox. Now, during his second period with ASARCO, he continued to travel frequently within the United States to examine and report on the potential of Ibid. 45


mining properties offered to the company to lease or purchase. Hawver, Garrey and his assistants did spend a good deal of time in Mexico, examining and assisting in the development of ASARCO's Sierra Mojada mines. In spite of Garrey's strong feelings on the benefits of remaining at a site after the examination to assist with implementation of his recommendations, he frequently had to leave Sierra Mojada for visits to other properties in the United States and Mexico. In addition to those interruptions, Garrey and his assistants in Mexico were also affected by the disruptions of public services-especially transportation--and the harrassment of foreigners which occurred during the Madero and Huerta revolutions in Mexico in 1911-1914. The unpredictable state of affairs caused difficulties for one Alfred R. Whitman of Berkeley, California, who had quit his job in March 1912 upon Garrey's offer of employment at Sierra Mojada. Garrey's telegram telling Whitman not to come had been misdirected and delayed. In a letter to Garrey at his New York office, Whitman told how he had left Berkeley for Mexico "on the advice of the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco, 46


and believed that I could reach Sierra Mojada by one route or another." When he arrived at ASARCO's El Paso, Texas, office, he "was authoritatively told that my only way of reaching Sierra Mojada would be on horseback or on foot." Mr. Hess of the El Paso office had not received any word from Sierra Mojada for twelve days, and was justifiably concerned.4 When Whitman tried to reach Garrey in New York, he instead spoke with G.C. Kaufman, "managerial head of the active exploration division of the Mine Developing Department" of ASARCO (Garrey was Chief Geologist of the geological division of that same Department) .5 Kaufman told Whitman that "he was managing things down there and had full authority to advise my return to Berkeley, which he did emphatically." Now, without a job unless Garrey had some other proposition for him, Whitman asked Garrey to reimburse him for his expenses. "I presume our Letter from Alfred R. Whitman to George H. Garrey, March 18, 1912, GHG, folder 11. Memorandum dated July 9, 1912, indicated (signed) by G.C. Kaufman attached to letter from S.W. Eccles, Vice President, ASARCO to George H. Garrey dated August 24, 1912, GHG, folder 19. 47


agreement entitles me to one month's salary [$70] as stipulated," he wrote, "and my traveling expenses to and from El Paso" which came to $111.00, for a total of $186.00. The rebel activities between Sierra Mojada and the Texas border at that particular time in early 1912 had been volatile, and at the end of his letter, Whitman congratulated Garrey "upon safely escaping from Mexico."6 Garrey had left Mexico due to the rebel activities, and in February 1912, rebels had caused major disruptions in train service. Spurr wrote to Garrey that "many here regard general indications disquieting. Men will undoubtedly consult you at length before deciding, and trust you will all four take the same action."7 A week later, a very concerned Spurr telegraphed Garrey from the ASARCO office in El Paso, Texas that he had postponed his trip to Mexico until the situation changed. He advised Garrey and his men to find office work in El Paso for two weeks. The general impression was that a crisis was Letter from Alfred R. Whitman to George H. Garrey, March 18, 1912, GHG, folder 11. Letter from Josiah E. Spurr to George H. Garrey, February 14, 1912, GHG, folder 11. 48


likely.8 On March 2, U.S. President William Howard Taft had issued a proclamation prohibiting all persons within U.S. jurisdiction from interfering with the revolution in Mexico. In addition, the State Department had instructed the U.S. Ambassador in Mexico City to, at his discretion, "advise Americans in Mexico to withdraw from any particular localities where conditions or prospects of lawlessness make withdrawal an act of common prudence." Garrey and his assistants left for the United States, but Garrey's papers provide no further details on their departure from Sierra Mojada in 1912. Garreys activities in the Superior district, Arizona kept him from resuming the geological examination work at Sierra Mojada until September 1912. In August of that year, however, he described his plans in a letter to Thomas Leggett: My plan for the Sierra Mojada work would he to employ a large number of low priced men to survey and sketch the thousands of feet or miles of un-Telegram from Josiah E. Spurr to George H. Garrey, February 22, 1912, GHG, folder 11. New York Times, March 3, 1912, Part II, p. 2, col. 4-5. 49


mapped workings and stapes .... I have contemplated putting [Wilbur] Grant in charge of these men for Grant was on this Sierra Mojada work with me and knows the methods I was using on that job and knows how I wish that particular examination conducted. After Grant, and the force I shall send on the work, have done the mapping and collected the data which I desire and which they can do as well as I could, I expect to go to Sierra Mojada and do such parts of the work as I do not care to leave to the assistants, and shall also take direct charge of the compilation of the examination and the outlining of the recomendations for development work.10 By September, Wilbur Grant had gone to El Paso to make preparations for beginning the work at Sierra Mojada, only to find reports that railroad connections to Sierra Mojada were severed, and that rebel activities were resuming. On September 3, 1912, Garrey telegraphed Thomas Leggett about his concerns: Knowing from experience the unsatisfactory working conditions which exist and the difficulty of getting supplies when cut off from all telegraphic and railroad communication at Sierra Mojada, I dislike to urge men to start examination .... 11 Most of the crew had already arrived at Sierra Mojada, and a few days later, on September 7, Garrey telegraphed 10 Letter from George H. Garrey to Thomas H. Leggett, August 11, 1912, GHG, folder 17. 11 Telegram from George H. Garrey to Thomas Leggett, September 3, 1912, GHG, folder 20. 50


Leggett again: [W.B.] Gates wires from Sierra Mojada everything quiet in vicinity and railroad communication uninterrupted .... Suggest we go ahead with examination and request that you send instructions in order that I may notify assistants who are awaiting instructions.12 Although there is no correpondence from Leggett in reply, he must have given Garrey permission to go ahead with the work. On September 8, Garrey wrote to W.B. Gates, manager at Sierra Mojada, that he had just given Grant instructions to proceed to Sierra Mojada and continue the work we started there this spring .... After the men get survey maps ready of the old workings, I expect to come down and supervise the work myself.13 However, rebel activity soon erupted right in Sierra Mojada. On September 18, Garrey's assistant, Wilbur Grant, wrote him at his office in Superior, Arizona with vivid details. The story of the rebel occupation of Sierra Mojada is very exciting. They did everything detestable which might be expected from a bunch of peons with 12 Telegram from George H. Garrey to Thomas Leggett, September 7, 1912, GHG, folder 20. 13 Letter from George H. Garrey to W.B. Gates, September 8, 1912, GHG, folder 20. 51


unlimited authority. They mistreated, robbed, and murdered. Not half has been told. Mr. Gates has reason to believe that the peons of the town were arming themselves to exterminate the mine authorities and would have carried out their intention if Huerta had not opportunely defeated the rebels at Canejos, causing the rebels to make a hurried departure from Sierra Mojada, after which the towns people lost their nerve .14 The rebels jailed foreigners and ransacked their houses. Mr. Gates bribed a rebel leader to prevent the theft of ore. He was also forced to sign an agreement to increase mine workers' minimum wages. The rebel leaders declared that as soon as they overthrew Madero that they would compel all mining companies to pay a big percentage of all profits to the peons and made other anarchistic statements. Wilbur Grant hoped the rebels' attitude would be "well advertised to all mining peole thruout [sic] the States. "15 Grant reported that ASARCO managers from New York had refused to come to Sierra Mojada "to help straighten things out," and left it to Gates to manage as best he 14 Letter from Wilbur H. Grant to George H. Garrey, September 18, 1912, GHG, folder 22. 15 Ibid. 52


could. Grant declared that ''Gates is to be admired for staying by the job even when he was threatened with death. "16 Grant then turned to the geological work to be done at Sierra Mojada, and expressed his concerns over the corps of workers Garrey had assembled. "Thomas and Whittingham seem to be very imperfectly prepared for field geologists," he wrote. They seemed pleasant and very willing, "but their college preparation is meager. Whittingham ... has had no geology" beyond an elementary class and a course in applied geology "from which he says he learned nothing." J. Elmer Thomas was bright and quite likable, but ''never saw a mine, knows nothing about economic geology and little about rocks and minerals" Grant complained. Thomas was further handicapped by having no knowledge of mapping, surveying, mining, milling, or smelting. Grant did not feel very encouraged about being able to work up any speed with such poorly prepared men. I would look for a promising future for both of these fellows if they were better prepared as they are Ibid. 53


bright, level-headed, and energetic.17 Garrey had sent Grant to Sierra Mojada with a group of three or four men to "complete that examination and to break in some new assistants .... To overcome this problem of poorly prepared assistants, Grant suggested to Garrey that he double the number of assistants, and allow the "greenest men t.o do the work of preparing the maps for geologic plotting. "18 The most experienced and knowledgeable men could be put to work on the more complex and demanding geological examinations. In a letter to Spurr on September 9, Garrey seconded Spurr's agreement to increase Grant's salary to $2,500 per year plus traveling expenses.19 Grant had requested a raise, and commented on his feeling that he made less than people believed he was making. Garrey had replied that in "the case of nearly every person who holds any position of any responsibility whatever--the public 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid. 19 Letter from George H. Garrey to Josiah E. Spurr, September 9, 1912, GHG, folder 21. 54


usually believes a person is getting more than he is."10 Garrey cited the case of famous mining engineer John Hays Hammond, whom the public believed the Guggenheims were paying between one-half million and one million dollars per year. Actually, Garrey wrote, he [Hammond] was getting but $50,000 ... I think if you compare your salary plus expenses with what your classmates ... are earning, I do not believe your earnings will compare unfavorably.11 Garrey had initially supported raising Grant's salary, and was glad now to report the increase had been approved. In his letter of September 18 reporting on rebel activities at Sierra Mojada, Grant thanked Garrey for "already having decided to take up the matter [of his salary]. I appreciate your thoughtfulness. "12 However, Grant diplomatically disagreed with Garrey's argument about his salary before the raise being comparable to that of his classmates: 10 Letter from George H. Garrey to Wilbur H. Grant, September 8, 1912, GHG, folder 20. 21 Ibid. 22 Letter from Wilbur H. Grant to George H. Garrey, September 18, 1912, GHG, folder 22. 55


I cannot help it because there were a lot of "nuts" in my class and besides there are several classmates who have less ability than myself who are making more than I do. I take it you do not hold it against a good man becauses he is ambitious and wishes to progress financially as well as professionally. [emphasis his]23 Since Garrey himself had progressed both financially and professionally during the previous decade, he probably would have heartily agreed with Grant that you can't blame a man "because he is ambitious and wishes to progress .... In addition to raising Grant's salary, Garrey had also given him some professional guidance on taking thorough notes during geological examinations. Grant had examined a portion of a mineralized area, and then had shown Garrey "all the good areas that were worth seeing." But Grant had taken only brief notes during his examination work, and they were insufficient to prepare a complete reconnaissance report. Grant acknowledged that Garrey's remarks on the incomplete report were "well taken," and concluded that his experience illustrates the point that we never know what use we shall need to make of things we observe, so that Ibid. 56


[it] is always well to take specific notes about everything we see as we can never tell when we shall need them .... 24 This was an important lesson for the young geologist. Garrey continued to travel throughout the United States on ASARCO-related business. However, employment with even the largest firms could be uncertain. On December 3, 1912 Leggett wrote Garrey to confirm our conversation at Knoxville, wherein it was understood that the American Smelting and Refining Company would not renew their contract with you at the end of this year, but that you would proceed to Sierra Mojada to carry on that urgent work (which you have already started) .... 25 Garrey made arrangements with William Drury, who supervised ASARCO operations in Mexico, for his work after December 31, 1912. Leggett explained that "our field for geological work in Mexico is many times more extensive than here ... He also praised the quality of Garrey's work for ASARCO, expressing his "appeciation of yourself no less than of the conscientious work and the painstaking and thorough methods you pursue in carrying 24 Ibid. 25 Letter from Thomas H. Leggett to George H. Garrey, December 3, 1912, GHG, folder 28. 57


out your geological investigations." (63) The importance of this painstaking thoroughness was what he wanted to convey to Grant. Garrey was back in Sierra Mojada by late December, when he received another letter from Leggett that was less encouraging. Drury had told Leggett that "he has not at present any work in sight for you other than at Sierra Mojada." Presumably, Leggett meant other work in Mexico, for he continued: "I do not suppose you object to this [lack of further work in Mexico] very much, as just at present Mexico is not the best place in the world to be shut up in." It was unfortunate for Garrey, said Leggett, that we have not at present sufficient geological work in view to enable me to keep you permanently on the staff .... The very nature of our work prevents me from making you any definite promises. Leggett would keep him in mind, however, if any opportunity developed to use Garrey's services in the future.26 Drury wrote to Garrey on January 20, echoing Leggett's uncertainty about future opportunities for work 26 Letter from Thomas H. Leggett to George H. Garrey, December 30, 1912, GHG, folder 29. 58


with ASARCO in Mexico, due to the political unrest, hut tried to he optimistic: If the situation changes for the better during the time that you are still at work at Sierra Mojada and it becomes possible for us to outline additional work, I will be pleased to take up the matter with you.17 In Mexico, the political unrest and rebel activities continued through the spring and into the summer. Leggett left the safety of New York for a visit to ASARCO properties in Mexico, and apparently had an adventurous experience. Garrey wrote Leggett in early May 1913 that he and his men were "all well wth the exception of ... Calkins who was slightly injured internally by a fall of 12 or 14 meters" due to rotten timbers encountered during a mine examination. Federal Mexican troops were in Sierra Mojada, hut rebels held the town of Escalon, and had "burned the railroad bridges between there and Escalon as fast as railroad people repaired [them]" Garrey wrote. "I was glad to hear you succeeded in 27 Letter from W.M. Drury to George H. Garrey, January 20, 1913, GHG, folder 30. 59


getting out of Mexico safely. "28 By the end of July, Garrey had decided that he and his assistants should leave Sierra Mojada. He obtained a pass from Captain Mateo Sanchez of the local Federal troops, allowing him to leave along with Wilbur Grant, E.K. Soper, F.E. Calkins, and J. Elmer Thomas.29 The party left Sierra Mojada about August 7, and their arrival in Texas was reported by the New York Times on August 17: Fled From Rebels 8 Days Geologist and His Party Crossed Mexican Deserts to Escape Manitowac., Wise. Aug. 16. After an 8-day trip of 500 miles through mountain fastness and over deserts with a mule train, George Garrey of Manitowoc and his party have escaped from Mexico and are in El Paso, from which point Garrey communicated today to relieve the anxiety of relatives. The party traveled night and day and reached Marfu, Texas in an exhausted condition. Garrey is chief geologist for a smelting company with headquarters in New York. He was in Sierra Mojuda [sic]. The revolutionists seized the railroad and cut the wires. Garrey and his assistants left the city at night, with mules 28 Letter from George H. Garrey to Thomas H. Leggett, May 8, 1913, GHG, folder 33. Original pass in Spanish, GHG, folder 33. 60


carrying their baggage. 30 On August 6, Garrey's geologic assistant Harold Whittingham wrote that he had "managed to get out alright without any particularly serious setbacks and trust the rest of the bunch may be equally fortunate." (70) There is no indication in Garrey's papers that any members of his crew were not successful in leaving Mexico. But his departure from the employ of ASARCO may have occurred even if he had not been working in Mexico. In a letter dated April 25, 1914, ASARCO Vice-President S.W. Eccles expressed his regret that Garrey's work for ASARCO in Mexico could not be continued. However, the situation "in that distressed republic is simply deplorable," he wrote, and ASARCO was "cutting off men not only in Mexico, but the United States as well ... from the Mining Department."31 So ended his second period of employment with the American Smelting and Refining Company. 30 col. 5. New York Times, August 17, 1913, Part III, p. 3, 31 Letter from S.W. Eccles to George H. Garrey, April 25, 1914, GHG, folder 36. 61


CHAPTER 6 INDEPENDENT CONSULTING, AND VOLUNTEERING DURING WORLD WAR I Independent Consulting George Garrey continued with consulting work after his departure from ASARCO, and opened an office at 115 Broadway in New York City. On April 27, he wrote to C.F. Moore of the U.S. Smelting and Refining Company, Salt Lake City, expressing interest in working for them. In response to an inquiry from Moore, a Professor Seaman had included Garrey's name on a list of recommended graduates of the Michigan College of Mines. Garrey felt he could do better financially as a consultant, but acknowledged that he preferred "a position which eliminates the intervals of uncertainty between examinations and gives steady employment .... Garrey surely was feeling the stress of the uncertainties he had experienced working with Spurr & Cox, Spurr and Company, and during his latest employment with ASARCO. He offered his services to U.S. Smelting and Refining Company for ''$8,000 per year with office and traveling and living expenses when in the field, for full 62


time; or, $5,000 for half time (6 months work) in a consulting capacity."1 Garrey apparently never received the position with U.S. Smelting and Refining Company, and continued independent consulting work until December 1915. On October 13, 1915, Garrey wrote Clyde A. Heller, President of the Tonopah Belmont Development Company, accepting their proposal to engage his services for two and one-half years beginning December 1, 1915. In the position of consulting geologist and engineer, and as head of the exploration department, his salary would be $10,800 per year plus expenses. In addition, he accepted the Company's "conditional proposal for my services for six months work between May 31st, 1918 and May 31, 1919."2 Garrey's work involved directing or actually performing examinations and evaluations of numerous properties in the United States and Canada which were Letter from George H. Garrey to C.D. Moore, April 27, 1914, GHG, folder 36. 2 Copy of letter to Clyde A. Heller, October 13, 1915, GHG, folder 42. 63


offered to Tonopah Belmont Development Company to lease or purchase. These included properties in the Tonopah district, Nevada and neighboring areas, where the Company was already very active. He maintained correspondence with colleagues in order to obtain information on properties which they had already examined, as well as to respond to such inquiries he received from others. For example, in 1916 he wrote an assistant from his days with ASARCO, Fred E. Calkins, for information about the Eighty-five Mine. Calkins replied with "all I know about the Eighty-five mine," and noted that "I know nothing of the financial condition of the company but think it quite possible that they will need more financing ... and there might be a chance for your company to get in."3 Garrey also received offers to invest in non-mining enterprises. The writer of letters describing a large plot of timber outside Portland, Oregon, acknowledged that timber was a commodity "out of your line." However, he believed that a great deal of money could be made in carefully Letter from Fred E. Calkins to George H. Garrey, November 9, 1916, GHG, folder 45. 64


selected tracts of timber, and as you are interested in making money for your client, I though perhaps a conservative investment of this character might interest them. 4 Garrey was not interested in the opportunity to make money from timber himself, but said he would pass the information on to some of his clients in Tonopah, Nevada, and "if they are interested they will communicate directly with you."5 Mining geologists and engineers examined a great number of properties in the search to locate the few which might be worth the expense of development. In the annual report of the Exploration Department of the Tonopah Belmont Development Company for the fiscal year ending February 28, 1918, George Garrey reported: ... the Exploration Department ... considered with a view of possible purchase, some 205 different properties. Of this number 147 properties were rejected without examination, after consideration of reports, maps, and other data 58 properties were examined by engineers and of properties sampled ... only 2 were taken over under Letters from John Erikson, January 17 and January 30, 1917, GHG, folder 46. Letter from George H. Garrey to John Erikson, February 5, 1917, GHG, folder 47. 65


option [to develop] ... 6 That is, over 70% of the properties were rejected without any on-site examination, and not quite 1% of the properties originally considered were actually acquired! Ongoing efforts to acquire new properties could be diverted to other work in the face of changing company priorities or changing economic conditions. This was the situation faced by Tonopah Belmont Development Company in 1918, and company geologists had to be flexible. Later in this same annual report, George Garrey noted that: Since the company has now acquired about all of the properties it is advisable to try to equip and develop during these times of unsettled financial conditions, no effort will be made at present to acquire additional properties, unless they appear to have exceptional merit and to be real bargains. The efforts of the Exploration Department are now chiefly confined to making geological examinations of the various properties controlled by the Belmont Company, with view to outlining development work in these properties .... 7 6 Letter from George H. Garrey to Clyde A. Heller, March 27, 1918, GHG, folder 52. Ibid. 66


Volunteering During World War I After the outbreak of World War I, mining geologists and mining engineers were among the many Americans who volunteered their knowledge, skills and experience to the war effort in the United States and abroad. In May 1918, Garrey wrote to George Otis Smith, Director of the U.S. Geological Survey, to see whether you know of any way a person of my age with the mining engineering and the geological training I have had, could be granted, or could compete for an officer's commission in the army ... 8 Garrey hoped to obtain a commission and serve overseas. Rather than enlisting in the army as a private, he preferred a commission so he "could be of more use to the country in some position where I could use my engineering and field experience." He would be 43 years old in 1918, but assured Director Smith he was ''still able to stand the hill work ... and if the occasion necessitated I could eat tin cans provided they had the right kind of labels on them ... '' Any assistance the Letter from George H. Garrey to George Otis Smith, May 9, 1918, GHG, folder 53. 67


Director could pr9vide would be greatly appreciated.9 In reply, Director Smith sent Garrey an application for the examination for a commission in the Engineer Officers Reserve Corps. "If you are willing to accept a lieutenancy," Smith wrote, "there is a chance that you may be able to make the necessary arrangements. "10 As instructed by Smith, Garrey sent the completed application to Col. J.G. Steese, Chief of Engineers Office, at the War Department, Washington, D.C. Anticipating concerns about his age, Garrey assured Col. Steese in a letter written in late August that his "mine examination work in mountainous areas always keeps me in good physical condition. "11 In June, Garrey heard from Josiah Spurr, who wrote that he had been "serving the last five months as [sic] the Committee on Mineral Imports and Exports, of the War Trade, War Industries and War Shipping Boards ... '' Spurr Ibid. 10 Letter from George Otis Smith to George H. Garrey, June 1, 1918, GHG, folder 54. 11 Letter from George H. Garrey to Col. J.G. Steese, August 28, 1918, GHG, folder 55. 68


had resigned from Tonopah Belmont Development Company in mid-1917, and commented: "I feel like sticking to patriotic work during the war ... "12 Garrey also sought assistance from U.S. Geological Survey scientist Alfred H. Brooks, who had been commissioned a Major in the Army, and served at the General Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Forces. Garrey requested information or assistance in obtaining a commission for service abroad, assuring Brooks that he "could stand the hard knocks of a soldier about a well as any of the young fellows. "13 Brooks replied that commissions "are now only granted to the graduated [sic] of the training camps ... He tried to be encouraging, though: ''[A]s our field operations expand, there will be increased need for mining engineers and geologists. "14 In early September, Garrey received a letter from John Graham, Jr., Captain of Engineers, who had received 12 Letter from Josiah E. Spurr to George H. Garrey, June 14, 1918, GHG, folder 54. 13 Letter from George H. Garrey to Major Alfred H. Brooks, June 25, 1918, GHG, folder 53. 14 Letter from Maj. Alfred H. Brooks to George H. Garrey, June 25, 1918, GHG, folder 54. 69


Garrey's application for a commission. From Graham's review of Garrey's experience summary, it appeared he "might possess qualifications which would be useful to this Department." But Garrey had used an obsolete form. Graham had included a copy of the proper form for Garrey to complete and return. 15 As Garrey continued to seek a commission in the Army, Tonopah Belmont Development Company exercised its option and in June 1918 extended his contract to May 31, 1919.16 Garrey's physical endurance--about which he had been so confident in his letters to George Otis Smith, Alfred H. Brooks, and Col. Steese--was tested later that summer. In a letter to Heller of the Tonopah Belmont Development Company, Garrey reported on his very interesting but very strenuous trip through the mining districts in the vicinity of Stewart, B.C .... an extremely strenuous trip owing to the fact that I had to walk with a pack on my back, owing to inability to obtain saddle horses. Garrey went to a physician when he returned to Seattle, 15 Letter from John Graham, Capt. of Engineers, to George H. Garrey, September 3, 1918, GHG, folder 55. 16 Letter from George H. Garrey to Clyde A. Heller, August 27, 1918, GHG, folder 55. 70


"to be sure I suffered no ill effects .... On doctor's orders, he stayed in Seattle a few days longer than he had planned "in order to rest up after my strenuous trip" and in order to "get in good physical condition again before my physical examination for the army service as I desire to pass the examination. "17 Shortly after his return from Stewart, B.C., Garrey developed "a severe case of ptomaine poisoning and subsequent intestinal infection of some sort" and was sick "for several weeks." The illness prevented him from going to Washington, D.C., to take the examination for a commission in the Army. In early November 1918 he wrote the Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army, that he felt he needed six weeks' rest to recuperate, and hoped his illness "will not affect unfavorably, my chances for possibly winning a commission in your department. "18 Earlier in the summer, in August 1918, Garrey had written to Col. O.B. Perry, 27th Engineers, U.S. Army, in 17 Letters from George H. Garrey to Clyde A. Heller, August 27, 1918 and September 2, 1918, GHG, folder 55. 18 Letter from George H. Garrey to the Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army, November 2, 1918, George H. Garrey Papers, folder 56. 71


his search for an opportunity to "be able to make the best use of my geological and mining engineering training and field experience. "19 Now, unable to travel to Washington, D.C., due to his illness, Garrey wrote again to Perry, lamenting that "it looks as though 'Kaiser Bill' and the Germans are going to surrender before I have a chance to join the army. "20 In fact, two days later on November 11, 1918, an armistice was arranged and the shooting war in western Europe was over. George Garrey didn't obtain his longed-for commission in the but was able to use his training and experience to contribute to War Department activities. In March, 1919 Garrey received an inquiry from Col. F.L. Dengler of the Military Intelligence Division, Office of Chief of Staff. The Division was preparing handbooks with information of military value relating to various areas of the world. Garrey "had been suggested as an authority on Mexico." He was asked to 19 Letter from George H. Garrey to Col. O.B. Perry, 27th Engineers, U.S. Army, August 27, 1918, GHG, folder 55. 20 Letter from George H. Garrey to Col. O.B. Perry, November 9, 1918, GHG, folder 57. 72


complete a form if he was willing to supply information for the project and if "you will be willing to make a personal sacrifice in supplying such information without remuneration."21 Garrey did participate in the project. Later in 1919, Garrey reviewed parts of a Monograph on Mexico, which was being prepared by the Geographic Branch of the Military Intelligence Division, General Staff, War Department.11 21 Letter from F.L. Dengler to George H. Garrey, March 19, 1919, GHG, folder 58. 22 Letter from N.W. Campanale, Lt., Military Intelligence Division, War Department to George H. Garrey, November 17, 1919, GHG, folder 61. 73


CHAPTER 7 DOMESTIC INTERLUDES George Garrey had one brother, Walter, and two sisters, Emma and Helen. Beginning in 1913, Garrey's papers include regular correspondence with his siblings as well as with his parents. Walter Garrey was born in 1874, also in Reedsville, Wisconsin. After receiving a Bachelor of Science degree from Lawrence University in 1894, he taught zoology for 4 years at the University of Chicago. Walter received his Ph.D. from that school in 1900. He taught physiology at Cooper Medical College in San Francisco, at Washington University, and at Tulane University, until he accepted a position at Vanderbilt University in 1925. At Vanderbilt he was head of the Physiology Department until his retirement in 1944. He died in Nashville in 1951.1 George Garrey received chatty letters from Walter and his wife Charlotte, full of family news and expressing interest in George's activities. In the summer of 1917, George Garrey's father came New York Times, June 17, 1951, p. 84, col. 5; and, Who Was Who in America, v. 3 (1960), p. 314. 74


to visit him at Telluride, and became ill. The elder Garrey was hospitalized, and then died about June 29, 1917. George became the administrator of his father's modest estate, and soon was very involved in the details of the family's financial situation.2 He continued to keep careful accounting of the estate monies, and was particularly concerned that his mother's income was always sufficient, sometimes supplementing it with money from his own pocket. His mother, Emma H. Garrey, died in Aurora, Illinois, on August 4, 1935.3 The George Garrey Papers also include letters from his sisters. Garrey enjoyed the social amenities of life, and did not look forward to the lack of beer and liquor which was to be imposed by Prohibition. The Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which established Prohibition, was passed by Congress on December 17, 1917. Upon ratifi-cation by the required number of states on January 29, 2 Letters from George H. Garrey to his mother, Emma, sister Helen, and brother Walter regarding life insurance, death-related expenses, income from rental properties, other claims against the estate, dated September 25, 1917, GHG, folder 51. Death certificate for Emma H. Garrey, GHG, folder 892. 75


1919, the amendment took effect one year later on January 29, 1920. Garrey sent checks for $200 to each of several friends, enlisting their aid to purchase a supply of liquor--vermouth, gin, scotch, and whiskey.4 Garrey's accumulation of liquor was enough to he stored in a warehouse. A friend, Charles Ducheneau, wrote in late December 1919 that any liquor in warehouses as of January 16, 1920, would "be confiscated by the Government. It is therefore necessary to move your liquor. What will we do with it?"5 Unfortunately, Garrey's papers do not contain a copy of his instructions to Charles Ducheneau. Along with Prohibition, 1920 brought Garrey one of his life's most bitter experiences--a short-lived marriage marked by deceit and betrayal. In the fall of 1920 he became engaged to Louise Gilman. His papers give no information about when or how he met her, or the circumstances of their courtship. Likewise, his papers Telegrams from George H. Garrey to Charles Ducheneau and A.W. Lawson, June 30, 1919, GHG, folder 59; letter from George H. Garrey to Robert G. Wilson, July 5, 1919 and letter from C. Ducheneau to George H. Garrey, July 7, 1919, GHG, folder 60. Letter from Charles Ducheneau to George H. Garrey, December 23, 1919, GHG, folder 61. 76


do not mention him having relationships with any woman prior to Louise. Louise Gilman worked as the secretary at the Brooklyn Bureau of Charities, East Williamsburgh District settlement house.6 She first appears in his papers by way of a letter written October 1, 1920 in New York City, sent to Garrey at his Tonopah Belmont Development Company office in Tonopah, Nevada, and then forwarded to San Francisco. Louise reported that she had been shopping at Abercrombie's, and "had the sweetest letter from your Mother." She had also received "a great many nice letters from friends, and all sent congratulations to you .... The ring is as lovely as ever, and I'm so proud of it"[emphasis hers] .7 Garrey also received a letter full of congratulations and delight from his brother Walter, who declared how delighted we are for your sake that you have at last found someone to make your very own home for you. We know of no girl who seems so well fitted to make you happy ... I have written Louise to welcome Letter from Louise Gilman to George H. Garrey, October 14, 1920, GHG, folder 64. Letter from Louise Gilman to George H. Garrey, October 1, 1920, GHG, folder 64. 77


her into the heart of the family .... 8 Walter Garrey still owned the house in Berkeley where he had lived while teaching at Cooper Medical College. George Garrey was apparently planning to maintain a permanent office in the San Francisco area, and Walter was "glad you are going to find a real use for that Berkeley house after all, and we hope ... you may find it as pleasant as we did."9 Louise wrote frequent, loving letters, keeping Garrey up to date on her activities, acknowledging his letters and telegrams, and reminding her husband-to-be how much she missed him. On October 5 she asked him to "get some more pictures of the rear and the second floor" of the house in Berkeley, and then lamented: "0, how the days drag! You haven't been gone two weeks yet and it seems months. I think I miss you more every day. "10 Unfortunately, Garrey's papers do not include any of the Letter from Walter Garrey to George H. Garrey, October 1, 1920, GHG, folder 64. Ibid. 10 Letter from Louise Gilman to George H. Garrey, October 5, 1920, GHG, folder 64. 78


telegrams or letters he sent Louise. Walter Garrey moved from Woods Hole, Massachusetts to New Orleans in 1920 to take a position at Tulane University School of Medicine, and during a brief stopover in New York met Louise "over tea and toast." He assured his brother, now at a hotel in Vancouver, British Columbia, that his fiancee "was well and just radiated happiness. It did my heart good to be with her. "11 Two days later Louise wrote her fiance, who was now at Prince Rupert, B.C. There were so many things to tell. Garrey had apparently told her to select some wedding presents for herself. "You dear," she wrote, "you are just spoiling me completely, and I can never do enough to make it up to you." Garrey's friend Merrill Anderson had gone shopping with Louise, and she had selected a sapphire and diamond necklace at Tiffany's which cost $540. She had also purchased a silver mesh handbag, and some luggage. Louise was very grateful for Merrill Anderson's company. "He has certainly followed your request to keep me cheered up," she wrote, "and these days are mighty hard 11 Letter from Walter Garrey to George H. Garrey, October 12, 1920, GHG, folder 64. 79


for him. I can see that. I can't begin to tell you what I owe him for all the things he has done for me the past two years. "12 In the absence of information about the earlier relationship between Merrill Anderson and Louise, we can only speculate about the meaning of the last sentence. Perhaps Merrill had been a frequent escort for Louise when Garrey was out of town on business. But there may be a hint of the trouble to come in Louise's next letter, written October 15, when she tells Garrey that she "had Merrill and a girl friend of his [emphasis hers] out for dinner last night." In addition, Merrill Anderson's father had invited her and Merrill to visit the Anderson home in New Hampshire.13 In the midst of loving letters from his fiancee and joyful anticipation of his upcoming marriage, Garrey's world collapsed around him. He had arrived in Minneapolis on October 29, 1920; the wedding was scheduled for November 10. The day before Garrey's 12 Letter from Louise Gilman to George H. Garrey, October 15, 1920, GHG, folder 64. 13 Letter from Louise Gilman to George H. Garrey, October 15, 1920, GHG, folder 64. 80


arrival, on October 28, Louise had written a letter to Merrill Anderson affirming her determination to marry Merrill.14 On October 29, Louise told Garrey she wanted to break the engagement. Though heartbroken, he was ready to accept her decision and leave, when Louise's mother "persuaded him to ... take Louise [back] if she would come." But Garrey feared Louise's parents had forced her to change her mind, and he urged Louise to think things over. The next day, October 30, Louise told Garrey that ''she had definitely made up her mind that she wanted to marry me ... and that she was corning with her whole heart and soul if I would have her." Louise assured Garrey she would do all she could to make him happy, and to make up for "treating me so cruelly" the day before. Louise convinced him they should get married at once. They were married at her parents' horne that afternoon, October 30, 1920.15 In a letter written the next day to Merrill Anderson, Louise stated "she was married to [the] finest 14 Notes by George Garrey from memory night of November 8, 1920, GHG, folder 64. 15 Ibid. 81


man living and she knew she and George would be very happy." Merrill's parents felt it would be a disgrace and a scandal if Louise canceled her engagement to Garrey and then turned right around to marry Merrill. It was not what Merrill's parents had hoped for their son. Consequently, the only thing Louise felt she could do was marry George Garrey.16 The new Mr. and Mrs. Garrey traveled by train to Chicago to have dinner with friends, and then took a late train to New Orleans to visit Walter Garrey and his wife Charlotte. The next stop was a day of sightseeing in Washington, D.C., and then on to Philadelphia where George Garrey stopped in to see business associate Clyde Heller. A letter from Merrill Anderson was waiting there for Louise, who after reading it insisted on going to New York immediately, declaring "George it's no use, we can't go along this way any longer. "17 Garrey accompanied Louise to New York, where she met with Anderson. Several days later, on November 8, Anderson arranged to meet with 16 Ibid. 17 Letter from George H. Garrey to Walter Garrey, November 10, 1920, GHG, folder 65. 82


Garrey, and showed him the letters Louise had written to Merrill, one professing her love for Garrey, others proclaiming her love for Merrill. She wrote Merrill that "you are my life and your writings are what I live for."18 Anderson was an aspiring young writer, age 23; Louise Gilman Garrey was 29. George Garrey poured out the details of Louise's betrayal in an 18-page letter written November 10 to Walter and Charlotte: You will be horrified at what I have to tell you in this letter. Louise pretended love for me has been a sham from the start. Since arriving in the East I have found she has loved another [Merrill Anderson] for -two years, and loved him far better than she 1 oved me .... 19 Louise was planning to "sacrifice" herself by marrying Garrey, in order to be able to provide financial assistance to Anderson.20 Anderson told Garrey that "it was only when he [Merrill] refused to receive any financial assistance from her and Louise realized she was 18 Notes by George H. Garrey from memory night of November 8, 1920, GHG, folder 64. 19 Letter from George H. Garrey to Walter and Charlotte Garrey, November 10, 1920, GHG, folder 65. 20 Notes by George H. Garrey from memory, folder 64. 83


making her sacrifice in vain that she tried to break the engagement.'' Now, Garrey continued, Louise insists that "I must free her and let her go to work as she did before and keep busy and earn her own living. She admits to all of her friends she has wronged me greatly .... "21 Louise's duplicity had absolutely devastated Garrey. "Why God should have picked me out for the innocent victim of such a cruel and diabolical scheme I cannot see," he wrote in his letter to Walter and Charlotte. "The whole affair has nearly driven me mad .... Some of his associates suggested he seek an annulment immediately, but he feared "Louise is not in her right mind at present and I wish to let her become normal if possible and if possible give her time to think things over calmly and to reconsider." He was planning to see Louise the next day. However, Louise refused to be reconciled to her husband, and he quietly left her with her friends in New York, and went to Philadelphia to talk things over with Clyde Heller "before heading West on 21 Letter from George H. Garrey to Walter and Charlotte Garrey, November 10, 1920, GHG, folder 65. 84


business. "22 Walter Garrey was outraged over Louises treatment of his brother. "If ever a man was double crossed and subject to perfidious intrigue you are that man,11 he wrote. But he felt also that his brother had too trusting a nature, and harshly reprimanded him: ... in one weak moment after she broke the engagement you gave in to her and took her back. Your lesson is learned bitterly--see that you do not do it again [emphasis his]. Life with her would be simply Hell .... 23 Clyde Heller advised George Garrey to protect his financial position, and to immediately seek a divorce. Walter agreed with Hellers advice, and warned his brother, 11Above all things, do not give her money for she will use it for Merrill and to your undoing. Protect your finances .... Dont trust her but take every safeguard" [emphasis his] .24 After reaching his office in Tonopah, Nevada, George Garrey filed for divorce, and Clyde Heller assisted him 22 Ibid. 23 Letter from Walter Garrey to George H. Garrey, November 14, 1920, GHG, folder 66. 14 Ibid. 85


in getting necessary documents signed by Louise Gilman Garrey who was in New York.25 One of the most difficult letters Garrey had to write after his separation from Louise must have been the one to her parents, explaining what happened in Philadelphia and New York. Their split was irreconcilable: ... my confidence in Louise had been shaken and I feared it never could be fully restored. Married life without implicit confidence between husband and wife would be a tragedy. "26 The divorce was granted on the grounds of extreme cruelty, and became final on December 28, 1920. The only money Garrey paid to Louise was $100 for her attorney's fees.27 Garrey notified Clyde Heller that the proceedings had gone smoothly, although he admitted he "had always had a horror of divorce proceedings .... However, the court did not make the divorce proceedings public, and "the newspapers also agreed not to print anything about 25 Letter from Clyde Heller to George H. Garrey, December 21, 1920, GHG, folder 68. 26 Letter from George H. Garrey to Mr. and Mrs. D.M. Gilman, December 29, 1920, GHG, folder 68. 27 Divorce decree, George H. Garrey vs. Louise G. Garrey, December 28, 1920, GHG, folder 881. 86


the case. Accordingly, I hope to avoid publicity altho [sic] I am telling my friends that the decree has been granted to me. "28 Garrey didn't indicate specifically why he had such a "horror" of divorce proceedings. However, divorce could cast a moral pall upon a person's reputation and so adversely affect their business, and that could be the reason for his desire to avoid publicity. Garrey occasionally heard from friends in New York, who expressed their support for his decision to divorce Louise. In June, 1921 he received a letter from Jane E. Hitchcock, who mentioned that "Louise and Merrill were married in the early spring. "29 Anderson was horn in Exeter, New Hampshire, attended Phillips Exeter Academy, and then graduated from Amherst College. Anderson claimed that some of his stories were published in magazines such as The American Mercury and Century Magazine, and that he also wrote literary reviews for The 28 Letter from George H. Garrey to Clyde Heller, January 1, 1921, GHG, folder 69. 29 Letter from Jane E. Hitchcock to George H. Garrey, June 16, 1921, GHG, folder 70. 87


Baltimore Sun newspaper. (A check of the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature and Essay and General Literature Index for the period 1900-1950 revealed only one article listed under Merrill Anderson, published in Harper's Monthly Magazine of August 1920.30) Between 1918 and 1934 Merrill worked for several advertising agencies before founding his own advertising agency, the Merrill Anderson Company, which specialized in banks. A pioneer in bank advertising, he also served on the "faculties of banking schools at Princeton and Northwestern Universities." However, his marriage to Louise Gilman ended in divorce. He died in New York City on October 6, 1971, age 74.31 After the divorce and the few letters from Louise's friends, the George Garrey Papers contain no further information about Louise Gilman. 30 Merrill Anderson, "Cheerio, collegians!" in Harper's Monthly Magazine, v. 141 (August 1920), pp. 406-408. 31 Obituary, New York Times, October 7, 1971, p. 50, col. 5-6. 88


CHAPTER 8 LIFE GOES ON After his divorce from Louise Gilman, George Garrey immersed himself in work. He maintained his close connection with the Tonopah Belmont Development Company until 1923, when he opened his own firm in New York City as a consulting mining geologist and mining engineer. He offered a typical range of services: "Appraisal of the possibilities of mines. The outlining of development work for mines. Detailed surface and underground geologic mine maps."1 He was not taking any new directions in his areas of specialization, for these were the kinds of work he had undertaken since he entered the profession. Garrey continued to travel widely, including in the United States, Canada, and Mexico. He was the victim of some mishap while inspecting a mine in Jalisco, Mexico, and received a letter from his Phi Delta Theta fraternity brother from the University of Chicago, Harold L. Ickes. "I am very sorry indeed to see an item in today's Announcement, opening of consulting firm, 1923, GHG, folder 885. 89


paper ... that you have met with an accident while inspecting a mine," wrote a concerned Ickes. "The t 1 t 1 d "2 ar 1c e says you are no ser1ous y lnJure .... Ickes was writing from his law office in Chicago; in 1933 he would become Secretary of the Interior under President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Garrey did undertake some consulting work for Tonopah Belmont Development Company and other clients, but work was not always steady, and his financial situation was at times not very secure. In a letter to his brother Walter, in April 1927, Garrey described how his funds had become tied up in mining stocks whose market value fell sharply. He had to request a loan from Walter of $700: Since I have had practically no work at all for the last 6 months while my expenses have been going along as usual, my funds of available cash were sadly depleted. Moreover some months ago I fdolishly tied up practically all of my negotiable securities by putting them up as security to buy some mining stocks that I thought were going to enhance in value 2 Letter from Harold Ickes to George H. Garrey, August 9, 1923, GHG, folder 86. Letter from George H. Garrey to Walter E. Garrey, April 24, 1927, GHG, folder 107. 90


However, the mine had to close down its mill temporarily due to water supply problems, causing the stock to drop in value. Garrey continued his story: To release my securities held as collateral, I would have to sell most of this mining stock at the present low figures and I do not wish to do so as it would stand me a very considerable loss. Moreover, I think that if I can hang onto the mining stock for two or three months that it will return to its old market value so that I can get out without a loss .... 4 By early 1929, Garrey's prospects seemed to have improved. Charles W. Wright, Chief Engineer at the U.S. Bureau of Mines, recommended Garrey to fill a vacancy at the Columbia School of Mines in New York. Garrey thanked Wright for the recommendation, and noted that while the salary of $7,500 per year by itself was not especially attractive, the fact that one would have the right to do consulting work makes the position much more desirable. I should enjoy the actual teaching work all right if it was not for the terrible grind that would be necessary for the first year in order to prepare ten or a dozen lectures a week for the various courses. The revision of lectures in subsequent years would not be so arduous. 5 Ibid. Copy of letter from Charles W. Wright to George B. Pegram, Columbia University, January 29, 1929 and letter from George H. Garrey to Charles William Wright, 91

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It was quite common for geology department faculty to take on consulting work in addition to their classroom duties. But Garrey may have been recalling his brief time teaching while at the University of Chicago. He chose to not join other mining geologists and mining engineers in the academic ranks, and remained with his consulting work. However, the worldwide drop in silver prices, plus cut-backs in copper and lead production, which came at the same time as the severe economic downturns of the Great Depression, had a great negative effect on large segments of the U.S. mineral industry. While mining and milling expenses remained at least the same, the price paid for the refined metals dropped, making it much more difficult for many mining operations to meet expenses or make any profit. Some mining operations reduced mill production, or temporarily closed down in order to lower expenses. Mining engineers and geologists sometimes accepted shares of stock in a property they were examining in partial or full payment for the work they January 31, 1929, GHG, folder 107. 92

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had undertaken. But day to day expenses required cash, and sometimes clients put off paying fees due to their consultants. In April 1930, Garrey encountered such a situation with W.H. Venable, operator of the Piermont mines at Ely, Nevada: I have not received any payments on account for nearly a year, and as I am rather sorely in need of funds to meet obligations that are coming due in the very near future, I should greatly appreciate a check from your company.6 W.H. Venable was sympathetic but was himself struggling with a shortage of ready money, as did countless others during the Great Depression. He wrote Garrey that he didn't have the cash on hand to pay him immediately: I appreciate your kindness and patience in this matter, and am going to work it out to the best of my ability. Some of the richest men in my Company have suffered enormous losses on account of the great slump in the stock market, and it has become more and more difficult for me to put my on any ready money for the company. I have not offered you any [mortgage] bonds for your debt, because it is my hope to be able to pay you off in cash.7 Garrey's papers don't show whether W.H. Venable was Letter from George H. Garrey to W.H. Venable, April 12, 1930, GHG, folder 146. Letter from W.H. Venable to George H. Garrey, November 19, 1930, GHG, folder 148. 93

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able to pay Garrey for services rendered. But Garrey's financial situation did not improve. By 1932, he was having a very difficult time financially, and was unable to help out his sister Emma and her husband Leo, who were having their own financial worries: I am ... sorry that you got into [financial] difficulties at a time when I was never in a worse financial position than I am now, since I first went into business. I have done more or less work the last three years but I have been able to collect practically nothing for either my services or for expenditures I have made for travelling and living expenses while I was doing this work for others.8 Clients who previously had never been late in paying for his services now were not paying him at all. Garrey was doubtful "whether I ever get more than a small percentage of the money due me for work during the last 3 years." To make matters worse, a client for whom Garrey had worked the whole summer of 1931 had died before paying him anything. Garrey didn't anticipate any speedy payment: ... I guess my bill will be tied up in his estate for a year altho [sic] I hope to ultimately get my Letter from George H. Garrey to Emma and Leo Gerrow, January 12, 1932, GHG, folder 152. 94

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money for this last work."9 During all these difficulties, however, Garrey continued to find work. He had survived injury and political unrest in Mexico, and weathered typhoid fever, ptomaine poisoning, and a severe intestinal infection. But an automobile accident in mid-1932 would severely curtail his activities for more than a year. Garrey had been engaged by John Janney, President of the Pioche Consolidated Mines, whose office was in Ely, Nevada. On June 4, 1932 while driving from Ely to Pioche, Garrey came upon a car stopped in the middle of the road. While trying to avoid a collision between his Cadillac and the other car, he swerved onto the soft shoulder and "rolled over the embankment of the road. While rolling I was thrown out through the top of the closed card and evidently landed on my back. "10 Garrey sustained "broken ribs, torn chest muscles, and a severely injured back .. The ribs healed in about three weeks. However, his back injury was very serious--two Ibid. 10 Letter from George H. Garrey to Herbert L. Wiley, July 26, 1932, GHG, folder 156. 95

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crushed lumbar vertebrae.11 Fortunately, Garrey suffered no paralysis. He entered Presbyterian Hospital in Denver on July 20, 1932, and while there spent 10 days in a rigid frame and then three months in a cast, to allow his injured spine to heal. Then, after leaving the hospital, he would have to wear a brace for three to six months.11 Friends and business associates sent get-well wishes and words of encouragement. W.H. Cary of Reynolds-Morse Corporation believed Garrey "fortunate that you were no more severe! y injured .... "13 (The Reynolds-Morse Corporation was owned by Anna Reynolds Morse, George Garrey's future wife). Friend Harold Ickes wrote as well, in late December, glad to hear that Garrey had been able to leave the hospital, and offering some observa-tions on the recent Presidential election and the state of the economy: ... [W]hat a hell of a time you have had and with what courage and cheerfulness you have taken this 11 Ibid. 12 Telegram from George H. Garrey to Walter E. Garrey, July 19, 1932, GHG, folder 156. 13 Letter from W.H. Cary to George H. Garrey, June 11, 1932, GHG, folder 155. 96

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blow on the chin .... I supported Roosevelt, but I suppose you were true to your Republican traditions and voted for Hoover .... All of us are anxious about the hard times we are going through and none of us seems to know just what the immediate future holds in store .... I hope that prosperity will soon quit skulking around the corner and boldly march down the street so that all of us can see it and realize it again .14 Ickes wrote again in early May 1933, now Secretary of the Interior, and sent Garrey his best wishes for a complete recovery.15 Garrey received another get-well greeting from Harold Ickes in December 1933. Ickes had fallen on ice near his horne and had to spend three weeks in the hospital. 16 "The grave concern I have always felt for you after your accident has become even more real now that I am laid up here," Ickes wrote. "I am happy to know that 14 Letter from Harold L. Ickes to George H. Garrey, December 31, 1932, GHG, folder 157. 15 Letter from Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the Interior, to George H. Garrey, May 9, 1933, GHG, folder 158. 16 T.H. Watkins, Righteous Pilgrim: The Life and Times of Harold L.Ickes, 1874-1952 (New York: Henry Holt, 1990) 1 P 366. 97

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your way to recovery seems to be consistent and permanent .... Ickes recovered from his injury as well.17 17 Letter from Harold L. Ickes to George H. Garrey, December 21, 1933, GHG, folder 164. 98

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CHAPTER 9 ANNA REYNOLDS MORSE, SUMMITVILLE, AND LAST YEARS Soon after his automobile accident, and while he was still in Nevada, George Garrey also received a letter from Anna Reynolds Morse, to whom he had sent a newspaper clipping which briefly described the accident. Commenting on his good luck to have survived the accident at all, she wondered: "Perhaps geologists gain some of the substance of the rocks they examine, or perhaps your football days stood you in good stead."1 Garrey first had business contacts with the Reynolds-Morse Corporation through his business partnership with Ben Paxson, a mining entrepreneur from Alamosa, Colorado. In addition to applying his own geological skills and insights into western mining properties for clients, Garrey formed a partnership with Paxson "to develop mines which had been abandoned at an Letter from Anna R. Morse to George H. Garrey, June or July 1932, GHG, folder 157. 99

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earlier date, hut seemed worthy of further development."2 Their business activities often focused on mining properties once owned by Albert E. Reynolds, father of Anna R. Morse. After the elder Reynolds' death in 1921, his estate (including many mining properties) was inherited and managed by Anna R. Morse and her husband, Bradish P. Morse, through The Reynolds-Morse Corporation, a family-owned business. Bradish P. Morse died suddenly in December 1931, leaving Anna R. Morse to manage his estate as well. Garrey and Anna R. Morse had established a business relationship after her father's death, and after Bradish Morse's death her reliance upon Garrey for advice increased.3 In September 1932, Anna R. Morse sent a note to George Garrey, telling him he would "never know what a comfort your caring [canny?], steady head has been in these months" since her husband's death.4 Earlier in Inventory. Papers of Albert Eugene Reynolds (1840-1921) and the Reynolds' Mining Enterprises. Collection No. 1220, Colorado Historical Society, p. x. Ibid. Letter from Anna R. Morse to George H. Garrey, September 1932, GHG, folder 157. 100

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the year, when she wrote Garrey after his automobile accident, she mentioned becoming more involved in managing her late husband's estate, and wished Garrey were in Denver "when I begin to plunge into this turmoil for the benefit of your judgment .... She believed that in many ways Garrey had "the slant on matters Brad had and I think a few words with you would probably help to keep my brain functioning."5 In the midst of the Great Depression, Anna Morse relied on Garrey to help manage her mining properties in order to provide some of the income necessary to meet her family's needs.' Their business relationship developed into friendship. By July 1933, Garrey, Poxson, and a few friends had formed a syndicate to begin redevelopment of the Reynolds' gold mine property at Summitville, near Del Norte in Rio Grande County, Colorado. (As of 1994, the Summitville mine, abandoned by its Canadian owners, is a major toxic mine waste site.) Garrey was still Letter from Anna R. Morse, June or July, 1932, GHG, folder 157. Inventory. Papers of Albert Eugene Reynolds, p. xi. 101

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recovering from the injured back he received in the car accident in Nevada in June 1932, and wrote a potential investor in the Summitville operation that he could not engage in the same vigorous physical activity as before the accident. He was ''walking around in pretty good shape with the aid of a rather flexible spinal brace .... However, until he gained more strength in his back and legs, it would be unwise for me to attempt the strenuous mountain climbing, ladder climbing in mines, and the considerable horseback riding that my ordinary mining geological examination work involves. Accordingly, I have abandoned my regular professional work for a year or two .... 7 During this period of gradually returning to normal physical activity, Garrey was supervising the development work on a portion of the Summitville area, and was looking for financing to develop several other blocks of land in the area. The previous lessors of the Summitville property had developed it into a profit-making operation. However, the mine had been idle since their lease had expired in Letter from George H. Garrey to Roy Cross, August 2, 1933, GHG, folder 159. 102

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July 1931. Garrey and his associates now wanted to return Summitville to its former prosperity, and also planned to build a stamp mill at the site for preliminary processing of the ore. Garrey wasn't yet able to undertake strenuous physical activity, hut he and others in the syndicate made trips to Chicago to court monied interests there for financing to pay for needed equipment, supplies, and workers to develop Summitville. The efforts were successful, and the syndicate obtained almost $200,000 to support their project.8 Another large investor in one of the Summitville properties which Garrey and Poxson managed was the A.O. Smith Corporation of Milwaukee, a steel products manufacturing firm. Company executives at first followed Garrey's advice on mine development and on how to keep the mine and mill self-supporting. It was not standard practice to mine and send to the mill only the richest ores. Rather, prudent development and operation called for mining and milling a range of ores whose gold content would he profitable. Some very rich ore would he put Letters and telegrams, various correspondents, 1933-1934, GHG, folders 160-179. 103

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aside in case it would be needed to cover unanticipated expenses. In addition, mine production should be kept at a pace to balance profitable return with longevity of the mine as a profitable operation. However, financial pressures to return immediate high profits caused company management to focus mainly on the quantity of ore they mined, not the quality of ore. This threatened the long-term financial health of the operation. Expenses at the mill were the same regardless of the quality of ore being processed. Low-grade ore generated the same expenses as high-grade ore, hut gave less value at the smelter to meet these expenses. Garrey expressed his disgust at the short-sightedness of the investors in a letter to Paxson, when both men had been let go by the A.O. Smith Company: ... it is difficult to work for an outfit that asks advice and then does not follow it, but balls things up by extravagant expenditures trying to do things in a rush, or trying to make a large production mine out of a small property that would pay well if they did not try to make a large tonnage operation and put waste through the mill instead of pay ore.9 Later, Company managers rehired Garrey, who continued to Letter from George H. Garrey to Ben T. Paxson, April 4, 1938, GHG, folder 247. 104

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manage their interest at Summitville until late 1942, when the company suddenly decided "to quit their mining activities because of their very remunerative munitions and other War production activities. "10 Summitville continued to he a profit-making operation. Garrey and Paxson continued to manage various mining properties, and Garrey also invested in mining properties and other companies on his own. Garrey maintained his offices in Philadelphia and San Francisco, and continued to undertake examination work for other clients. Gradually, his friendship with Anna R. Morse deepened, and they were married in New York City on December 10, 1938. They established residence in a three-story mansion at 1515 Sherman Street in Denver.11 Unfortunately, the mansion has since been demolished. In addition to his consulting work, Garrey worked with his wife to manage the Reynolds properties, as well 10 Letter from George H. Garrey to Frederick Buck, February 4, 1943, GHG, folder 283. 11 New York Times, December 11, 1938, Sec. II, p. 2, col. 1; Booklet, "The Marriage Service", GHG, folder 894; Rocky Mountain News, January 26, 1941. 105

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as to manage their own mining and other business interests. Garrey's papers reveal relatively little about his personal relationship with Anna. Her letters to him when he was out of town on business usually discussed business matters, but also at times reflected the wry sense of humor they must have shared. A letter written in 1941 conveys her sense of irony over New Deal government programs intended to cut the huge agricultural surpluses: You will be amused to know that today we received well over $200 for the beets we are not going to grow on our farms. A little later we shall receive another $200 or more for soil conservation. A little later we shall receive some money for hay we have not yet sold, so that when mid-summer arrives we may have enough money to pay the Govt. the $1000 we shall by then owe in taxes.12 However, she was genuinely concerned over the state of the economy, for in the same letter she wrote: Dividends [from stock investments] are as rare as hen's teeth .... I cannot but look to the dreaded time when we may not have any check coming in from Summitville and it staggers me to think of it. There is no indication in the Garrey papers that they ceased to receive income from Summitville. With the 12 Letter from Anna Garrey to George H. Garrey, February 19, 1941, GHG, folder 269. 106

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income from the various Reynolds-Morse properties as well as their other investments, they lived very comfortably. During his career, Garrey was a member of several professional organizations. In 1904 he had joined the American Institute of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers. In 1955, he was awarded a certificate by that organization "in recognition of his fifty years service as a member .... '113 Garrey was also a founding member of the Society of Economic Geologists (SEG), which was established in 1920, and whose first President was prominent geologist R.A.F. Penrose, Jr. Garrey worked with Penrose in the successful effort to establish the already existing journal Economic Geology as the official bulletin of the SEG. Then, after the unexpected death of Penrose in 1931, Garrey worked with fellow SEG members L.C. Graton, Edward Sampson, and Alan Bateman, in a successful claim against the Penrose estate on behalf of SEG. As a result, the Society received the $25,000 bequest intended by Penrose to support the continuing 13 Certificate dated February 16, 1955, GHG, folder 882. 107

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publication of Economic Geoloqy.14 In addition, Garrey served on the SEG committee which award a "Spurr Scholarship (or Fellowship) on Political and Commercial Geology." 15 During his days with the U.S. Geological Survey, Garrey was a member of the "Association of Aspiring Assistants," whose early days in Washington, D.C., he recalled in a letter to former USGS colleague William H. Emmons in 1944. Like Garrey, Emmons had joined the USGS in 1904, but Emmons had stayed until 1915 when he left to teach at the University of Minnesota, eventually becoming head of the Department of Geology and Mineralogy. In 1944, at age 68, Emmons retired and became Professor Emeritus. In a congratulatory letter, Garrey wished his friend many more years of health and happiness, and recalled their days together in the Survey: 14 Economic Geoloqy Fiftieth Anniversary Volume, 1905-1955, Part I, pp. 7-10; also correspondence among Garrey, Graton, Sampson and Bateman, GHG, folders 150151; also drafts of affidavits and other materials, GHG, folder 882. 15 Letter from George H. Garrey to E. C. Harder, August 22, 1922, Josiah E. Spurr Collection, Box 1. 108

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I am sure you take as much pleasure as I do in recalling the old days on the Survey, when you, Sidney Ball, "Mike" Shaler, George Otis Smith, Edson Bastin, H. Foster Bain, Ernest Burchard, and I, and many other members of the Association of Ambitio[u]s [sic] Assistants ... used to eat those glorious(?) [sic] luncheons at the "Dirty Spoon," Harvey's Fish House, or some other Washington restaurant, or when we gathered for serious(?) [sic] get togethers in our fortnightly meetings at the various homes of the married members of the club, of economic geologists. Of course far be it from me to bring up the subject of how hard I tried to keep you straight during our joint work in the boom m1n1ng camps of Goldfield, Bullfrog-Rhyolite, and Manhattan, Nevada.16 Garrey was also a member of the Geological Society of Washington, the Mining and Metallurgical Society of America, and the Washington Academy of Science. He was also active in Denver's social life, and was a member of the Denver Mile High Club and the Denver Country Club.17 After over fifty years as an economic geologist, mining geologist and mining engineer, George Garrey died on July 23, 1957 in Denver. He is buried at Denver's 16 Letter to William Harvey Emmons, May 25, 1944, GHG, folder 289. For more information on the Association of Aspiring Assistants, see Eugene Robertson, ed., Centennial History of the Geological Society of Washington, 1893-1993, (Washington, D.C.: The Society, 1993) 1 pp, 19-21. 17 Who Was Who in America, v. 3 (1960), p. 314. 109

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Fairmont Cemetery.18 Anna Garrey survived her husband by 25 years, and died August 19, 1982, after a brief illness, at 98 years of age. Her obituary in the Denver Post described her as "a prominent Denver social, civic, and mining figure for three quarters of a century ... Among her civic activities, she was "influential in creating the Denver Botanic Gardens and served on its board for many years." She is also buried in Fairmont Cemetery. 19 18 Ibid. 19 Obituary. Denver Post, August 21, 1982, B:4-1. 110

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CHAPTER 10 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Discussion George Garrey obtained formal training in economic geology at the University of Chicago, where he received the Bachelor of Science degree in 1901 and the Master of Science degree in 1902. During the summer of 1901, under the supervision of University Professor Rollin D. Salisbury, Garrey and fellow student Eliot Blackwelder undertook geologic mapping work for the U.S. Geological Survey in northwestern Montana, northern Idaho, and northeastern Washington. Garrey taught several classes at the University in 1901 and 1902. After working the summer of 1902 as a laborer in the mines at Leadville, Colorado he entered the Michigan College of Mines at Houghton, where he was granted the Engineer of Mines degree in 1904. Garrey immediately joined the U.S. Geological Survey, and worked under Josiah E. Spurr in geological examinations of the Georgetown, Empire, and Idaho Springs mining districts, in Clear Creek and Gilpin Counties, 111

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Colorado. Spurr left the USGS in 1905, and that year Garrey and W.H. Emmons worked under Survey geologist F.L. Ransome to investigate the newly discovered and very rich gold fields in the Bullfrog, Goldfield, and Manhattan mining districts of Nevada. In 1906, Garrey left the USGS and joined former colleague Josiah Spurr at the American Smelting and Refining Company. Spurr and Garrey undertook mineral exploration work in Mexico until 1908, when they left ASARCO and with W. Rowland Cox formed a partnership of consulting mining geologists and engineers under the name Spurr & Cox, Inc. Garrey continued examination work for a variety of clients, including ASARCO, and traveled extensively in Mexico and the southwestern United States. Spurr & Cox dissolved in 1910, after which Garrey and Spurr continued on consulting work as Spurr and Company, until late 1911 when Spurr announced his acceptance of a full-time position with the Tonopah Mining Company. Garrey announced his private practice as a consultant. However, in early 1912 Garrey was hack at work for ASARCO, devoting a good part of his time to supervising or undertaking examination and development work in 112

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Mexico. However, he also continued to travel in the United States for mining property examination work for ASARCO. Disruptions in Mexico during the Madero and Huerta revolutions of 1911-1914 led to cutbacks in ASARC01s activities there, and in September 1913 Garrey was no longer working directly for them. He re-entered independent consulting work late in 1913, and in October 1915 accepted a position as consulting geologist and engineer, and head of the exploration department of the Tonopah Belmont Development Company of Nevada and Philadelphia. He supervised mining and development work in Nevada, but also traveled widely in the United States and Canada, performing examinations and evaluations of numerous properties offered to the Company to lease or purchase. After America1s entry into World War I, Garrey hoped to obtain a commission and apply his geological knowledge and experience to the war effort in Europe. However, illness and the Armistice interceded before he could participate. With 1920 came a brief disastrous marriage, betrayal, and divorce. Garrey resumed his business as an 113

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independent consultant, and suffered financial hardships during the economic slowdown of the Great Depression. In the early 1930's, however, his clients included Anna Reynolds Morse and the Reynolds-Morse Corporation of Denver. Garrey's relationship with Anna Morse developed into friendship, and they were married in 1938. Garrey continued to manage mining properties in which he had a personal business interest, as well as manage the Reynolds' Summitville mine, and other Reynolds properties in Colorado and the West. George Garrey died in Denver in 1957; Anna Garrey died in 1982. Garrey's years at the University of Chicago and Michigan School of Mines, 1894-1904, were during the period when institutions were developing in the United States for advanced studies in the sciences, including geology and mining. Until the late 1800's, graduate students in the sciences had to attend European universities. One of the premier European schools for the advanced study of geology was the University of Heidelberg in Germany. 1 Julianne P. Mahler and Hermann W. Pfefferkorn, "The Influence of the University of Heidelberg on the 114

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Many American scientists who studied geology at Heidelberg returned to the United States and made significant scientific contributions in the field. Among Heidelberg's direct influences on these scientists are two which had a bearing on George Garrey: ... many of [the scientists] came to Heidelberg to study microscopic petrography under Harry Rosenbusch, so they took home the new petrographic methods; they took home with them as well, the careful attention to detail and good observation on which the development of theories were based, which was the scientific method that characterized the best professor at Heidelberg .... 2 One of the important scientists who studied at Heidelberg and returned to America was Joseph P. Iddings, who studied there 1879-1880. Upon his returning to America, Iddings worked for the U.S. Geological Survey until 1892, when he left to JOln the new geology faculty at the University of Chicago--one of the first universities to develop a Development of Geology in North America Between 1860 and 1913," in Earth Sciences. History, v. 7, no. 1 (1988), p. 33. Mahler, p. 34. "Petrographic" refers to petrography, which is the description and systematic classification of rocks, usually with the aid of a microscope. 115

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graduate program similar to those in Europe .... 3 Iddings was on the faculty when Garrey studied there, and Garrey would have taken classes in mineralogy and petrography from Iddings.4 We can assume that Iddings passed on to his students, including Garrey, influences he brought back from Heidelberg. Garrey's statements to Wilbur Grant about being sure to take extensive notes during a mining property examination echoes the Heidelberg professors' "attention to detail and good observation." These two characteristics also contribute to clear thought and communications, as indicated in a letter Garrey received from a client in 1928: I want to thank you very much for the clear straight from the shoulder kind of report you made to our Executive Committee. Your explanation of the ... faults and their association with the ... ore body was very clear and I feel quite sure that this explanation for the first time really got over the picture of the mine to our committee, and ... much clearer in my mind than I had ever had it before.5 During his work for ASARCO in 1911, Garrey already Mahler, p. 38. D. Jerome Fisher, p. 5. Letter from W.H. Venable to George H. Garrey, February 16, 1928, GHG, folder 117. 116

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knew the value of microscopic study of rocks in relation to mine ore evaluations. He sent thin, cross-sections of rock samples to Professor George D. Louderback at the University of California, Berkeley, who sent Garrey a report of the results of his microscopic examinations.6 Attention to detail and good observation skills served Garrey well throughout his career, and would be essential for a successful economic geologist and mining engineer. This period of Garrey's education plus the first fifteen years of his career, also fell into the time period when a new middle class of professionals sought to redefine themselves amid the rapid changes occurring between the end of Reconstruction and the end of World War I. During this time of the country's moving toward a more urbanized, more industrialized America, economic geologists and mining engineers joined others in many professions who worked to better define their occupations, create and participate in professional organizations, and establish specific academic curricula Letter from George D. Louderback to George H. Garrey, December 10, 1911, GHG, folder 8. 117

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and standards for training in the profession.7 In an address before the Geological Society of Washington in 1907, Society President Waldemar Lindgren noted it was "an age of specialization and specialists" in geology. For those who studied ore deposits, the "theoretical aims are indissolubly connected with practical questions," and the "strong utilitarian tendency" followed the geologist throughout his work. It was very nice to know how the ore deposit formed, but for the miner, the main points were: Where is the deposit? What course of mine development will stay in contact with the vein of mineral ore?8 As more specialized branches of geology developed, such as economic geology, specialized publications such as the journal Economic Geology appeared. For Lindgren, these journals were "signs of health and vigorous growth, of stimulating interest and of desire for dissemination for knowledge."9 Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, (NY: Hill and Wang, 1967), pp. vii-viii, 112, 121. Waldemar Lindgren, "Present Tendencies in the Study of Ore Deposits," in Economic Geology, v. II, no. 8 (December 1907), pp. 743-744. Ibid. 118

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In 1908, Garrey and Spurr contributed to the spread of knowledge with an article in Economic Geology titled, "Ore deposits of the Velardena district, Mexico," no doubt based in part on their work for ASARCO in Mexico.10 In the first two decades of the twentieth century, economic geology continued to develop as a specializa-tion, and made valuable contributions to the practical side of mining development. Previously, this more active, day-to-day practical work at mines had been the domain-of mining engineers. But traditionally, mining engineers had received little training in geology. Now, the economic geologist was proving the importance of an extensive background in geology for the engineer, and was in practice assuming many of the duties formerly performed exclusively by the mining engineer. This change in the profession had progressed far enough by 1919 that an Editorial in Economic Geology addressed the issue, "Economic Geology as a Profess ion. "11 10 J. E. Spurr and G. H. Garrey, "Ore deposits of the Velardena district, Mexico" in Economic Geology, v. 3, no. 8 (1908), pp. 688-725. 11 Waldemar Lindgren, "Economic Geology as a Profession" in Economic Geology, v. 14 (1919), p. 79. 119

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The importance of the skills and knowledge of the economic geologist for mine development was apparent: "he is no longer a luxury, he is a necessity .... "12 Mine examination and development were precisely the areas where Garrey focused his skills, training, and experience as an economic geologist, mining geologist, and mining engineer. Additional articles and editorials in Economic Geology continued to discuss the profession, its role, and importance. 13 Another sign of the professions strength was the establishment of the Society of Economic Geologists (SEG) in 1920, of which Garrey was a charter member. Garrey worked with SEGs founder and first president, R.A.F. Penrose, Jr., in the successful attempt to establish the already existing journal Economic Geology as the official 12 Ben. B. Lawrence, Economic Geology, v. II (1916), p. 186 quoted in Lindgren, "Economic Geology as a Profession," p. 82. 13 R. A. F. Penrose, Jr., "The Relation of Economic Geology to the General Principles of Geology," v. 16 (1921), pp. 48-51; E. DeGolyer, "What Is an Economic Geologist?", v. 19 (1924), pp. 473-474; F.L. Ransome, "Directions of Progress in Economic Geology," v. 22 (1928), pp. 119-131; C.K. Leith, "What Is the Job of the Economic Geologist?" v. 23 (1928), pp. 451-453. 120

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bulletin of SEG. After Penrose's death, Garrey worked with other SEG members on a successful claim against the Penrose estate to obtain a bequest intended by Penrose to support the continuing publication of Economic Geology. In addition, Garrey served on an SEG scholarship committee. Professional associations such as the Society of Economic Geologists provided Garrey with opportunities for interaction and communication with colleagues. Garrey was co-author of two articles which appeared in Economic Geology. He also published as article on the Idaho Springs mining district, Colorado in Ores and Metals magazine in 1906, following his work for the USGS in that area. But less formal means of 11puhlication11 were also important. Garrey received reports on mining properties from persons offering them for sale or lease. He frequently received requests from colleagues for information on properties, and whenever possible would share such reports. In addition, reports on mining properties were produced by Garrey for his clients. Frequently these were confidential, hut whenever possible Garrey would share them as well with colleagues when 121

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requested. Garrey also requested such information from colleagues on behalf of his own clients. This informal information network was very important. In an editorial in Economic Geology in 1923, Waldemar Lindgren chastised economic geologists in the mining field for regarding applied geology simply as an engineering study which once mastered during a few years of study will serve for a lifetime. Many of these men never publish anything, never try to advance the science or benefit their colleagues by writing their experiences. They are really petrified geologists .... 14 During his work for the USGS, Garrey co-authored several USGS publications reporting results of investigations. Since its creation in 1879, the USGS has published geologic and economic maps, and reports on general and economic geology and paleontology, as well as other materials.15 Garrey's USGS publications helped fulfill that part of the Survey's mission and responsibilities. In addition, by making these reports of investi-14 Waldemar Lindgren, "The Education of the Geologist," in Economic Geology, v. 18 (1923), p. 406. 15 Goals of the U.S. Geological Survey. (U.S. Geological Survey Circular; 1010). (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1990), pp. 14-17. 122

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gations public, the authors invited review by their peers as a means to insure the objectivity and integrity of their work.16 The Organic Act of 1879 establishing the Geological Survey specified that The Director and members of the Geological Survey shall have no personal or private interests in the lands or mineral wealth of the region under survey, and shall execute no surveys or examinations for private parties or corporations.17 Maintaining this ethic of objectivity and integrity was essential to the Survey's mission, and continues to be. After leaving the USGS, Garrey published a total of three journal articles, in 1906, 1908, and 1912. His papers give no indication that he was invited to contribute articles or books (other than the monograph on Mexico), or that he submitted materials that were rejected for publication. When his time was filled with professional work, he may not have had the extra time to write for publication. Or, the policies of his clients may have prevented publication of what was considered 16 Clifford M. Nelson, USGS, Personal communication, February 24, 1994. 17 Appropriations Act of 1879, March 3, 1879, 43 U.S.C. 31, quoted in Goals of the U.S. Geological Survey, p. 11. 123

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confidential company information. A third possibility is that he just wasn't interested in writing for publications. The quantity of Garrey's publications may or may not be an indicator of success in his profession. But, financial security and accumulation of wealth are interpreted by many as signs of accomplishment. Garrey earned $1400 per year as a geologic aid with the USGS. His papers do not indicate his salary during his first period of employment with ASARCO. But, while holding a one-ninth interest in Spurr & Cox, Garrey earned a salary of $2,850 in 1908, $3,000 in 1909, and $4,413 in 1910. His papers also lack information on his earnings with Spurr and Company in 1911. Josiah Spurr left Spurr and Company in 1911 to rejoin ASARCO, and offered Garrey a position as Chief Geologist with a salary of $6,000 per year plus expenses. Garrey remained with ASARCO until 1913, when his contract was not renewed. He worked as an independent consultant, and in 1915 was hired by Tonopah Belmont Development Company for 2-1/2 years at $10,800 per year plus expenses for full-time work. Garrey maintained connections with the Company on a half-time 124

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basis into 1923, while also working for other clients. As an independent consultant after 1923, Garrey's income began to fluctuate more. In April 1927, he wrote his brother that he had had very little work in the previous six months. By early 1929, Garrey was apparently in a better situation for he declined an offer to teach at the Columbia School of Mines for $7,000 per year plus fees from outside consulting work. The onset of the Great Depression, however, resulted in lower income for Garrey, as clients had more difficulty in paying for the work he had done. By 1932, Garrey was in the worst financial position he'd encountered since the beginning of his career. He continued to work, until severe injuries from an automobile accident in 1932 curtailed active work for over a year. By this time, however, he had begun developing his own mining properties in a private venture with mining entrepreneur Ben Paxson. In addition, Garrey had begun a business relationship with Anna Reynolds Morse and the Reynolds-Morse Corporation, which would lead to friendship and eventually marriage to Anna Morse in 1938. From that time on, Garrey's financial position was 125

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secure. Throughout his life, Garrey corresponded with his family, managed his father's estate, helped family members with loans when he could, and at least once received a loan himself from his brother Walter. Garrey's papers contain few letters, however, that are just between friends, sharing information on everyday happenings. However, there are several letters from Chicago lawyer Harold Ickes, Garrey's fraternity brother at the University of Chicago, and later Secretary of the Interior under Franklin D. Roosevelt. Perhaps Garrey wasn't given to writing chatty letters to acquaintances, or perhaps they were removed from his papers. Also, it is unclear whether Louise Gilman was the first love of his life, hut his brief marriage to her ended in betrayal and divorce less than two months after it began. He was devastated by the affair, immersed himself in his work afterward, and remained single for 18 years until his marriage to Anna R. Morse in 1938. 126

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Conclusions One way to determine whether Garrey's life and career as an economic and mining geologist, and mining engineer, is typical of the time, is to compare him with others in the profession. For the purposes of this study, the most direct way for such a comparison is to examine published biographies, memoirs, and similar texts by or about individuals who were generally contemporary with Garrey. Such publications are not very numerous. The Life and Letters of R.A.F. Penrose, Jr.18 seemed a likely source. Brother of Colorado mining investor Spencer Penrose, R.A.F. Penrose, Jr. traveled extensively, was involved in professional organizations, and was very prominent in his field. However, he came from a wealthy Philadelphia banking family, and that wealth probably helped insulate him from financial ups and downs in his career, such as Garrey had to endure. In Retrospect: An Autobiography 19, prominent English 18 Helen R. Fairbanks and Charles P. Berkey, Life and Letters of R.A.F. Penrose, Jr. (New York: Geological Society of America, 1952). 19 T.A. Rickard, Retrospect: An Autobiography, (New York: Whittlesey House, 1937). 127

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mining engineer T.A. Rickard describes his career as a mining engineer, traveling thousands of miles per year to a variety of locales for mine examination and management work, under a variety of local conditions. Rickard founded and edited a mining journal in England, edited two other journals, and published a number of articles and books. His life seems to have been one of continuing success and financial security. George H. Nash's The Life of Herbert Hoover: The Engineer, 1874-191410, however, does include a great many details regarding Hoover's personal life as well as his career. Early in his career, Hoover chose to remain in his job with renown mining engineer and geologist Louis Janin, rather than accept an appointment with the U.S. Geological Survey. Hoover's advancement was rapid, and he soon turned his focus from the technical administra-tion of mining enterprises to the locating and financing of mining propositions. In addition, Hoover worked to elevate the engineering profession and improve engineering education. Although he traveled widely in 10 George H. Nash, The Life of Herbert Hoover: The Engineer, 1874-1914, (NY: Norton, 1983) 128

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his mining engineering work, the path his career followed was very different from that of Garrey. Marcus E. Jones: Western Geologist, Mining Engineer, and Botanist, by Lee W. Lenz,21 also contains many details that give the reader a feel for how Jones reacted to his experiences and the kinds of working conditions he encountered during his travels. Dorothy Joan Popp's M.A. thesis, Charles Frederick Hoffman: Mapmaker and Mining Engineer,22 investigates the career of a man who traveled widely, managing mining operations as well as undertaking mine examination work in locations throughout the world. Other published biographies of economic geologists or mining engineers are frequently about persons whose entire career was with a state or federal agency, or who entered teaching after a career in public or private practice. Another problem is that many biographies are about people who are already successful, famous, and 21 Lee W. Lenz, Marcus E. Jones: Western Geologist, Mining Engineer and Botanist (Claremont, CA: Rancho Santa Ana Botanic Garden, 1986). 22 Dorothy Joan Popp, Charles Frederick Hoffman: Mapmaker and Mining Engineer (M.A. thesis, California State University: Dominguez Hills, 1986). 129

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financially secure, and that helps sell the books that are written about them. Biographies are generally not written about unsuccessful mining engineers. Furthermore, many biographies are lacking in the more personal details, such as income, reasons for changing jobs, marital and other personal relationships. The lack of such personal details is influenced by their availability in source materials, and the decisions of authors and publishers whether or not to include them. This sampling of biographical works about contemporaries of George Garrey in fact demonstrates that Garrey's career was typical. The variety of career paths, professional and life experiences, and responsibilities on the job is echoed in the variety of Garrey's own career. He examined and evaluated mining properties; he was responsible for day-to-day mine development and operations; he secured financing for mining ventures; he co-authored several USGS publications and other journal articles; he traveled extensively in the United States, Canada, and Mexico during his career; and he invested in mining operations of his own or through the stock market. 130

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The George H. Garrey Papers, while giving little information about his career with the USGS, provide a broad view of his varied career during a time when economic geology and mining engineering were coming into their own as professions. Garrey endured the uncertainties of life as an independent consultant, as well as more secure periods of employment with ASARCO and Tonopah Belmont Development Company. The Garrey Papers also give us a valuable glimpse into his personal life, his relationships with family members and professional colleagues, and his brief first marriage. His papers do not reveal his attitudes toward unions and organized labor, despite his regular and frequent contact with mine owners, managers, and superintendents. Also, his letters do not reveal much about his relationships with women outside his family, other than his relationship with Louise Gilman, and to a lesser degree, with Anna Reynolds Morse. His relationship with Louise Gilman may have suffered because of his frequent and lengthy absences during their engagement. However, with no information about her relationship with Garrey or Merrill Anderson prior to 1920, it is only speculation to 131

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assume that Garreys absences contributed to the demise of his engagement and marriage to Louise. The Garrey papers, however, do provide an additional viewpoint into the development of the professions of economic geologist and mining engineer during the early 1900's. In addition, Garrey's experiences increase our knowledge and understanding of the history of the mining industry in the western United States during the first half of the twentieth century. We also gain a better insight into the personal life of a participant in that industry, a life that in many ways is little different from ours today. 132

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Unpublished Material George H. Garrey Papers. Collection no. 1222. Colorado Historical Society, Denver. Iddings, Joseph Paxson. Correspondence, geologic studies, and recollections. Accession number N0-7879. U.S. Geological Survey Field Records Library, Denver, Colorado. Josiah E. Spurr Collection. Accession number 2479. American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming, Laramie. This collection was disappointing for this study, since it contains little material pertaining to Spurr's work with the U.S. Geological Survey, and, with the exception of mine examination reports, no material relating to his partnerships with George Garrey. Love, David, U.S. Geological Survey (retired). Laramie, Wyoming. Telephone interview by author, February 24, 1994. Nelson, Clifford M., U.S. Geological Survey. Reston, Virginia. Telephone interview by author, February 24, 1994. Papers of Albert Eugene Reynolds (1840-1921) and the Reynolds Mining Enterprises. Collection number 1220. Colorado Historical Society, Denver. Popp, Dorothy Joan. Charles Frederick Hoffman: Mapmaker and Mining Engineer. M.A. thesis, 1986. California State University: Dominguez Hills. 133

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Government Documents U.S. Department of the Interior. Official Register of the United States Containing a List of the Officers and Employees in the Civil, Military, and Naval Service, Together with a List of Vessels Belonging to the United States. July 1, 1901, val. 1. Legislative, Executive, and Judicial. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1901. Official Register of the United States Containing a List of the Officers and Employees in the Civil, Military, and Naval Service, Together with a List of Vessels Belonging to the United States, July 1, 1905, val. 1, Legislative, Executive, and Judicial. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1905. Geological Survey. Geoloqy and Ore Deposits of Goldfield, Nevada, by F.L. Ransome, assisted in the field by W.H. Emmons and G.H. Garrey. Professional Paper 66. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1909. Geological Survey. Geoloqy and Ore Deposits of the Bullfrog District, Nevada, by F.L. Ransome, W.H. Emmons, and G.H. Garrey. Bulletin 407. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1910. Geological Survey. Goals of the U.S. Geological Survey. Circular 1010. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1990. Geological Survey. The Idaho Springs Mining District, by J.E. Spurr and G.H. Garrey. Bulletin 285-A. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1906. Geological Survey. Minerals, Lands, and Geology for the Common Defence and General Welfare, volume 2, 1879-1904, by Mary C. Rabbitt. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1980. 134

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Geological Survey. Minerals, Lands, and Geology for the Common Defence and General Welfare, volume 3, 1904-1939, by Mary C. Rabbitt. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1986. Geological Survey. Preliminary Account of Goldfield, Bullfrog, and Other Mining Districts in Southern Nevada, by F.L. Ransome, with notes on the Manhattan District by G.H. Garrey and W.H. Emmons. Bulletin 303. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1907. Geological Survey. "Preliminary Report on Ore Deposits in Georgetown (Colo.) Mining District," J.E. Spurr and G.H. Garrey. Contributions to Economic Geology, 1904. Bulletin 260-B. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1905. Geological Survey. Societal Value of Geologic Maps, by Richard L. Bernknopf, et al. Circular 1111. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1993. Geological Survey. Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Director of the United States Geological Survey to the Secretary of the Interior, 1904-5. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1905. Geological Survey. Twenty-seventh Annual Report of the Director of the United States Geological Survey to the Secretary of the Interior, 1905-6. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1906. Geological Survey. Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the Director of the United States Geological Survey to the Secretary of the Interior for the Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1907. Washington D.C.: GPO, 1907. 135

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Geological Survey. Twenty-ninth Annual Report of the Director of the United States Geological Survey to the Secretary of the Interior for the Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1908. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1908. Geological Survey. The United States Geological Survey, Its Origin, Development, Organization, and Operations. Bulletin 227. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1904. Books Economic Geology Fiftieth Anniversary Volume, 19051955, Part I. Alan M. Bateman, ed. Lancaster, PA: Economic Geology Publishing Company, 1955. Fairbanks, Helen R., and Charles P. Berkey. Life and Letters of R.A.F. Penrose, Jr. New York: Geological Society of America, 1952. Fell, James E., Jr .. Ores to Metals: the Rocky Mountain Smelting Industry. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1979. Fisher, D. Jerome. The Seventy Years of the Department of Geology, University of Chicago, 1892-1961. Chicago: The University, 1963. Lenz, Lee W. Marcus E. Jones: Western Geologist, Mining Engineer, and Botanist. Claremont, CA: Rancho Santa Ana Botanic Garden, 1986. Marcosson, Isaac F. Metal Magic: The Story of the American Smelting and Refining Company. New York: Farrar, Strauss, and Company, 1949. Mining Explained; Toronto: Northern Miner Press, 1968. 136

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Nash, George H. The Life of Herbert Hoover: The Engineer, 1874-1914. New York: W.W. Norton, 1983. Paul, Rodman Wilson. Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 1848-1880. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963. Read, Thomas Thornton. The Development of Mineral Industry Education in the United States. New York: AIME, 1941. Rickard, T.A. Retrospect: An Autobiography. New York: Whittlesey House, 1937. Robertson, Eugene, ed. Centennial History of the Geological Society of Washington, 1893-1993. Washington, D.C.: The Society, 1993. Spence, Clark C. Mining Engineers and the American West: The Lace-Boot Brigade, 1849-1932. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970. Sprague, Marshall. Colorado: A Bicentennial History. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1976. Watkins, T.H. Righteous Pilgrim: The Life and Times of Harold L. Ickes, 1874-1952. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1990. Who Was Who in America, v. 3. New York: Marquis, 1960. Wiebe, Robert H. The Search for Order. New York: Hill and Wang, 1967. Periodicals Babcock, E.J., "The Value of Science and Training in the Mining Industry. Mines and Minerals, 22 (December 1901): 220-221. 137

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DeGolyer, E., "What is an Economic Geologist?" Economic Geology, 19 (1924): 473-474. Leith, C.K., "What is the Job of the Economic Geologist?" Economic Geology, 23 (1928): 451-453. Lindgren, Waldemar, "Economic Geology as a Profession." Economic Geology, 14 (1919): 79-86. "The Education of the Geologist." Economic Geology, 18 (1923): 405-409. "Present Tendencies in the Study of Ore Deposits." Economic Geology, 2 (1907): 743-761. Mahler, Julianne P., and Herman W. Pfefferkorn. "The Influence of the University of Heidelberg on the Development of Geology in North America Between 1860 and 1913." Earth Sciences History, 7 (1988): 33-43. "Mining Geologists of Note: George H. Garrey." Engineering and Mining Journal-Press, 114 (1922): 492. Ordonez, Ezequiel, "A Brief Review of the Mining Industry of Mexico." Economic Geology, 3 (1908): 677-687. Penrose, R.A.F., Jr., "The Relation of Economic Geology to the General Principles of Geology." Economic Geology, 16 (1921): 48-51. Ransome, F.L., "Direction of Progress in Economic Geology." Economic Geology, 22 (1928): 119-131. Spurr, Josiah E., "Application of Geology to Mining." Mining and Scientific Press, whole no. 2199, v. 85 (September 13, 1902): 145. 138

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Newspapers New York Times Denver Post Rocky Mountain Publications by George H. Garrey _________ Josiah Spurr, and Sydney Ball. Economic Geology of the Georgetown Quadrangle (Together With the Empire District), Colorado. U.S. Geological Survey. Professional Paper 93. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1908. __________ W.H. Emmons, and F.L. Ransome. Geoloqv and Ore Deposits of the Bullfrog District, Nevada. U.S. Geological Survey. Bulletin 407. Washington D.C.: GPO, 1910. "The Idaho Springs Mining District, Colorado." Ores and Metals, 15 (1906): 13-17. __________ and Josiah Spurr. The Idaho Springs Mining District, Colorado. U.S. Geological Survey. Bulletin 285-A. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1906. ----------, and W.H. Emmons. Notes on the Manhattan District, Nevada. U.S. Geological purvey. Bulletin 308. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1907. __________ and Josiah Spurr. "Ore Deposits of the Velardena District, Mexico," Economic Geology, 3 (1908): 688-725. __________ and Josiah Spurr. Preliminary report on Ore Deposits in the Georgetown, Colorado Mining District. U.S. Geological Survey. Bulletin 260. Washington D.C.: GPO, 1905. 139

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_____ Josiah Spurr, and C.N. Fenner. "Study of a contact-metamorphic ore deposit: The Dolores Mine, at Matehuala, S.L.P., Mexico," Economic deology, 7 (1912): 444-484. George H. Garrey Field Notebooks at the U.S. Geological Survey Field Records Library, Denver, CO Goldfield district, Nevada. 1905. Notebook numbers 330, 331, 331-A. George H. Garrey Field Notebooks at the National Archives, Washington, D.C. Record Group 57 Ransome, F.L. Bullfrog District, Nevada. Book of mine notes. Includes notes of a brief visit to Gold Mountain District, Nevada. Assisted by W.H. Emmons and G.H. Garrey. Jan. 1906. Notebook no. 319. Ransome, F.L. and George H. Garrey. Bullfrog District, Nevada. December 1905-February 1906. Notebooks numbers 320, 321, 322, 322A. Garrey, George H. Georgetown, Colorado. 1904. Index, notes, and sketches of mines of Georgetown. Notebook number 1479. Garrey, George H. Silver Plume Special Quadrangle, Colorado. 1904. Field notes, sketches, lists and indexes of mines. Notebook numbers 1480, 1481, 1482, 1483, 1484. 140

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Garrey, George H. Idaho Springs Special Quadrangle, Colorado. 1905. Maps, sketches, and general notes on the mines of the Idaho Springs Special Quadrangle, Colorado; mine notes and sketches on Idaho Springs district. Notebook numbers 1486, 1487, 1488. Garrey, George H. and W.H. Emmons. Manhattan District, Nevada. 1906. Notes on the Manhattan District by G.H. Garrey and W.H. Emmons. Notebook number 1620. Garrey, George H. and W.H. Emmons. Bullfrog Special Quadrangle, Nevada. 1905-1906. Geology and ore deposits of the Bullfrog District, Nevada. Notebook numbers 1621, 1622, 1623. 141